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READINGS  IN 
EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


Volume  I 


, ^ 


READINGS  IN 


EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


A collection  of  extracts  from  the  sources  chosen  with 
the  purpose  of  illustrating  the  progress  of 
culture  in  Western  Europe  since 
the  German  Invasions 


BY 

JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON 

Professor  of  History  in  Columbia  University 


Volume  I 

From  the  breaking  up  of  the  Roman  Empire 
TO  the  Protestant  Revolt 


GINN  & COMPANY 


BOSTON  . NEW  YORK  • CHICAGO  ■ LONDON 


^^0 

Y,l 


Copyright,  1904,  by 
JAMES  HARVEY  ROBINSON 

ALL  RIGHTS  RESERVED 

211.8 


TCfje  ^tfjenccum  35resf« 


GINN  & COMPANY  . PRO- 
PRIETORS . BOSTON  . U.S.A, 


To  E.  P.  C.  AND  D.  C.  M. 


ONCE  MY  COLLEAGUES  AND  EVER  MY  STAUNCH  FRIENDS 
AND  FAITHFUL  FELLOW-WORKERS,  THIS  VOL- 
UME IS  FITTINGLY  DEDICATED 


•jiwrro 


PREFACE 


In  preparing  my  Introduction  to  the  History  of  Western 
Europe  I was  forced  to  forego  all  the  amenities  of  historical 
narration,  except  those  of  clearness  and  order,  in  my  anxiety 
to  present  a tolerably  coherent  sketch  of  the  course  of  events 
and  the  development  of  institutions.  In  this  and  the  suc- 
ceeding volume  I hope  that  the  reader,  whether  teacher  or 
student,  may  find  some  of  that  life  and  reality  without  which 
historical  study  must  remain  arid  and  well-nigh  profitless. 
I have  accordingly  made  a special  effort  to  select  such  pas- 
sages as  might  most  readily  conciliate  the  reader’s  interest. 
Yet  they  are  not  the  less  useful  for  being  interesting. 
Indeed,  I hope  that  they  may  prove  to  be  like  that  river  of 
which  Gregory  the  Great  speaks,  which  is  both  shallow  and 
deep,  ‘‘wherein  the  lamb  may  find  a footing  and  the  ele- 
phant float  at  large  ” ; for  there  are  few  among  the  excerpts 
that  will  not  repay  careful  study  and  give  the  teacher  abun- 
dant opportunity  to  test  his  own  and  his  students’  insight. 

The  rather  long  and  elaborate  bibliographies  which  follow 
the  several  chapters  demand  a word  of  explanation.  They 
each  fall  into  three  divisions.  The  first  section,  contains 
specific  references  to  a collection  of  forty  or  fifty  standard 
volumes  which  should  be  in  any  good  high-school  library. 

Additional  readings  in  English^  is  especially  designed 
for  those  who  have  a good  college  library  at  their  disposal, 
although  many  of  the  volumes  mentioned  in  this  division 

vii 


Vlll 


Preface 


might  profitably  be  used  by  the  high-school  student.  Lastly, 
under  C,  the  teacher  and  advanced  university  student  will 
find  the  necessary  guidance  in  carrying  on  his  work  as  far 
as  he  may  feel  inclined. 

In  the  preparation  of  the  present  volume  I am  under 
special  obligations  to  Miss  Ellen  Scott  Davison,  who  greatly 
aided  me  in  the  quest  for  suitable  material  and  in  the  transla- 
tion, and  to  Miss  Louise  Ropes  Loomis,  Lecturer  in  Barnard 
College,  who  prepared  portions  of  the  bibliographies  and 
also  forwarded  the  translation.  With  the  kind  permission 
of  my  friends.  Professors  Cheyney  and  Munro,  I have  used 
some  of  the  extracts  which  have  already  appeared  in  the 
Translations  and  Reprints^  of  which  we  three  were  the  original 
editors.  I have  also  included  some  of  the  pieces  in  Dr. 
Henderson’s  very  useful  Select  Historical  Documents  of  the 
Middle  Ages,  but  I have  frequently  preferred  a different 
rendering  from  his.  I am  also  indebted  to  the  translations 
in  the  Bohn  series,  although  here,  too,  I have  freely  modified 
the  wording  in  the  interests  of  accuracy  and  clearness.  I 
owe  most  of  all,  perhaps,  to  the  admirable  Geschichtschreiber 
der  deutschen  Vorzeit  in  clearing  up  the  occasional  obscurities 
of  the  mediaeval  chroniclers.  My  indebtedness  to  a consid- 
erable number  of  translators  and  editors  is  acknowledged  in 
the  list  of  citations  which  follows. 

J.  H.  R. 

High  Mowing,  Jaffrey,  N.H., 

September  i,  1904. 


CONTENTS  AND  LIST  OF  CITATIONS 


VOLUME  I 

CHAPTER  I — THE  HISTORICAL  POINT  OF 
VIEW 

CHAPTER  II  — WESTERN  EUROPE  BEFORE  THE 
BARBARIAN  INVASIONS 

PAGE 


I.  Resemblances  between  Paganism  and  Christianity 

1.  Seneca  on  God’s  gifts  to  man 14 

De  beneficiis^  Lib.  iv,  cc.  5-7,  and  Lib.  i,  c.  2 ; ed.  Hosius 
(Teubner,  1900) ; trans.i  by  Th.  Lodge  in  the  Temple 
Classics  Series 

2.  Epictetus 15 

Dissertationes  (or  Enchiridion)^  Book  I,  Chaps.  30  and  9; 
trans.  from  the  Greek  of  Arrian  by  G.  Long  in  the  Bohn 
Library 

3.  The  Thoughts  of  Marcus  Aurelius 17 


Book  II,  Chaps.  1-3 ; trans.  from  the  Greek  by  G.  Long  in 
the  Bohn  Library 

4.  Important  contrasts  between  Christianity  and  paganism  18 

Lecky,  History  of  European  Morals^  opening  of  Chap.  IV 

II.  The  Early  Conception  of  a Universal  Church 

5.  The  Catholic  Church  as  conceived  by  Cyprian  ...  19 

De  catholicae  ecclesiae  unitate^  cc.  3,  4,  5,  6,  10,  and  14 : Cor- 
pus scriptorum  ecclesiasticorum  Latinorum,  III ; trans. 
by  R.  E.  Wallis  in  Library  of  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  VIII 

III.  The  Church  and  the  Roman  Emperors 

6.  Edict  of  Galerius  (a.d.  31  i),  which  first  granted  toler- 

ation to  the  Christians 21 

Lactantius,  De  mortihus  persecutorum^  c.  34:  Corpus 
script,  eccl.  Lat.  XXVII,  Fas.  ii;  trans.  by  William 
Fletcher  in  the  Library  of  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  XXII 

^ While  I have  freely  availed  myself  of  the  assistance  offered  by  translations,  I have 
not  hesitated  to  modify,  or  even  frankly  desert  in  some  cases,  the  renderings  which  I 
mention  in  this  list. 

ix 


X 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


7.  The  edicts  of  Constantine  and  his  successors  relating  to 

the  Church  in  the  Theodosian  Code 23 

Codex  Theodosianus^  ed.  Haenel,  Lib.  xvi : tit.  i,  2 (a.d.  380) ; 
tit.  ii,  2 (A.D.  319),  6 (A.D.  326),  9 (A.D.  349),  24  (A.D.  377)! 

16  (A.D.  361),  5 (A.D.  323),  4 (A.D.  321),  41  (A.D.  412)  ; tit. 

V,  I (A.D.  326),  3 (A.D.  372),  34  (A.D.  398),  66  (A.D.  435), 

46  (a.d.  409) 

IV.  Comparison  between  the  Lot  of  those  within  the 
Empire  and  those  living  among  the  Barbarians 

8.  Salvian’s  comparison  of  the  Romans  and  barbarians  . 28 

De  gubernatione  Dei^  Lib.  v,  cc.  4 sq.^  Lib.  iv,  c.  14 : Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Auc.  ant.  I 

9.  Conversation  of  Priscus  with  a Greek  living  among  the 

barbarians  (448) 30 

Priscus  Panites,  Historiarum  fragmenta^  in  Muller,  Frag- 
menta  historicorum  Graecorum,  IV,  86  sq. ; trans.  by  Bury, 
History  of  the  Later  Roman  Emfire^  I,  218  sqq. 


CHAPTER  III  — THE  GERMAN  INVASIONS  AND 
THE  BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ROMAN  EMPIRE 

I.  The  Huns  force  the  West  Goths  across  the  Danube 

10.  Description  of  the  Huns  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus  . . 35 

Rerum  gestarum  libri  qui  sufersunt^  Lib.  xxxi,  cc.  2-4  and 
13;  ed.  Gardthausen  (Teubner,  1874);  trans.  by  C.  D. 
Yonge  in  the  Bohn  Library 

II.  How  the  West  Goths  became  Arians  and  Alaric 
took  Rome 

11.  Jordanes  on  the  conversion  of  the  Goths  and  the  sack 

of  Rome 39 

Jordanes,  De  origine  actusque  Getarum^  cc.  25-31 ; ed. 
Mommsen,  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Auc.  ant.  V 

12.  St.  Jerome  on  the  destruction  wrought  by  the  barbarians  44 

(a)  Ep.  ad  Ageruchiam  ; Migne,  Patrologia  Latina,  XXH, 
cols.  1057  sq.\  (b)  Comment  aria  in  Ezechielem^  Preface 
to  Lib.  iii ; Ibid.  XXV,  col.  79 

13.  Dill  on  the  reports  of  the  sack  of  Rome 45 

Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of  the  Roman  'Empire^ 

309  sq. 

III.  Attila  and  the  Huns 

14.  Priscus’  description  of  the  court  of  Attila 46 

Muller,  Frag.  hist.  Graec.  (as  above.  No.  9),  IV,  85  and 
91  sq.\  Bury,  I,  217  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


XI 


IV.  How  Pope  Leo  saved  Rome  from  Attila 

15.  Prosper’s  account  of  the  meeting  of  Leo  and  Attila  . . 49 

Prosper  Tiro,  Epitoma  chronicon^  ad  an.  450:  Mon.  Ger. 

Hist.,  Auc.  ant.  IX 

16.  Later  account  of  Leo’s  intervention 50 

Vita  S.  Leonis  Papae^  Lib.  i,  c.  2 ; Acta  sanctorum,  April, 

II,  18 

V.  Clovis  and  the  Franks 

17.  Gregory  of  Tours  and  his  history  of  the  Franks  ...  51 

Plistoriae  ecclesiasticae  Fran  corum  libri  X,  Lib.  ii,  cc.  27, 

29-31 : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  SS.  rer.  Mer.,  I 

CHAPTER  IV  — THE  RISE  OF  THE  PAPACY 

I.  The  Bishop  of  Rome  and  the  Headship  of  the 
Church 

18.  Irenaeus’  catalogue  of  the  bishops  of  Rome 63 

Contra  haereses^  Lib.  iii,  c.  3,  §§  2-3 : Migne,  Pat.  Grace. 

VII,  cols.  848  sqq. ; trans.  in  Library  of  Ante-Nicene 
Fathers,  V 

19.  Tertullian  on  the  distinction  of  the  Roman  Church  . . 64 

(a)  De  praescriptione  haereticorum,  c.  36  : Migne,  Pat.  Lat. 

II,  cols.  9 sqq. ; trans.  in  Library  of  Ante-Nicene  Fathers, 

XV.  (b)  De  Pudicitia^  c.  21 : Corpus  script,  eccl.  Lat. 

XX;  trans.  in  Library  of  Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  XVHI 

20.  Cyprian  on  the  danger  of  appeals  to  Rome 66 

Ad  Cornelium  ; (Ep.  54  or,  in  some  editions,  59) : Corpus 
script,  eccl.  Lat.  HI ; trans.  in  Library  of  Ante-Nicene 
Fathers,  VIII 

21.  Sixth  canon  of  Nicaea 66 

Mansi,  Conciliorum  collectio,  II,  669  sqq. 

22.  Decretal  of  Siricius 68 

c.  XV,  § 20 : Mansi,  III,  661,  or  Migne,  Pat.  Lat.  LVI,  col. 

554 

23.  St.  Jerome  on  the  equality  of  the  bishops 69 

Ad  Evangelum  (Ep.  146)  : Migne,  XXII,  col.  1194 

24.  Sermon  by  Leo  the  Great  on  Peter’s  headship ....  69 

(a)  Sermones,  IV  : Migne,  LIV,  cols.  148  sqq.  (b)  Ad  Ana- 
stasium  episcopum  Thessalonicensem  (Ep.  14) : Migne, 

LIV,  col.  676 

25.  Edict  of  Valentinian  recognizing  the  supremacy  of  the 

bishop  of  Rome 72 

Novellae  Cod.  Theod.  1 1,  Lib.  iii,  tit.  xvi 

26.  Pope  Gelasius  on  the  superiority  of  the  spiritual  power  72 

Ad  Anastasium  imperatorem^  c.  2;  Migne,  LVI,  col.  633. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


xii 


II.  Gregory,  the  Great  and  his  Times  PAGE 

27.  Milman’s  appreciation  of  Gregory  the  Great  ....  73 

History  of  Latin  Christianity^  Book  III,  Chap.  7 

28.  Conditions  depicted  in  Gregory’s  letters 74 

(a)  Ad  Leandrum  episcopum  Hispalensem  (Ep.  Lib.  i.,  43) ; 
Migne,  LXXVII,  cols.  496  sq.  (b)  Homiliae  in  Evan- 
gelia^  Lib.  i,  Homilia  i;  Migne,  LXXVI,  col.  1078. 

29.  How  a monk  dared  to  have  gold  in  his  possession  . . 76 

Gregorius  Magnus,  Dialogorum  libri  IV,  de  vita  et 
miraculis  patrum  Italicorum,  Lib.  iv,  c.  55  : Migne, 
LXXVII,  cols.  420  sq, 

30.  Extracts  from  Gregory  the  Great’s  Moralia 77 


Moralium  libri  sive  expositio  in  Ubrum  B.  Job.  (a)  “ Epis- 
tola  Missoria,”  cc.  4 sq.>  Migne,  LXXV,  cols.  514  sqq. 

(b)  Lib.  i,  c.  16  : Migne,  LXXV,  cols.  537  sq. ; translated 
(very  freely)  in  Library  of  the  Fathers  of  the  Holy 
Catholic  Church,  3 vols.,  Oxford,  1844  sq. 

31.  Extracts  from  Gregory’s  Pastoral  Charge 80 

Regulae  pastor alis  liber,  Pars  ii,  cc.  8 sq.,  and  Pars  iii, 
“Prologue”:  Migne,  LXXVII.  Good  translation  by 
Rev.  H.  R.  Bramley,  with  Latin  original  on  opposite 
pages,  Oxford  and  London,  1874. 


CHAPTER  V — THE  MONKS  AND  THE  CON- 
VERSION OF  THE  GERMANS 

I.  The  Monastic  Attitude  of  Mind 

32.  St.  Jerome’s  plea  for  a life  of  solitude 86 

Ad  Heliodorum  monachum,  cc.  2 sq.  (Ep.  14)  : Migne,  XXII, 
cols.  548  sq. 

33.  Ideals  of  monasticism  described  by  a Spanish  monk  . 87 

Saint  Jean  de  la  Croix,  Vie  et  CEuvres,  1893,  94’  cited  by 

William  James,  The  Varieties  oj  Religious  Experience, 

304  sq. 

34.  A modern  psychologist’s  analysis  of  asceticism  ...  88 


James,  The  Varieties  oJ  Religious  Experience,  298  and 


296  sq. 

II.  The  Devil  and  his  Wicked  Angels 

35.  The  Pagan  gods,  devils  in  disguise 90 

Gregory  the  Great’s  Dialogues  (as  above.  No.  29),  Lib. 
iii,  c.  7 : Migne,  LXXVII,  cols.  229  sqq. 

36.  St.  Gall  and  the  demons 90 

Wettinus,  Vita  Galli  conjessoris,  cc.  7 sq.'.  Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.,  SS.  rer.  Mer.  IV. 

37.  Martin,  a hermit,  withstands  the  terrors  of  the  devil  . 92 

Gregory  the  Great’s  Dialogues  (as  above.  No.  29),  Lib. 
iii,  c.  16:  Migne,  LXXVII,  col.  257 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xiii 

III.  Purgatory,  Hell,  and  Heaven 

38.  Description  of  purgatory,  hell,  and  heaven 93 

Beda,  Historia  ecclesiastica  gentis  Anglorum^  Bib.  v,  c. 

12;  trans.  by  Giles’  Beda^  Complete  Works  in  the  origi- 
nal Latin  with  a new  translation  of  the  historical 
works y 1843-1844 

IV.  The  Conversion  of  England,  as  described  by  Bede 

39.  Arrival  in  Kent  of  the  missionaries  sent  by  Gregory  the 

Great 97 

Bede  (as  above,  No.  38),  Lib.  i,  cc.  23  and  25 

40.  Instructions  of  Gregory  the  Great  for  the  missionaries 

in  England 100 

Ibid.  Lib.  i,  c.  30 

41.  The  conversion  of  Northumbria loi 

Ibid.  Lib.  ii,  c.  13 

42.  Controversy  between  the  Roman  and  Irish  missionaries 

over  the  date  of  Easter 103 

Ibid.  Lib.  iii,  c.  25 

V.  Boniface  and  the  Conversion  of  Germany 

43.  Boniface’s  commission  from  the  pope  .......  105 

S.  Bonifatii  et  Lulli  epistolae:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Epist.  Ill, 

258;  also  in  Jaffe,  Bibliotheca  rerum  Germanicarum, 

III,  62 

44.  Gregory  II  appoints  Boniface  presiding  bishop  in  Ger- 

many   105 

Ibid.  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  292 ; Jaffe,  III,  103 

45.  Oath  taken  by  Boniface  to  the  pope 106 

Ibid.  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  265 ; Jaffe,  76  sq. 

46.  How  Boniface  destroyed  the  oak  of  Thor 106 

Willibald,  Vita  Sancti  Bonifatii^  c.  6:  Jaffe,  Bib.  rer. 

Ger.  HI,  452 

47.  How  the  monastery  of  Fulda  was  founded 107 

Vita  Sancti  Sturmis  abbatis^  cc.  4-14  : Mon.  Ger.  Hist., 
Pertz,  II,  367  sqq. 

CHAPTER  VI  — CHARLES  MARTEL  AND  PIPPIN 
I.  The  Koran 

48.  Passages  from  the  Koran ...116 

Cc.  I,  2,  78,  and  56;  trans.  by  Stanley  Lane-Poole,  The 
Speeches  and  Table  Talk  of  the  Prophet  Mohammad. 

Chap.  H is  from  The  Qur'’an^  trans.  by  E.  H.  Palmer, 

2 vols.,  Oxford,  1880  . 


XIV 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


II.  How  Pippin  became  King  of  the  Franks  p^ge 

49.  Weakness  of  the  later  Merovingian  kings 120 

Einhard,  Vita  Karoli  (as  below,  No.  53),  c.  i 

50.  Pope  Zacharias  authorizes  the  coronation  of  Pippin.  . 121 

Annales  Laurissenses  minores^  ad  an.  750:  Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.,  Pertz,  I,  139 

51.  Coronation  of  Pippin  by  the  pope  ........  122 


Einhard,  Annales^  ad  an.  753  sq.  \ Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz, 

h 139 

III.  The  Lombards,  Pope  Stephen  and  Pippin 

52.  Letter  of  Pope  Stephen  to  Pippin 122 

Codex  CarolinuSj  Ep,  9:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Epist.  Ill,  498; 
Jaffe,  Bib.  rer.  Ger.  IV,  48  sqq. 


CHAPTER  VII  — CHARLEMAGNE 
I.  Charlemagne,  the  Man 

53.  Charlemagne’s  personal  appearance  and  habits  . . .126 

Einhard,  Vita  Karoli  Magni^  cc.  22-25  : Jaffe,  Bib.  rer. 

Ger.  IV,  509  sqq. ; Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  octavo  edition 

11.  Charlemagne  and  the  Saxons 

54.  Charlemagne  conquers  the  Saxons  in  order  to  convert 


them 129 

Vita  Sancti  Sturmis  (as  above.  No.  47),  c.  22 
55.  The  Rebellion  of  Widukind 129 


Einhard,  Annales  (as  above.  No.  51),  ad  an.  782 

III.  How  Charlemagne  was  made  Emperor 

56.  Charlemagne’s  coronation  as  emperor 131 

Einhard,  Ibid.,  ad  an.  799-801 

IV.  Charlemagne’s  Way  of  raising  Troops 

57.  The  Heerbann,  or  fine  for  refusing  to  join  the  army  . 135 

Capitular e It alicum:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Capitularia  regum 
Francorum,  denuo  edidit  Alfredus  Boretius,  I,  205,  — a 
new  edition  much  superior  to  that  first  issued  in  the 
Monumenta  by  Pertz;  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp. 

Vol.  VI,  No.  5 

58.  W ealthy  landholders  required  to  go  to  the  army  in  person  135 

Capitulare  missorum  de  exercitu promovendo.,  c.  i : Boretius 
(as  above.  No.  57),  137  ; trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp. 

Vol.  VI,  No.  5 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


XV 


PAGB 

59.  Nature  of  the  supplies  for  the  army 135 

Capitular e Aquisgranense,  cc.  9 sq. : Boretius  (as  above, 

No.  57),  171 ; trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  VI, 

No.  5 

60.  Summons  to  Abbot  Fulrad  to  join  the  army  . . . .136 

Karoli  ad  Fulradum  abbatem  epistola;  Boretius  (as  above, 

No.  57),  168;  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  VI, 

No.  5 

V.  Charlemagne’s  Income  from  his  Farms 

61.  Extracts  from  the  Capitulary  de  Villis 1 37 

Capitulare  de  villis:  Boretius  (as  above,  No.  57),  S2  sqq,\ 
trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  2 

VI.  Charlemagne’s  Ideals  of  Government 

62.  Extracts  from  the  capitulary  for  the  missi 139 

Capitulare  missorum  generale:  Boretius  (as  above,  No.  57), 

91  sqq.\  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  VI,  No.  5 

VII.  Charlemagne’s  Anxiety  to  improve  Education 

63.  Charlemagne’s  letter  on  the  dangers  of  ignorance  . . 144 

Karoli  epistola  de  litteris  colendis:  Boretius  (as  above. 

No.  57),  79;  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  VI, 

No.  5 

64.  Charlemagne  commands  the  establishment  of  episcopal 

and  monastery  schools 145 

Admonitio  generalise  c.  72  : Boretius  (as  above.  No.  57),  59; 
trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  VI,  No.  5 


CHAPTER  VIII  — THE  DISRUPTION  OF  CHARLE- 
MAGNE’S EMPIRE 


I.  The  Northmen 

65.  Apollinaris  Sidonius  describes  the  Saxon  pirates  . . .150 
Epistulae^  Lib.  viii,  Ep.  6 (close) : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Auc. 
ant.  VIII,  132  sq.'e  trans.  by  Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her 


Invaders^  II,  366  sq» 

66.  A Northman’s  baptism 151 

Monachus  Sangallensis,  De  gestis  Karoli  imperatoris^ 
c.  19 : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  II,  761  sq. 

67.  Opening  of  The  Story  of  Burnt  Njal 1 52 


The  Story  of  Burnt  Njal^  translated  from  the  Norse  by 
Dasent,  2 vols.,  1861 


II.  Struggles  between  Sons  of  Louis  the  Pious 

68.  Death  of  Louis  the  Pious 1 55 

Rudolfus  Fuldensis,  AnnaleSe  ad  an.  840  sq.  i Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.,  Pertz,  I,  362  sqq. 


xvi  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

69.  The  Northmen  at  Nantes 1^7 

Annalium  Bertinianorum  pars  secunda,  ad  an.  843  : Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  I,  439  sq. 

III.  A Melancholy  Glimpse  of  the  Conditions  in  the 

Ninth  Century 

70.  An  extract  from  the  Annals  of  Xanten 158 

Annales  Xantenses,  ad  an.  844  sqq. : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Per'tz, 

H,  227  sqq. 

IV.  How  the  Northmen  harried  Frankland  and  laid 

Siege  to  Paris 

71.  How  the  Northmen  laid  siege  to  Paris 163 

Annales  Vedastini,  ad  an.  882  sqq. : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz, 

I,  529  sqq. 


CHAPTER  IX— FEUDALISM 

I.  The  Older  Institutions  which  serve  to  explain 
Feudalism 

72.  Grant  of  immunity  to  a bishop 171 

Roziere,  Recueil  generate  des  formules  usitees  dans  I’empire 
des  Francs  du  V®  au  X®  siecle.  3 vols.  1859-1871. 

No.  16;  Vol.  I,  17.  Trans.,  — as  well  as  the  following 
numbers  to  88  inclusive  — by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp. 


Vol.  IV,  No.  3 

73.  Grant  of  a vill  with  immunity  to  a layman 172 

Rozifere,  No.  147;  Vol.  I,  185 

74.  Land  received  as  a beneficium  from  a monastery  . . .173 

Roziere,  No.  350  ; Vol.  I,  433 

75.  A Frankish  formula  of  commendation 175 

Roziere,  No.  43 ; Vol.  I,  69 

76.  Formal  acceptance  of  a follower  by  his  lord  . . . .176 

Roziere,  No.  8 ; Vol.  I,  8 

II.  The  Granting  of  Fiefs 

77.  How  an  allodial  tenure  might  be  turned  into  a fief  . .176 

Quantin,  Recueil  de  pieces  du  Xlllme  Siecle,  No.  631,  pp.  310  sg. 

78.  The  count  of  Troyes  grants  a manor  as  a fief  . . . .177 

Ibid.,  No.  2,  p.  I 

79.  Record  of  grant  of  a fief  to  a knight 178 


Historia  Monasterii  de  Abingdon^  II,  135,  Rolls  Series 
80.  The  count  of  Champagne  grants  a fief  to  a bishop  . .178 

Brussel,  Usage  des  Fiefs,  I,  3,  note 


Co7itents  and  List  of  Citations  xvii 

PAGE 

8 1.  Pons  of  Mont-Saint-Jean  becomes  the  man  of  the 

countess  of  Champagne 178 

Quantin  (as  above,  No.  77),  No.  220,  p.  loi 

82.  How  a knight  accepted  a money  fief  from  the  king  of 

France 179 


Boutaric,  Institutions  militaires  de  la  France^  p.  12 1 

III.  Ceremony  of  doing  Homage  and  swearing  Fealty 

83.  How  the  count  of  Flanders  received  the  homage  of  his 

vassals 179 

Galbert  de  Bruges,  De  multro^  traditione^  et  occisione 
gloriosi  Karoli  comitis  Flandriarum;  ed.  by  Pirenne, 
p.  89  : Collection  de  textes 

84.  The  viscount  of  Carcassonne  does  homage  to  the  abbot 

of  St.  Mary  of  Grasse 180 

Teulet,  Layettes  du  Tresor  des  Chartes,  No.  39 ; Vol.  I,  p.  36 

85.  Rules  for  homage  and  fealty  established  by  St.  Louis  . 182 

Etablissements  de  St.  Louis,  II,  c.  19 ; ed.  by  Viollet,  II,  395 

86.  How  a prelate  threatened  his  vassals  with  excommuni- 

cation   183 

Bouquet,  Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  France, 

X,  447  sq. 

IV.  Mutual  Duties  of  Vassal  and  Lord 

87.  Fulbert  of  Chartres  explains  the  duties  of  lord  and  vassal  184 

Bouquet  (as  above,  No.  86),  X,  463 

V.  Feudal  Military  Service 

88.  List  of  vassals  summoned  by  the  king  of  France  in  1272  185 

Bouquet  (as  above.  No.  86),  XXIII,  753  sq.  and  759  sq. 

VI.  Failure  of  Feudalism  to  secure  Order.  The  Truce 


of  God 

89.  Bishop  Stubbs’  definition  of  ideal  feudalism  . . . .187 

Constitutional  History  of  England,  Chap.  IX,  § 93 

90.  The  truce  of  God 187 


Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Leges,  II,  55  sqq. ; trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr. 
and  Rp.  Vol.  I,  No.  2 

CHAPTER  X — THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  FRANCE 

I.  The  Election  of  Hugh  Capet 

91.  How  Hugh  Capet  was  chosen  king 195 

Richer,  Historiarum  libri  IV,  Lib.  iv,  cc.  ii  sq,\  Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  III,  633  sq. 


\ 


xviii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

II.  King  Robert  and  his  Unruly  Vassals  page 

92.  King  Robert  and  his  troubles  with  his  vassals  . . . .196 

Raoul  Glaber,  Francorum  historiae  libri  V,  iii,  c.  2 ; ed. 
by  Prou  in  Collection  de  textes,  1886,  pp.  56  sq. 

III.  How  Louis  the  Fat  consolidated  his  Power 

93.  Suger’s  account  of  Louis  the  Fat  and  his  vassals  . .198 

Gesta  Ludovici  regis  cognomento  grossly  cc.  2,  3,  8,  23-25  J 
ed.  by  Molinier  in  Collection  de  textes 

IV.  Philip  Augustus  and  his  Vassals 

94.  Philip  suppresses  a rebellion  and  extends  the  royal 

domain 206 

Rigord,  Gesta  Philippi  II  Augusti  regis  Francorum^  cc. 

9,  26-28 ; ed.  by  Delaborde,  Soc.  de  I’hist.  de  Fr. 

V.  Philip  Augustus  and  John  of  England 

94a.  How  Philip  Augustus  took  Normandy  from  John  . . 209 

Rigord  (as  above,  No.  94),  cc.  138,  140-142 

VI.  St.  Louis 

95.  Extracts  from  Joinville 213 

Jean,  Sire  de  Joinville,  Histoire  de  Saint-Louis^  texte 
original  accompagne  d’une  traduction,  par  de  Wailly,  2d 
ed.,  Paris,  1874,  cc.  15  sq.\  47  sq.  and  50 ; 6 and  12 


CHAPTER  XI  — ENGLAND  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

I.  King  Alfred’s  Interest  in  Learning 

96.  Alfred’s  introduction  to  his  translation  of  the  Pastoral 

Care 222 

King  Alfred'^ s West-Saxon  Version  of  Gregory's  Pastoral 
Care;  ed.  by  Sweet  (Early  English  Text  Soc.),  1871, 
pp.  2 sqq. 

II.  The  Battle  of  Hastings : English  and  Normans 

97.  Conduct  of  Harold  and  William  in  the  battle  of  Has- 

tings   224 

William  of  Malmesbury,  De  gestis  regum  Anglorum 
libri  V,  Lib.  iii,  §§  241  sqq. ; ed.  by  Stubbs,  Rolls  Series ; 
trans.  by  Stevenson  in  The  Church  Historians  of  Eng- 
land, 1854;  also  in  the  Bohn  Library 

III.  Rule  of  William  the  Conqueror 

98.  William  orders  Doomsday  Book  to  be  drawn  up  . . . 229 

The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle.,  ad  an.  1185  and  1187  ; ed.  with 
an  introduction  by  Benj.  Thorpe,  Rolls  Series,  II,  186 
and  188  sqq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


XIX 


IV.  How  the  Great  Charter  was  Won 

99.  John  and  his  barons . . . 231 

Roger  of  Wendover,  Chronica  sive  Liber  qvi  dicitur 
Flores  historiarnm^  ad  an.  1215;  ed.  by  Hewlett  in 
Rolls  Series ; trans.  by  Giles  in  the  Bohn  Library 

V.  Principal  Provisions  of  the  Great  Charter 

100.  Principal  articles  of  Magna  Charta 233 

Stubbs,  Select  Charters  and  Other  Illustrations  of  English 
Constitutional  History,  8th  ed.,  296  sqq.\  trans.  by 
Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  I,  No.  6. 

VI.  Writs  of  Summons  to  the  Model  Parliament 

101.  Summonses  to  bishops,  barons,  and  representatives  of 

the  towns  and  shires 239 

Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  484  sqq.\  trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr. 
and  Rp.  Vol.  I,  No.  6 


CHAPTER  XII  — GERMANY  AND  ITALY  IN  THE 
TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH  CENTURIES 


I.  The  Times  of  Henry  I and  Otto  the  Great 

102.  Germany  in  the  early  tenth  century 245 

Continuatio  Reginonis  Trevirensis^  ad  an.  907  sqq.\  Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  I,  614  sqq, 

103.  Election  of  Otto  the  Great 249 

WiDUKiND,  Res  gestae  Saxonicae,  Lib.  ii,  cc.  i sq. : Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  III,  437  sq. 


II.  Rome  and  the  Papacy  in  the  Time  of  Otto  the 
Great 

104.  Degradation  of  the  papacy  in  the  tenth  century  . . . 250 

Benedictus  Sancti  Andreae  Monachus,  Chronicon^ 
cc.  30  sqq. : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  III,  714  sqq. 


III.  Liutprand  and  his  Book  of  Retribution 

105.  Liutprand  explains  why  he  wrote  his  book 256 

Antapodosis^  Lib.  i,  c.  i,  and  Lib.  iii,  c.  i : Mon.  Ger.  Hist., 
octavo  ed. 


IV.  Bruno,  the  Ideal  of  a Scholar  in  the  Tenth  Century 

106.  Extract  from  Ruotger’s  Life  of  Bruno 259 

Ruotger,  Vita  Brunonis^  selections  from  cc.  4-10  and  30 ; 

Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  IV,  255  sqq. 


XX 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


CHAPTER  XIII  — THE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN 

GREGORY  VII  AND  HENRY  IV 

I.  The  Early  Years  of  Henry  IV 

107.  The  early  part  of  Henry  IV’s  reign 266 

Ekkehard,  Chronicon  universale^  ad  an.  1057  sqq. : Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  VI,  198  sqq. 

II.  The  Issue  between  the  Pope  and  the  Emperor  in 
the  Matter  of  Investiture 

108.  Conference  at  Chalons  in  regard  to  investitures  . . .272 

Suger  (as  above.  No.  93),  c.  9 

III.  Gregory  VII's  Conception  of  the  Pope’s  Preroga- 

tives 

109.  The  Dictatus  of  Gregory  VII 274 

Gregorius  VII,  Registrum,  Lib.  ii,  No.  55  a : Jaffe  (Bib.  rer. 

Ger.,  No.  43),  II,  174  sqq.,  and  in  the  convenient  Menu- 
menta  Germaniae  Historica  Selecta,  ed.  by  Doeberl,  III, 
p.  17 

IV.  Origin  of  the  Troubles  between  Gregory  VII  and 

Henry  IV 

no.  Decree  forbidding  lay  investitures 275 

Ibid.  Lib.  vi,  5b,  and  vii,  14a:  Jaffe,  II,  332  and  398  sq.‘, 
Doeberl,  III,  16  sq.  [I  am  somewhat  indebted  here,  as 
well  as  in  the  following  numbers  to  117  inclusive,  to  the 
translation  in  Henderson’s  Select  Historical  Documents] 

III.  Gregory’s  letter  upbraiding  Henry  for  neglecting  the 


papal  decrees 276 

Ibid.  Lib.  hi.  No.  10:  Jaffe,  II,  218  sqq.,  and  Doeberl,  III, 

18  sq. 

1 1 2.  Henry’s  violent  reply  to  Gregory 279 

Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Leges,  II,  47,  and  Doeberl,  III,  24  sqq. 

V.  Gregory’s  Deposition  of  Henry  IV.  Henry’s 
Penance  at  Canossa 

1 1 3.  First  deposition  and  excommunication  of  Henry  IV  . 281 

Register  of  Gregory  VII  (as  above,  No.  109),  Lib.  iii.  No, 
loa : Jaff6,  H,  223  sq.,  and  Doeberl,  III,  26 

1 14.  Gregory’s  account  of  Henry’s  penance  at  Canossa  . . 282 

Ibid.  Lib.  iv.  No.  12 : Jaff6,  II,  256  sqq.^  and  Doeberl,  III, 

33  ^9^- 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations  xxi 


VI.  The  Pope  explains  the  Supremacy  of  the  Spiritual 


Power 


PAGE 


1 1 5.  Letter  of  Gregory  to  Bishop  Hermann  of  Metz  . . . 284 

Contra  illos  qui  stulte  dicunt  imperatorem  excommunicari 
7ton  posse  a Romano  pontifice^  Ibid.  Lib.  viii,  No.  21 : 

Jaffe,  II,  453  sqq.^  and  Doeberl,  III,  40  sqq.  The  whole 
letter  may  be  found  translated  in  Henderson’s  Select 
Documents 


VII.  The  Formal  Settlement  of  the  Question  of  Inves- 
titure 

1 16.  A proposed  plan  to  keep  the  clergy  out  of  politics  . . 290 

Paschalis  II  privilegium  pri'mae  conventionis : Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.,  Leges,  H,  68  sq.,  and  Doeberl,  HI,  56  sqq. 

1 17.  Concordat  of  Worms 292 

(a)  Priviligium  Calixti  pape  secundi:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist., 
Leges,  H,  75  sq.^  and  Doeberl,  59  sq.  (b)  PrecepUim 
Henrici  quarti  [V]  imperatoris^  Doeberl,  HI,  60  sqq.^ 
as  published  in  the  Mittheilungen  des  Instituts  fiir 
Oesterreichischen  Geschichte,  VI,  105  sqq. 


CHAPTER  XIV  — THE  HOHENSTAUFEN 
EMPERORS  AND  THE  POPES 


I.  The  German  Cities  begin  to  take  a Hand  in 
Politics 

1 18.  How  Cologne  fought  Henry  V 296 

Chronica  regia  Coloniensis,  ad  an.  1114  and  1187:  ed.  by 
Waitz  in  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  octavo  ed.,  pp.  53  sqq.  and  136 

1 19.  Situation  of  the  towns  in  the  Netherlands 300 


Reiner,  Annales  ad  an.  1203  and  1212:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist., 
Pertz,  XVI,  656  sq.  and  664 

II.  Otto  of  Freising’s  Account  of  the  Italian  Cities 


120.  Emperor  Frederick’s  letter  to  Otto  of  Freising  . . . 302 

Otto  of  Freising,  Gesta  Friderici  (at  opening)  •.  Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  octavo  ed.,  p.  i 

1 21.  Otto’s  description  of  the  Lombard  towns 303 

Ibid.  Lib.  ii,  cc.  13  and  13b : octavo  ed.,  pp.  13  sqq. 


III.  Struggle  over  the  Throne  between  Philip  and  Otto 

122.  How  the  rivals,  Philip  and  Otto,  were  elected  ....  307 
Chronica  regia  Coloniensis^  ad  an.  1198  : octavo  ed.,  162  sqq. 


XXll 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


CHAPTER  XV  — THE  CRUSADES 


I.  Pope  Urban’s  Address  at  Clermont 

123.  Urban’s  speech  at  Clermont 312 

Robertus  Monachus,  Historia  Iherosolytana^  Lib.  i,  cc. 

I sq. : Recueil  des  historiens  des  croisades,  Historiens 
occidentaux,  III,  727  sqq.  The  extract  in  note  is  from 
Fulcher  of  Chartres,  Historia  Iherosolytana^  Lib.  i, 
c.  3:  Ibid.  p.  324;  trans.by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  I, 

No.  2 

II.  The  First  Crusade 

124.  Ekkehard  on  the  opening  of  the  First  Crusade  . . .316 

Ekkehard  (as  above.  No.  107),  ad  an.  1099:  Mon.  Ger. 
Hist.,  Pertz,  VI,  21 1 sqq. 

125.  Anna  Comnena  on  the  bad  manners  of  the  crusaders  . 320 

Michaud,  Bibliotheque  des  croisades.  III,  393  sq. 

III.  Campaigns  in  Palestine,  from  the  Letters  of  the 


Crusaders 

126.  Stephen  of  Blois  to  his  wife 321 

D’Achery,  Spicilegium,  2d  ed.,  Ill,  430  sq. ; trans.  by  Munro 
in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  I,  No.  4 

127.  Godfrey  of  Bouillon  and  his  companions  to  the  pope  . 325 


Annales  Sancti  Disibodi  (to  wit,  the  monastery  of  Disen- 
berg  near  Mayence),ad  an.  1100:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz, 
XVII,  17  sq.\  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  I, 
No.  4 

IV.  St.  Bernard  and  the  Second  Crusade 

128.  St.  Bernard  exhorts  the  people  to  take  arms  against 


the  infidel 330 

Epist.  (No.  363),  ad  orientates  Franciae  clerum  et  popu- 
turn:  Migne,  CLXXXH,  cols.  564  ; trans.  by  Eales, 

Life  and  Works  of  St.  Bernard^  II,  906  sqq. 

129.  St.  Bernard  blamed  for  the  outcome  of  the  crusade  . . 334 


Gaufridus,  Vita  S.  Bernardi  Clarvallensis,  Lib.  iii,  c.  2: 

Acta  sanctorum,  August,  Vol.  IV,  298 ; Migne,  CLXXXV, 
cols.  308  sq. 

V.  A Holy  Pilgrim 

130.  The  pilgrimage  of  Udalrich  to  Jerusalem 336 

Vita  prior  S.  U d air  ici  prior  is  Cellensis:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist., 
Pertz,  XH,  252 


Co7itents  and  List  of  Citations  xxiii 

VI.  Inducements  offered  to  the  Crusaders 

131.  Privileges  granted  by  Eugenius  III  (1146) 337 

Otto  of  Freising,  Gesta  Friderici^  Lib.  i,  c.  35:  Mon. 

Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  XX,  371 ; trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and 
Rp.  Vol.  I,  No.  2 

132.  Privileges  granted  by  Innocent  III  (1215) 338 

Mansi,  Conciliorum  collectio,  XXII,  1057 


VII.  A Glimpse  of  the  Court  of  the  Eastern  Emperor 

133.  Luitprand’s  account  of  his  reception  in  Constantinople  . 340 
Antapodosisj  Lib.  vi,  cc.  5-9 : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  octavo  ed. 


CHAPTER  XVI  — THE  MEDIEVAL  CHURCH  AT 
ITS  HEIGHT 

I.  The  Preeminence  of  the  Church 

134.  The  bull  Unam  Sanctam  of  Boniface  VIII  (1302)  . . 346 

Text  based  upon  the  papal  register  given  by  Mury,  Revue 
des  questions  historiques,  XL VI,  255  sq. 

II.  The  Seven  Sacraments 

135.  An  account  of  the  seven  sacraments  by  Eugenius  IV 

(1438) 348 

From  the  bull  Exultate  Deo^  Denzinger,  Enchiridion  sym- 
bolorum  et  definitionum,  pp.  201  sqq. 

III.  Tales  illustrating  the  Miraculous  Power  of  the 


Sacraments 

136.  Christ  is  seen  in  the  hands  of  a priest 355 

CiESAR  OF  Heisterbach,  Dialogus  miraculorum^  Dist. 
ix,  c.  28 ; ed.  by  Strange,  2 vols.,  1851,  Vol.  H,  186 ; trans. 
by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  4 

137.  Bees  construct  a church  for  the  host 355 


Anecdotes  historiques^,  Legendes  et  Apologues  tires  du 
Recueil  medit  d'’ Etienne  de  Bourbon ; ed.  Lecoy  de  la 
Marche,  1877,  No.  317,  pp.  266  sq.  (in  the  publications  of 
the  Soc.  de  I’hist.  de  Fr.) ; trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and 
Rp.  Vol.  H,  No.  4 

138.  Through  confession  a forgotten  prayer  is  erased  from 

the  devil’s  register 356 

Stephen  of  Bourbon  (as  above,  No.  137),  No.  176,  pp. 

155  sq. 


xxiv  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

139.  The  Virgin  saves  the  reputation  of  an  erring  matron 

and  monk  357 

The  Exempla  of  Jacques  de  Vitry ; ed.  by  T.  F.  Crane; 
pub.  by  the  Folk  Lore  Society,  1890,  No.  cclxxxii,  pp. 

1 17  sqq.\  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  4 

IV.  The  Privilege  of  Benefit  of  Clergy 

140.  How  a clergyman  might  be  saved  from  the  gallows  by 

reading  a line 359 

Philobiblon  of  Richard  of  Bury^  c.  iv ; ed.  and  trans.  by 
E.  C.  Thomas,  1889,  pp.  173  sqq. 

V.  How  the  Churches  and  Monasteries  were  Sup- 
ported 


14 1.  The  revenue  of  a parish  church 361 

Bibliotheque  de  I’ecole  des  chartes,  XXIV,  467 

142.  Manors  given  to  the  monastery  of  Zwifalt 362 

Ortlieb,  De  fundatione  monasterii  ZwivildensiSy  Lib.  ii, 
c.  5 : Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Pertz,  X,  74  sq. 

143.  The  family  of  the  monastery  of  Zwifalt 363 

Ibid.  Lib.  ii,  c.  9;  Pertz,  pp.  77  sq. 


VI.  Tales  illustrating  the  Mediaeval  Attitude  towards 
Heretics 

144.  The  body  of  a burned  heretic  turns  into  toads  . . . 364 

Luke,  bishop  of  Tuy,  De  altera  vita,  Lib.  iii,  c.  15:  in 
Magna  bibliotheca  veterum  patrum;  ed.  of  1688,  XIII, 

283 

145.  Two  heretics  work  miracles  with  the  deviPs  aid  . . . 365 

CiESAR  OF  Heisterbach  (as  above.  No.  136),  Dist.  v,  c. 

18,  Vol.  I,  269  sqq.)  trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp. 

Vol.  II,  No.  4 


CHAPTER  XVII  — HERESY  AND  THE  FRIARS 
I.  Denunciations  of  the  Evil  Lives  of  the  Clergy 

146.  The  Revelation  of  Golias  the  Bis  shoppe 371 

The  Latin  poems  attributed  to  Walter  Mafes,  ed.  Thomas 
Wright  (Camden  Soc.  Pub.),  London,  1841,  pp.  271  sqq. 

147.  WalthervonderVogelweide  on  the  practices  of  the  popes  375 

Trans,  by  Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition,  Vol.  I,  Chap.  I 

148.  A troubadour’s  description  of  the  abuses  in  the  Church  375 

Ibid. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


XXV 


11.  Report  of  the  Habits  of  the  Norman  Clergy  page 

149.  Habits  of  the  Norman  Clergy  in  the  Thirteenth  Century  378 

Eudes  Rigaud,  Regestrum  visitationum  archiepiscopi 
RothomagensiSy  Rouen,  1847,  4to,  pp.  35,  245,  305,  and 

159 

III.  The  Waldensian  and  Albigensian  Heretics 


150.  Waldo  of  Lyons 380 

Ex  chronico  tiniversali  anonymi  Laudunensis^  s.  a.  1173  : 

Mon.  Ger.  Hist,  Pertz,  XXVI,  447  sq. 

1 51.  Description  of  the  Albigenses 381 


Bernard  of  Gui,  Pratica  inquisitionis  heretice pravitatis ; 
ed.  Douais,  Pars  V,  c.  i,  § 4 

IV.  The  Efficacy  of  the  Sacraments  in  Polluted  Hands 

152.  The  efficacy  of  the  sacraments  in  the  hands  of  bad 

priests 383 

PiLCHDORFFius,  Contra  Waldenses,  cc.  xvi-xvii;  in  Max- 
ima bibliotheca  patrum  (1677),  XXV,  281  sq. 


V.  Attitude  of  the  Civil  Government  toward  Heretics 

153.  Provisions  of  laws  of  Frederick  II  concerning  heretics  . 385 

Historia  diplomatica  Friderici  secundi  ; ed.  Huilliard-Bre- 
holles.  Tome  IV,  Pt.  I,  pp.  5 sq. 

VI.  Life  and  Character  of  St.  Francis 

154.  How  St.  Francis  undertook  his  mission 387 

Thomas  of  Celano,  Vita  prima^  Book  I,  cc.  ii-iv : Acta 
sanctorum,  October,  Vol.  II,  pp.  685  sqq. 

155.  St  Francis  preaches  to  the  birds 391 

Ibid.  c.  vi,  p.  669 

156.  The  will  of  St.  Francis 392 


Acta  sanctorum,  October,  Vol.  II,  pp.  663  sq.\  trans.  in 
Sabatier,  Life  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  337  ^9^' 


CHAPTER  XVIII  — THE  PEOPLE  IN  COUNTRY 
AND  TOWN 

I.  The  Manor  and  its  People 

157.  Official  description  of  a manor  belonging  to  Peter- 
borough Abbey 399 

Liber  niger  monasterii  S.  Petri  de  Burgo,  in  Chronicon 
Peterburgense,  pp.  160  sq.  (Camden  Soc.  Pub.) ; trans. 
by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  5 


xxvi  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 

158.  A manor  in  Sussex 400 

Custumals  of  Battle  Abbey ^ pp.  17  sqq.  (Camden  Soc. 

Pub.) ; trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  5 

159.  Description  of  an  English  manor  house  ......  404 

Historical  MSS.  Commission  Reports,  9, 1,  pp.  35  sq. ; trans. 
by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  5 

160.  Freeing  a serf 405 

Dugdale,  Monasticon,  I,  394;  trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and 
Rp.  Vol.  Ill,  No.  5 

II.  The  Mediaeval  Town 

161.  Customs  of  the  town  of  Chester 406 

Domesday  Book^  I,  262,  b:  Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  83  sq.\ 
trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  i 

162.  Opening  of  charter  granted  to  Lincoln 408 

Rymer,  Foedera,  I,  40:  Stubbs,  Select  Charters,  158  sq.\ 
trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  i 

163.  Charter  granted  to  Chester 408 

Gross,  Gild  Merchant^  II,  140;  trans.  by  Cheyney,  Tr. 
and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  i 

164.  Articles  of  the  spurriers  of  London 409 

Riley,  Memorials  of  London^  pp.  226  sqq. ; trans.  by 
Cheyney,  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  i 

165.  Rules  of  the  guild  of  white-tawyers 41 1 

Ibid.  pp.  232  sqq. 

III.  The  Hanseatic  League 

166.  Otto  II  promises  protection  to  the  merchants  of  Mag- 

deburg (975) 412 

Hansisches  Urkundenbuch,  ed.  Hdhlbaum,  Halle,  1876,  I, 

I,  No.  I 

167.  Alliance  between  Munster,  Dortmund,  Soest,  and 

Lippstadt  (1253) 413 

Ibid.  I,  164  sq.^  No.  460 

168.  Agreement  between  London  and  Hansa  towns  (1282)  . 414 

Ibid.  I,  308  sqq..,  No.  902 

IV.  Knights,  Burghers,  and  Farmers 

169.  Knights  and  burghers  in  the  thirteenth  century  . . .416 

Wolfram  von  Eschenbach,  Wilhelm  von  Orange.,  mod- 
ern German  version  by  San  Mante,  Halle,  1873 

170.  Farmer  Helmbrecht 418 

Wernher,  Helmbrecht,  HaupPs  Zeitschrift  fiir  deutsches 
Alterthum,  IV  ; Freitag’s  version  translated  by  G.  L. 

Burr  and  privately  printed 


Contents  a7id  List  of  Citations  xxvii 

V.  Maltreatment  of  the  Jews 

17 1.  Expulsion  of  the  Jews  from  France 426 


Rigord  (as  above,  No.  94),  cc.  6,  12,  13,  15,  and  16 


CHAPTER  XIX  — THE  CULTURE  OF  THE 
MIDDLE  AGES 

I.  The  Development  of  Modern  Languages 

172.  An  example  of  Anglo-Saxon 

Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  (as  above,  No.  98),  ad  an.  1068 

173.  English  of  the  thirteenth  century 

The  Story  of  Genesis  and  Exodus:  an  early  English  song 
{ca.  A.D.  1250),  ed.  by  Morris  (Early  Eng.  Text  Soc.) 

174.  Comparison  of  the  various  stages  in  the  development 


of  French  433 

Histoire  de  la  langue  et  litterature  fran^aise^  publiee  sous 
la  direction  de  Petit  de  Julleville,  I,  Ixxvii 

175.  A few  lines  of  Proven9al 434 

From  a metrical  romance,  Flameyica^  written  in  the  first 
half  of  the  thirteenth  century;  Langlois,  La  Societ'e 
fran^aise  au  \y.eme  silcle^  P*  ^57 

176.  The  ideals  of  the  troubadours 434 

Smith,  J.  H.,  The  Troubadours  at  Home^  I,  150  sq. 

177.  A troubadour’s  song  by  Arnault  de  Maruelh  ....  435 

Ibid.  I,  169  sq. 

178.  The  troubadours’  creed,  from  Sordel 436 

Ibid.  I,  269  sq. 

179.  A song  by  Vidal 436 

Ibid.  I,  302 

180.  A song  by  Bernard  de  Ventadorn 437 

Ibid.  II,  162 

18 1.  A song  by  Walther  von  der  Vogelweide 437 

Lays  of  the  Minnesingers ; ed.  by  Edg.  Taylor,  London, 

1825,  pp.  204  sq. 

TL  Mediaeval  Natural  Science 

182.  Extracts  from  Alexander  of  Neckam 439 


De  naturis  rerum.,  Lib.  i,  cc.  23  and  78;  Lib.  ii,  c.  98;  ed. 
by  Thomas  Wright  (Rolls  Series),  pp.  71, 122  jy.,  and  183 

183.  Mediaeval  ideas  of  the  earth  and  stars 441 

Popular  Treatises  on  Science  written  during  the  Middle 
Ages  in  Anglo-Saxon,  Anglo-Norman,  and  English  ; ed. 
by  Thomas  Wright,  London,  1841 


xxviii  Contents  and  List  of  Citations 

PAGE 


184.  The  pelican  and  its  habits 442 

Ibid.  pp.  1 15  sq, 

185.  Of  fauns,  Cyclops,  etc 443 


Bartholomew  Anglicus,  De  proprietatibus  rerum^  as 
selected  and  modernized  by  Steele,  Mediceval  Lore^ 
London,  1893,  PP*  ^34 

HI.  Historical  Knowledge  in  the  Middle  Ages 

186.  How  the  Merovingian  kings  sprang  from  the  Trojans  . 445 
Rigord  (as  above,  No.  94) 


IV.  Abelard  and  the  Universities 

187.  Abelard’s  popularity  as  a teacher 447 

McCabe,  Abelard^  New  York,  1901,  82  sq. 

188.  Abelard’s  autobiography 447 

Abaelardus,  P.,  Opera;  ed.  V.  Cousin,  Paris,  1849-1859, 

2 vols. ; Vol.  I (first  letter) 

189.  Abelard’s  Yea  and  Nay 450 


Petrus  Abelardus  Sic  et  Non;  ed.  Henke  et  Lindenkohl, 
Marburg,  1851.  (Not  complete  as  given  in  Cousin’s  Opera 
inedita  of  Abelard) 

190.  Privileges  granted  to  students  by  Frederick  Barbarossa  452 

Habita  of  Frederick  I:  Mon.  Ger.  Hist.,  Leges,  II,  114; 
trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  H,  No.  3 


1 91.  The  system  of  lecturing  at  Paris 453 

McCabe  (as  above.  No.  187),  79  sq. 

192.  Student  life  at  Paris 454 


Jacques  de  Vitry,  Historia  occidentalis,  Lib.  ii,  c.  7; 
trans.  by  Munro  in  Tr.  and  Rp.  Vol.  II,  No.  3 

V.  Supremacy  of  Aristotle  in  the  Mediaeval  Univer- 
sities. Scholasticism 


193.  Averroes  on  Aristotle’s  greatness 456 

Averroes,  introduction  to  his  edition  of  Aristotle’s  Physics 

194.  Aquinas  and  his  work 458 

Rashdall,  History  of  the  Mediceval  Universities^  I,  365 
and  367 


VI.  Roger  Bacon  and  the  Beginning  of  Modern  Experi- 
mental Science 

195.  Roger  Bacon’s  eulogy  of  Peter  of  Maricourt  ....  460 

Opus  Tertium.,  c.  cxiii : Opera  quaedam  hactenus  inedita; 
ed.  by  Brewer  in  the  Rolls  Series,  1859,  pp.  46  sq. 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


XXIX 


PAGE 

196.  Bacon  prophesies  marvelous  progress  in  science  . . . 461 

Epistola  fratris  Rogerii  Baconis  de  secretis  operibus  artis 
et  naturae^  et  de  nullitate  magiae  ; Brewer’s  ed.,  523  sqq. 


CHAPTER  XX  — THE  HUNDRED  YEARS’  WAR 

I.  Froissart’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Crecy 

197.  The  great  battle  between  the  French  and  the  English  . 466 

Froissart,  Chroniques^  cc.  128  sqq.;  trans.  based  upon 
that  of  Lord  Berners  — made  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII 
— given  in  the  Globe  ed.  of  Tbe  Chrojticles  of  Froissart^ 
ed.  by  G.  C.  Macaulay,  pp.  102  sqq. 


11.  How  King  John  of  France  was  captured  at  Poitiers 

198.  The  capture  of  King  John 470 

Ibid.  cc.  164  and  168 ; Globe  ed.,  pp.  128  sq.  and  131 

III.  Devastation  wrought  by  the  Hundred  Years’  War 

199.  Sack  of  Limoges  (1370) 472 

Froissart  (as  above.  No.  197),  c.  283;  Globe  ed.,  p.  201 

200.  How  the  count  of  Arundel  burned  a town 474 

(a)  Denifle,  La  desolation  des  eglises,  monastlres  et  hbpi- 
taux  en  France^  1897,  I,  27,  No.  95.  (b)  Ibid.  I,  275, 

No.  600 

201.  Conditions  in  the  time  of  Charles  VII 474 

Thomas  Basin,  Histoire  de  Charles  VII  et  de  Louis  Xf 
in  Denifle,  op.  cit.  I,  514  sq.,  No.  999 


IV.  The  Vision  of  Piers  the  Plowman 

202.  Extracts  from  Piers  Plowman 475 

Langland,  Vision  of  Piers  Plowman,  passus  vi,  v,  vii; 
done  into  modern  English  by  Miss  Kate  M.  Warren,  Lon- 
don, 1899 

V.  Charles  the  Bold  of  Burgundy  and  the  Swiss 

203.  Charles  the  Bold  and  the  Swiss 477 

Philip  de  Commines,  Memoires,  Liv.  vi,  c.  12,  and  Liv.  v, 
c.  2 ; trans.  in  Bohn  Library,  II,  84  sq.,  I,  303  sqq.,  and 
31 1 sq. 

VI.  Louis  XI  of  France 

204.  Character  and  troublous  death  of  Louis  XI  ....  481 

Ibid.  Liv.  vi,  c,  12,  and  c.  n j Bohn  trans.  II,  80  sq.,  70  sq., 
and  75  sqq. 


XXX 


Contents  and  List  of  Citations 


CHAPTER  XXI  — THE  POPES  AND  THE 
COUNCILS 

I.  Might  the  Civil  Government  tax  the  Church  Prop- 


erty ? PAGE 

205.  The  bull  Clericis  Laicos 488 

Rymer’s  Foedera  (ed.  of  1727),  II,  706  sq. 

II.  Marsiglio  of  Padua  and  his  Defender  of  Peace 

206.  Analysis  of  the  Defensor  pads 491 


Defensor  pads,  Lib.  iii  and  Lib.  ii,  c.  16  (end),  in  Goldast, 
Monarchia  Romani  imperii,  etc.,  161 1-1614,  Tom.  II 

III.  Wycliffe’s  Attack  on  Pope  and  Clergy 


207.  Wycliffe  on  the  evil  state  of  the  clergy 497 

Select  English  Works  of  John  Wycliffe;  ed.  by  Thomas 
Arnold,  Clarendon  Press,  1869-1871,  3 vols. ; I,  208  sq.\ 

II,  30  sq. 

208.  Wycliffe  on  auricular  confession,  etc 499 

Ibid.  II,  87  sq.  and  169  sq. 

209.  Statement  of  the  views  of  Wycliffe’s  followers  . . . 500 

Ibid.  II,  457  sqq. 


IV.  The  Popes  at  Avignon.  Origin  of  the  Great 


Schism 

210.  Letter  of  Petrarch’s  describing  the  papal  court  at  Avignon  502 

Petrarcha  Opera  omnia,  Basel,  1581,  — “ Epistolae  sine 
titulo,”  V 

21 1.  Beginning  of  the  schism  in  holy  Church 504 

Froissart  (as  above.  No.  197),  cc.  326  sq.'.  Globe  ed., 

207  sqq. 

212.  Nicholas  of  Clamanges  on  the  three  chief  vices  in  the 

Church 508 

Von  der  Hardt,  Magnum  Constantiense  concilium,  I,  Pt. 

Ill,  pp.  7 and  88 

213.  How  corruption  spread  from  the  prelates  to  the  lower 

clergy 510 

Dietrich  Vrie,  Ibid.  Tom.  I,  pp.  104  sq. 

V.  The  Council  of  Constance 

214.  The  decree  Sacrosancta 5^^ 

Von  der  Hardt  (as  above.  No.  212),  Tom.  IV,  p.  98 

215.  The  decree  Frequens  512 

Ibid.  Tom.  IV,  p.  98  (1436) 

216.  List  of  abuses  discussed  at  Constance 5^3 

Ibid.  Tom.  IV  (1452) 


Contents  arid  List  of  Citations 


XXXI 


CHAPTER  XXII  — THE  ITALIAN  CITIES  AND 
THE  RENAISSANCE 

I.  The  Italian  Despots 

217.  Machiavelli’s  advice  to  despots 516 

II  Principe^  cc.  13,  15,  17;  trans.,  among  other  places,  in 
Morley’s  Universal  Library 

II.  Humanism 


218. 

219. 

220. 

221. 

222. 

223. 

224. 

225. 


Dante  and  the  great  writers  of  Greece  and  Rome  . . 520 

Divine  Comedy^  canto  iv  (close) : trans.  by  C.  E.  Norton 

Dante’s  defense  of  Italian 522 

Convito,  Lib.  i,  c.  n ; ed.  by  Moore ; trans.  (badly)  in  Morley’s 
Universal  Library ; better  by  Miss  Katharine  Hillard 

Dante’s  account  of  his  sad  life 524 

Ibid.  Lib.  i,  c.  3 


Petrarch’s  description  of  himself 

Epistola  ad  poster  os:  Epistolae  de  rebus  familiaribus  et 
variae ; ed.  by  Fracassetti,  Vol.  I;  trans.  in  Robinson 


AND  Rolfe,  Petrarch^  59  sqq.  and  63 

Petrarch’s  wide  reputation 526 

Ibid.  Ep.  Fam..,  Lib.  xiii,  7 : Robinson  and  Rolfe,  165  sq. 
Petrarch  copies  a work  of  Cicero 527 


Ibid.  Ep.  Fam.y  Lib.  xviii,  12  : Robinson  and  Rolfe,  275  sqq. 
Founding  of  the  Vatican  Library  by  Nicholas  V . . . 529 

Vespasiano,  Vite  di  uo77tini  illustri  del  secolo  XV,  Life  of 
Nicholas  V,  cc.  25  sq. ; trans.  by  Whitcomb,  Literary 
Source-Book  of  the  Italian  Renaissance 


How  Cosimo  de’  Medici  founded  a library 530 

Ibid.  Life  of  Cosimo,  cc.  12  sqq. 


HI.  The  Artists  of  the  Renaissance 


226.  Cellini  and  the  art-loving  pope,  Clement  VII  . . . . 532 

Vita  da  lui  medisimo  scritta,  Lib.  i,  cc.  43  sq.  and  5 1 ; trans. 
by  Thos.  Nugent,  2 vols.,  1812  ; also  by  Symonds,  Roscoe, 
and  others 

227.  Remarkable  versatility  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci  ....  535 

Vasari  Vite  dd  piu  eccelenti pittore,  etc. ; trans.  by  Mrs.  Fos- 
ter, Bohn  Library,  II,  366  sqq. 

228.  Kindly  disposition  of  Raphael 536 

Ibid.  Ill,  61  sq. 

229.  Michael  Angelo  and  the  popes  : his  character  and  aims  537 

Ibid.  V,  253,  257  sq.,  293,  312  sq.,  and  335 

230.  Michael  Angelo’s  fiery  impetuosity 541 

ViGNERO,  as  quoted  by  Mrs.  Foster,  V,  242,  note. 


READINGS  IN 

EUROPEAN  HISTORY 


CHAPTER  I 

THE  HISTORICAL  POINT  OF  VIEW 

It  is  clear  that  all  our  information  in  regard  to  past 
events  and  conditions  must  be  derived  from  evidence  of 
some  kind.  This  evidence  is  called  the  source.  Some- 
times there  are  a number  of  good  and  reliable  sources 
for  an  event,  as,  for  example,  for  the  decapitation  of 
Charles  I,  or  for  the  march  of  Napoleon  into  Russia. 
Sometimes  there  is  but  a single,  unreliable  source,  as,  for 
instance,  in  the  case  of  the  burial  of  Alaric  in  a river  bed.^ 
For  a great  many  important  matters  about  which  we 
should  like  to  know  there  are,  unfortunately,  no  written 
sources  at  all,  and  we  can  only  guess  how  things  were. 
For  example,  we  do  not  know  what  the  Germans  were 
doing  before  Caesar  came  into  contact  with  them  and 
took  the  trouble  to  give  a brief  account  of  them.  We 
can  learn  but  little  about  the  bishops  of  Rome  before 
the  time  of  Constantine,  for  few  references  to  them  have 
come  down  to  us. 

Few,  however,  of  those  who  read  and  study  history 
ever  come  in  contact  with  the  primary^  or  first-hand 


Primary 
or  original 
historical 
sources. 


Secondary 

sources. 


^ See  below,  43. 


2 


Readings  in  European  History 


Historical 
manuals 
usually  con- 
tain third- 
hand  infor- 
mation, or 
worse. 


Repetition 
the  enemy  of 
accuracy. 


sources  ; they  get  their  information  at  second  hand.  It 
is  much  more  convenient  to  read  what  Gibbon  has  to 
say  of  Constantine  than  to  refer  to  Eusebius,  Eutropius, 
and  other  ancient  writers  from  whom  he  gained  his 
knowledge.  Moreover,  Gibbon  carefully  studied  and  com- 
pared all  the  primary  sources,  and  it  may  be  urged  that 
he  has  given  a truer,  fuller,  and  more  attractive  account 
of  the  period  than  can  be  found  in  any  one  of  them. 
His  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Eptpire  is  certainly 
a work  of  the  highest  rank;  but,  nevertheless,  it  is  only  a 
report  of  others’  reports.  It  is  therefore  not  a primary 
but  a secondary  source. 

Most  of  the  historical  knowledge  current  among  us 
is  not,  however,  derived  from  even  secondary  sources, 
such  as  Gibbon  and  similar  authoritative  writers,  but 
comes  from  the  reading  of  text-books,  encyclopedias, 
stories,  dramas,  and  magazine  articles.  Popular  manuals 
and  articles  are  commonly  written  by  those  who  know 
little  or  nothing  of  the  primary  sources ; they  are  conse- 
quently at  least  third  hand,  even  when  based  upon  the 
best  secondary  accounts.  As  a matter  of  fact,  they  are 
usually  patched  together  from  older  manuals  and  articles, 
and  may  be  four,  five,  or  six  removes  from  the  original 
source  of  knowledge. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  often  er  a report  passes  from 
mouth  to  mouth  the  less  trustworthy  and  accurate  does 
it  tend  to  become.  Unimportant  details  which  appeal 
to  the  imagination  will  be  magnified,  while  fundamental 
considerations  are  easily  forgotten,  if  they  happen  to 
be  prosaic  and  commonplace.  Historians,  like  other 
men,  are  sometimes  fond  of  good  stories  and  may  be 
led  astray  by  some  false  rumor  which,  once  started  into 


The  Historical  Point  of  View 


3 


circulation,  gets  farther  and  farther  from  the  truth  with 
each  repetition. 

For  example,  a distinguished  historian  of  the  Church, 
Cardinal  Baronius,  writing  about  1600,  made  the  state- 
ment, upon  very  insufficient  evidence,  that,  as  the  year 
1000  approached,  the  people  of  Europe  generally  believed 
that  the  world  was  about  to  come  to  an  end.  Robertson, 
a very  popular  Scotch  historian  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury, repeated  the  statement  and  went  on  to  describe  the 
terrible  panic  which  seized  upon  sinful  men  as  the  awful 
year  drew  on.  Succeeding  writers,  including  some  very 
distinguished  ones,  accepted  and  even  elaborated  Rob- 
ertson's account.  About  thirty  years  ago,  however,  a 
French  scholar  pointed  out  that  there  was  really  no  ade- 
quate basis  for  this  strange  tale.  To  the  chroniclers  of 
the  time  the  year  1 000  was  clearly  no  more  portentous 
than  997  or  1003.  This  story  of  the  panic,  which  passed 
current  as  historical  fact  for  some  three  hundred  years, 
offers  an  excellent  illustration  of  the  danger  of  relying 
upon  secondary  sources.^ 

One  of  the  first  questions  then  to  ask  upon  taking 
up  an  historical  work  is.  Where  did  the  writer  obtain 
his  information  t Has  he  simply  copied  his  statements 
from  the  more  easily  accessible  works  in  his  own  lan- 
guage, however  unreliable  and  out  of  date  they  may  be  ; 
or  has  he,  dissatisfied  with  such  uncertain  sources,  famil- 
iarized himself  with  the  most  recent  researches  of  the 
distinguished  scholars  in  his  field,  in  whatever  language 
they  may  have  been  written  ; or,  still  better,  has  he  him- 
self made  a personal  study  of  the  original  evidence  which 

1 See  an  interesting  account  of  this  matter  by  Professor  George  L. 
Burr  in  The  American  Historical  Review^  Vol.  VI,  pp.  429  sqq. 


Sad  example 
of  the  myth- 
ical panic  of 
the  year  1000. 


The  impor- 
tance of  the 
question, 
Where  did 
the  writer 
obtain  his 
information! 


4 


Readings  in  European  History 


Advantages 
of  making 
some  use  of 
the  primary 
sources  in 
teaching  and 
studying 
history. 


has  come  down  to  us  of  the  events  and  conditions  which 
he  discusses  ? 

For  example,  a little  book  or  essay  on  Charlemagne 
might  be  written  after  reading  Hodgkin’s  Charles  the 
Great,  West’s  Alenin,  and  one  or  two  other  easily  acces- 
sible books  on  the  subject.  On  the  other  hand,  the  writer 
might  turn  to  the  great  French  and  German  treatises  on 
Charlemagne’s  reign  and  acquaint  himself  with  all  the 
articles  which  have  appeared  on  the  subject  in  histori- 
cal magazines  or  in  the  transactions  of  learned  societies. 
Every  conscientious  historian  would  wish,  however,  to 
go  still  farther  and  see  the  evidence  with  his  own  eyes 
and  draw  his  own  conclusions.  He  would  turn  to  the 
sources  themselves  and  carefully  read  the  Annals  of  the 
Monastery  of  Lorsch,  the  life  of  Charlemagne  by  his 
secretary,  Einhard,  and  the  so-called  Annals  of  Einhard. 
He  would  also  scrutinize  all  the  numerous  laws  passed 
in  Charlemagne’s  reign  and  consult  all  the  writers  of  the 
time  who  refer  to  the  emperor  or  to  public  events.  In 
this  way  he  would  master  all  that  the  past  has  handed 
down  to  us  upon  this  subject  and  would  know  all  that  is 
to  be  known  about  the  matter.  The  most  reliable  his- 
torian, therefore,  is  one  who  examines  the  sources  for 
himself,  but  who  at  the  same  time  takes  advantage  of 
the  suggestions,  criticisms,  and  explanations  which  have 
been  made  by  other  scholars  who  have  also  studied  the 
original  documents. 

No  improvement  in  the  methods  of  historical  instruc- 
tion in  our  high  schools  and  colleges  bids  fair  to  produce 
better  results  than  the  plan  of  bringing  the  student  into 
contact  with  the  first-hand  accounts  of  events,  or,  as 
they  are  technically  termed,  the  primary  sources. 


The  Historical  Point  of  View 


S 


This  term  may  perhaps  call  up  in  the  minds  of  some 
the  vision  of  a solitary  stoop-shouldered,  spectacled  en- 
thusiast, engaged  in  painfully  deciphering  obscure  Latin 
abbreviations  on  yellow  parchment.  But  it  is  a mis- 
take to  conclude  that  the  primary  sources  are  always 
difficult  to  get  at,  dull,  and  hard  to  read.  On  the  con- 
trary, they  are  sometimes  ready  to  hand,  and  are  often 
more  vivid  and  entertaining  than  even  the  most  striking 
descriptions  by  the  pen  of  gifted  writers  like  Gibbon  or 
Macaulay. 

The  best  secondary  authorities  stand  to  the  sources 
somewhat  as  the  description  of  a work  of  art  or  of  a 
masterpiece  of  literature  stands  to  the  original.  Just 
as  we  cannot  afford  to  ignore  the  picture  itself,  or  the 
great  poem  or  drama,  and  confine  ourselves  to  some  one 
else's  account  of  it,  so  in  our  historical  work  we  ought 
to  grasp  every  opportunity  of  examining  for  ourselves 
the  foundations  upon  which  history  rests. 

It  may,  of  course,  be  urged  that  the  trained  historian, 
after  acquainting  himself  with  the  men  and  the  circum- 
stances of  a particular  period,  can  make  better  use  of  the 
sources  than  any  relatively  unskilled  student.  But,  admit- 
ting the  force  of  this  argument,  there  is,  nevertheless,  so 
much  to  be  learned  from  a study  of  the  original  accounts 
that  cannot  be  reproduced  by  the  most  skilled  hand, 
that  no  earnest  student  or  reader  should  content  himself 
with  second-hand  descriptions  when  primary  sources  are 
available. 

The  sources  are  unconsciously  molded  by  the  spirit 
of  the  time  in  which  they  were  written.  Every  line 
gives  some  hint  of  the  period  in  which  the  author  lived 
and  makes  an  impression  upon  us  which  volumes  of 


Vividness  of 
the  primary 
sources.  . 


6 


Readings  in  European  History 


A study  of 
the  sources 
cultivates 
judgment 
and  fair- 
mindedness. 


second-hand  accounts  can  never  produce.  The  mere 
information,  too,  comes  to  us  in  a form  which  we  do  not 
easily  forget.  The  facts  sink  into  our  memory. 

One  who  actually  talked  with  Attila,  or  who  witnessed 
the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  the  crusaders,  is  clearly 
more  likely  to  excite  our  interest  than  a writer  of  our 
own  day,  however  much  he  may  know  of  the  king  of 
the  Huns  or  of  the  first  crusade.  It  makes  no  great 
impression  upon  us  to  be  told  that  the  scholars  of  Dante’s 
time  had  begun  to  be  interested  once  more  in  the  ancient 
learning  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans ; but  no  one  can  for- 
get Dante’s  own  poetic  account  of  his  kindly  reception 
in  the  lower  regions  by  the  august  representatives  of 
pagan  literature,  — Homer,  Horace,  Ovid,  and  Lucan, — 
people  “with  eyes  slow  and  grave,  of  great  authority  in 
their  looks,”  who  “spake  seldom  and  with  soft  voices.” 

Moreover,  the  study  of  the  sources  enables  us  to  some 
extent  to  form  our  own  opinions  of  the  past,  so  that  we 
need  not  rely  entirely  upon  mere  manuals,  which  are 
always  one,  and  generally  two  or  three,  removes  from 
the  sources  themselves.  When  we  get  at  the  sources 
themselves  we  no  longer  merely  read  and  memorize;  we 
begin  to  consider  what  may  be  safely  inferred  from  the 
statements  before  us  and  so  develop  the  all-important 
faculty  of  criticism.  We  are  not  simply  accumulating 
facts  but  are  attempting  to  determine  their  true  nature 
and  meaning. 

The  power  to  do  this  is  not  alone  necessary  to  schol- 
arly work;  it  is  of  the  utmost  importance  as  well  in  deal- 
ing with  the  affairs  of  everyday  life.  To  take  a single 
illustration : one  cannot  fail  to  see  from  a study  of 
the  sources  that  Luther  was  exceedingly  unfair  to  his 


The  Historical  Point  of  View 


7 


enemies  and  ascribed  their  conduct  to  evil  motives  when 
they  were  acting  quite  consistently  and  according  to 
what  they  considered  the  truth.  His  opponents,  on  the 
other  hand,  treated  him  with  equal  unfairness  and  pro- 
claimed him  a wicked  and  profligate  man  because  he 
refused  to  accept  their  views. 

We  meet  precisely  the  same  unfairness  nowadays,  as, 
for  instance,  in  the  case  of  a municipal  election,  where 
each  party  speaks  only  evil  of  the  other.  It  is,  however, 
not  so  hard  to  look  impartially  at  the  motives  and  con- 
duct of  men  who  lived  long  ago  as  it  is  to  be  fair-minded 
in  matters  which  interest  us  personally  very  deeply.  By 
cultivating  sympathy  and  impartiality  in  dealing  with  the 
past  we  may  hope  to  reach  a point  where  we  can  view 
the  present  coolly  and  temperately.  In  this  way  really 
thoughtful,  historical  study  serves  to  develop  the  very 
fundamental  virtues  of  sympathy,  fairness,  and  caution 
in  forming  our  judgments.^ 

Even  as  lately  as  a hundred  years  ago  the  path  to  the 
sources  of  European  history  was  still  a thorny  one.  The 
manuscripts  of  historical  importance  were  often  scattered 
about  in  innumerable  small  collections,  chiefly  in  the 
monasteries.  The  documents  were  stacked  up  in  dark 
rooms,  damp  cellars,  and  dusty  garrets.  They  were  often 
carelessly  transcribed,  full  of  blunders,  and  illegible  except 
to  those  specially  versed  in  the  art  of  deciphering  ancient 
handwriting.  There  were  usually  no  catalogues  and 
nothing  to  guide  the  investigator  to  the  material  of  which 

1 A fuller  discussion  of  this  matter  will  be  found  in  the  excellent 
introduction  to  Historical  Sources  in  Schools  (a  report  drawn  up  by 
Professor  C.  D.  Hazen  and  others  for  the  New  England  Teachers 
Association),  The  Macmillan  Company,  1902,  60  cents. 


Former 
difficulties 
in  the  way 
of  using 
manuscript 
sources. 


8 


Readings  in  European  History 


Amenities  of 
modern 
historical 
investigation. 


How  the 
sources  have 
been  printed 
in  convenient 
collections. 


Progress 
during  the 
nineteenth 
century. 


The 

Monumenta 

Germaniae 

Historica. 


he  was  in  search.  He  was  forced  to  travel  from  place  to 
place  and  turn  over  masses  of  worthless  or  irrelevant 
matter  in  the  uncertain  quest  for  the  little  which  might 
be  useful  to  him. 

But  all  this  is  changed.  The  scholar  may  now  sit  at 
a convenient  desk  in  a comfortable,  well-lighted  library ; 
he  has  a clearly  printed  book  before  him,  the  text  of 
which  has  been  established  by  a comparison  of  all  the 
known  manuscripts  of  the  work  in  question.  These 
have  been  collated  by  an  expert ; errors  have  been  elimi- 
nated, and  difficult  passages  annotated.  The  work  has 
been  carefully  analyzed  and  supplied  with  an  index,  so 
that  one  may  discover  in  a few  moments  just  those 
paragraphs  which  have  to  do  with  the  subject  in  hand. 

The  task  of  rendering  the  sources  available  has  been 
a long  and  painful  one,  and  has  been  going  on  for  three 
or  four  hundred  years.  As  early  as  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury scholars  began  to  bring  together  the  mediaeval 
chronicles  and  print  them  in  convenient  collections.  In 
the  time  of  Louis  XIV  a group  of  Benedictine  monks 
in  France  won  new  distinction  for  their  ancient  order 
by  publishing  several  admirable  series  and  by  preparing 
treatises  to  facilitate  historical  research. 

The  nineteenth  century  witnessed  a development  of 
the  critical  scientific  spirit  which  has  made  it  necessary 
to  reprint  many  sources  that  had  appeared  previously  in 
a defective  form.  Moreover,  thousands  of  volumes  of 
precious  material  hitherto  available  only  in  manuscript 
have  been  added  to  our  resources. 

The  most  notable  of  the  many  collections  is  that  which 
has  been  in  course  of  publication  in  Germany  since  1826, 
— the  Monimtcnta  Germaniae  Historica,  Begun  under 


The  Historical  Pomt  of  View 


9 


the  auspices  of  an  historical  society,  it  was,  upon  the 
death  of  Pertz,  the  original  editor,  placed  under  the  super- 
vision of  a government  commission  (1875).  The  volumes 
published  since  that  date  have  established  a standard  of 
the  highest  excellence.^ 

In  England  many  volumes  of  historical  material  have 
been  issued  since  1858  under  the  direction  of  the  Master 
of  the  Rolls,  and  constitute  the  so-called  “ Rolls  Series.’' 
France,  Italy,  Austria,  Belgium,  and  other  European 
countries  have  each  their  series,  great  and  small.  Some 
of  these  enjoy  the  support  of  the  government,  but  the 
greater  part  of  them  are  due  to  the  enterprise  of  his- 
torical societies  or  individual  scholars.^ 

So  rapidly  are  the  sources  being  printed  that  it  is  no 
longer  necessary  in  most  fields  of  historical  research  to 
rely,  as  formerly,  upon  the  manuscripts  in  the  European 
libraries  and  archives.  Some,  at  least,  of  our  very  best 
university  and  public  libraries  now  contain  many  of  the 
great  collections  of  printed  sources,  and  it  is  possible  to 
carry  on  satisfactory  historical  research  in  some  fields  in 
Boston  or  New  York  as  well  as  in  London  or  Paris.^ 

It  would  be  useless  to  enumerate  the  names  of  these 
many  series,  even  of  the  very  important  ones,  for  it  is 
impossible  to  infer  from  the  general  title  of  an  exten- 
sive set  what  particular  works  and  documents  it  con- 
tains. Moreover,  the  modern  publication,  investigation. 


Research  in 
European 
history  can 
now  be 
carried  on 
in  the  great 
libraries  of 
the  United 
States. 


Examples  of 
the  modem 
apparatus 
for  histori- 
cal research 


1 For  a description  of  the  Monumenta  see  below,  pp.  262  sq. 

2 See  Bourne,  The  Teaching  of  History,  Chapter  II,  for  a brief 
account  of  the  enterprises  in  this  field.  A fuller  account  is  given  by 

Deutschlands  Geschichtsquellen,  “ Einleitung,”  pp.  1-40. 

^ The  chief  collections  of  material,  whether  in  the  original  languages 
or  in  English  translation,  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  bibliographies 
given  below  at  the  close  of  the  chapters. 


lO 


Readings  in  European  History 


Bibliogra- 
phies of 
sources. 


Potthast’s 

Wegweiser. 


Bibliogra- 
phies for 
particular 
countries. 


and  criticism  of  the  sources  have  led  to  the  preparation 
of  a number  of  indispensable  works  of  reference  which 
do  not  aim  to  deal  directly  with  history  but  to  serve  as  a 
guide  to  those  in  search  of  the  material  upon  which  the 
historian  must  rely.  A very  few  of  the  most  noteworthy 
will  be  mentioned  here  as  illustrations  of  the  apparatus 
necessary  in  all  professional  historical  study. 

To  learn  what  the  sources  are  and  where  they  may 
be  found  is  the  first  requisite  of  historical  investigation. 
A French  writer,  Langlois,  has  published  a very  useful 
bibliography  of  historical  bibliographies,^  — a catalogue 
of  the  best  lists  of  sources  and  of  historical  treatises. 

Such  lists  are  very  numerous  and  often  voluminous. 
The  most  useful  and  scholarly  is  Potthast’s  Wegweiser^ 
or  ‘‘guide,”  in  two  stout  volumes.^  The  compiler  has, 
with  infinite  patience,  sought  to  bring  together  in  an 
alphabetical  list  the  sources  for  the  history  of  western 
Europe  from  the  year  400  to  1500,  and  to  state  when 
and  where  they  have  been  printed.  One  anxious  to  learn 
whether  there  has  been  a new  critical  edition  of  a partic- 
ular chronicle,  or  whether  there  are  any  lives  of  St.  Boni 
face,  or  Gregory  VII,  or  Frederick  Barbarossa,  written  by 
those  who  lived  in  their  times,  can  obtain  the  desired 
information  from  Potthast,  as  well  as  a list  of  modern 
works  relating  to  the  topic  under  consideration. 

Admirable  guides  exist  for  the  study  of  particular  coun- 
tries. German  scholars  have  compiled  a list  ^ of  all  the 

1 Langlois,  Manuel  de  bibliographie  historique^  Part  I,  “ Instruments 
bibliographiques,”  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1901,  4 fr. 

2 Wegweiser  durch  die  Geschichtswerke  des  Europdischen  Mtttel- 
alters  bis  igoo,  2 vols.,  2d  ed.,  Berlin,  1895-1896,  M.  26.50. 

3 Dahlmann-Waitz,  Quellenkunde  der  deutschen  Geschichte^  6th  ed., 
Gottingen,  1894,  M.  12. 


TIlc  Historical  Point  of  View  1 1 

important  books  and  articles  relating  to  the  history  of 
their  own  country  from  the  time  of  Tacitus  to  the 
present  day.  A still  better  and  more  extensive  work 
by  Molinier  and  others  is  in  course  of  publication  for 
the  history  of  France.^  Of  course  the  history  both  of 
France  and  of  Germany  is  so  closely  associated  with  that 
of  other  European  countries  that  the  above-mentioned 
guides  are  very  valuable  for  the  student  of  general  Euro- 
pean affairs.  A similar  collection  of  titles  has  been 
prepared  by  Professor  Charles  Gross  for  England.^ 

After  discovering  the  sources  it  is  essential  to  deter- 
mine their  character  and  reliability.  There  are  special 
treatises  upon  this  important  subject.^  The  best  and 
most  generally  useful  is  perhaps  Wattenbach’s  Histori- 
cal Sources  for  Germany  during  the  Middle  Ages,^  in 
which  the  various  writers  and  their  works  are  thoroughly 
discussed.  Molinier  gives  many  useful  hints  in  his  great 
bibliography  referred  to  above.  A discussion  of  the  his- 
torical writers  of  the  Middle  Ages  is  given  in  Early 
Chroniclers  of  Europe.^  I know  of  no  other  work  of  the 
kind  available  in  English  except  that  of  Flint,  who,  in 
^ his  interesting  History  of  the  Philosophy  of  History^ 

1 Les  sources  de  Vhistoire  de  France^  des  origines  aux  guerres  d'^Italie 
(14^4);  — to  be  continued  to  1815  — 5 vols.,  Paris,  1901  s^^.,  5 fr.  a 
volume. 

2 Sources  of  English  History Longmans,  1901,  ^5.00. 

^ For  brief  accounts  of  the  results  of  modern  criticism  of  the  sources 
see  the  Introduction  to  Henderson’s  History  of  Germany  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  and  Bury’s  Introduction  to  his  edition  of  Gibbon,  pp.  45  s^^. 

^ Deutschlands  Geschichtsquellen  im  Mittelalter  bis  zur  Mitte  des  igten 
fahrhundert,  2 vols.,  6th  ed.,  1893-1894,  M.  20.  (Vol.  I of  a 7th  edition 
appeared  in  1904.) 

^ England  by  Gairdner,  France  by  Masson,  and  Italy  by  Balzani. 
I Society  for  the  Promotion  of  Christian  Knowledge,  3 vols.,  London, 
1883-1888.  ® Charles  Scribner’s  Sons,  1894,  ^4.00. 

: 


Criticism  of 
the  sources. 


12 


Readings  in  European  History 


Methods  of 
historical 
research ; 
Bernheim’s 
manual. 


Du  Cange’s 
Dictionary 
of  Mediaeval 
Latin. 


Giry’s 
Manual  of 
Diplomatics. 


takes  up  in  turn  the  writers  dealing  with  France,  espe- 
cially in  modern  times.  Bury,  in  the  appendices  which 
he  has  added  to  his  edition  of  Gibbon’s  Decline  and 
Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire^  mentions  and  criticises  briefly 
many  sources.  Indeed,  it  is  not  at  all  uncommon  in 
modern  scientiflc  histories  to  And  similar  discussions. 

By  far  the  most  important  treatise  upon  the  use  of  the 
sources  and  the  methods  of  historical  investigation  is  that 
of  Bernheim.i  Every  one  proposing  to  devote  himself 
to  historical  research  should  be  thoroughly  familiar  with 
this  remarkable  work.  No  other  single  volume  contains 
such  a wealth  of  valuable  information  in  regard  to  almost 
all  branches  of  knowledge  which  directly  concern  the 
historical  student.  Suggestive,  but  far  less  exhaustive 
than  Bernheim’s  manual,  is  the  Int7^oduction  to  the  Study 
of  History  by  Langlois  and  Seignobos.^ 

For  an  explanation  of  the  many  troublesome  terms 
and  expressions  used  in  mediaeval  writings  one  should 
turn  to  the  monumental  Dictionary  of  Mediaeval  Latin 
originally  compiled  by  Du  Cange  and  first  issued  in 
1678.’^  In  successive  editions,  later  scholars  have  added 
many  terms  which  Du  Cange  overlooked,  but  one  is  still 
often  disappointed  not  to  And  words  he  would  like  to 
have  explained. 

For  all  matters  relating  to  public  and  private  docu- 
ments, decrees,  papal  bulls,  methods  of  dating,  etc.^ 

1 Lehrbiich  der  historische7i  Methode  imd  der  Geschichtsphilosophie^ 
mit  Nachweis  der  wichtigsten  Qiielleii  und  Hilfsmittel  zum  Studhim  der 
Geschichte^  3d  and  4th  eds.,  Leipzig,  1903,  M.  17. 

2 New  York,  Henry  Holt,  ^2.25.  The  French  original,  however,  costs 
but  3 fr. 

^ Glossarium  mediae  et  infi7nae  latuiitatis^  7 vols.,  Paris,  1840-1850. 
This  edition,  which  may  be  had  for  about  ^40,  is  preferable  to  a more 
recent  reprint  which  appeared  1883-1887. 


The  Historical  Point  of  View  i 3 


Giry’s  Manual  of  Diplomatics^  is  the  most  useful  modern 
work. 

Of  the  historical  atlases  the  most  generally  used  is  Historical 
that  edited  by  Droysen/'^  but  Schrader’s^  is  excellent  and 
contains  a number  of  important  special  maps  and  plans 
as  well  as  an  index.  A truly  admirable  and  very  inex- 
pensive collection  of  historical  maps  may  be  found  in 
Putzger’s  cheap  and  unassuming  Historical  School  Atlas.^ 

This  is  in  many  ways  as  useful  as  Droysen,  and  in  some 
respects  actually  superior  to  the  more  elaborate  work. 

While  but  few  of  the  aids  to  historical  research  are 


here  given,  those  mentioned  are  of  the  utmost  impor- 
tance by  reason  of  the  range  and  accuracy  of  the  informa- 
tion which  they  furnish  and  of  the  ease  with  which  they 
can  be  consulted.  No  really  advanced  work  in  history 
can  be  carried  on  without  their  aid.  Many  other  useful 
works  of  the  same  class  may  be  found  in  the  lists  given 
by  Bernheim  in  the  manual  spoken  of  above. 


1 Manuel  de  diplomatique^  Paris,  1894,  20  fr. 

2 Allgenieiner  historischer  Ha7idatlas^  mit  erlauterndem  Text,  Leipzig, 
M.  25. 

3 Atlas  de  geographie  historique^  sous  la  direction  de  F.  Schrader, 
Paris,  Hachette,  35  fr. 

The  only  really  adequate  atlas  in  English  is  the  Historical  Atlas  of 
Modern  Europe^  edited  by  R.  L.  Poole  (Clarendon  Press,  $38.50),  which 
is  unfortunately  far  more  expensive  than  the  equally  satisfactory  German 
and  French  works  of  the  same  class. 

4 Putzger’s  Historischer  Schul-Atlas,  edited  by  Baldamus  and  Schwabe. 
An  American  edition  of  this  may  be  had,  accompanied  by  an  English 
translation  of  the  German  forms  of  the  geographical  names.  New  York, 
Lemcke  and  Buchner,  $1.00.  A new  school  Atlas  of  European  History^ 
edited  by  Professor  Dow,  is  announced  by  Henry  Holt. 


CHAPTER  II 


1.  Seneca  on 
Gftd’s  gifts 
to  man. 


/ 


WESTERN  EUROPE  BEFORE  THE  BARBARIAN  INVASIONS 

I.  Some  Resemblances  between  Thoughtful  Paganism 
AND  Christianity 

The  philosopher  and  statesman,  Seneca  (d.  a.d.  65), 
who  lived  in  the  time  of  Nero,  in  his  little  book  on 
Benefits  speaks  thus  of  the  bounty  of  God  : 

Doth  not  God  bestow  all  benefits  upon  us  ? From  whence 
then  hast  thou  all  those  things  whereof  thou  art  possessed } 
which  thou  givest  ? which  thou  deniest  ? which  thou  keep- 
est?  which  thou  takest  unjustly?  From  whence  come  the 
infiniteness  of  things  that  delight  the  eye,  affect  the  ear, 
and  please  the  understanding?  . . . From  whence  have 
we  so  many  trees,  bearing  sundry  sorts  of  savory  fruit,  so 
many  wholesome  herbs,  for  the  maintenance  of  our  health, 
such  variety  of  meats,  strong  for  all  seasons  through  the 
whole  year,  so  that  an  idle  sluggard  may  pick  up  without 
effort  sufficient  sustenance  upon  the  earth  to  feed  and  nourish 
him  ? . . . 

If  a man  should  give  thee  money,  and  fill  thy  coffer 
(for  that  seemeth  a great  thing  in  thy  sight)  thou  wouldst 
term  it  a benefit.  And  thinkest  thou  it  no  favor,  that 
God  hath  hidden  so  many  metals  in  the  earth,  spread  so 
many  rivers  on  the  sands,  which  floating,  discover  ingots  of 
massy  gold,  silver,  brass,  and  iron,  which  he  hath  hidden 
everywhere ; that  he  hath  given  thee  means  and  knowledge 
to  find  it  out,  by  setting  marks  of  his  covert  riches  on  the 
upper  face  of  the  earth  ? If  a man  should  give  thee  a house 
enriched  with  marble  pillars,  if  the  cover  thereof  were  re- 
splendent, and  painted  with  gold  and  goodly  colors,  thou 

14 


Vestcrn  Europe  befo7'e  the  Barba7nan  Invasions  i 5 


St  highly  esteem  this  present  of  his  : God  hath  builded 
great  palace,  without  any  danger  or  fear  of  falling 
o^n,  wherein  thou  seest  not  little  pieces,  smaller  than  the 
chisel  itself  wherewith  they  were  carved,  but  entire  huge 
masses  of  precious  stone,  all  fastened  and  fashioned  after 
divers  manners,  the  least  piece  whereof  maketh  thee  wonder 
at  the  beauty  of  the  same  : the  roof  whereof  shineth  after  one 
sort  by  day  and  after  another  by  night : and  wilt  thou  then 
deny  that  thou  hast  received  any  benefit  at  all  ? . . . 

It  is  Nature,  saith  one,  that  communicateth  and  giveth  me 
all  these  things.  But  understandest  thou  not  that  in  speaking 
after  this  manner,  thou  only  changest  the  name  of  God  ? For 
what  else  is  Nature  but  God,  a divine  being  and  reason,  which 
by  his  searching  assistance  resideth  in  the  world,  and  all  the 
parts  thereof  ? . . . 


To  bestow  a favor  in  hope  to  receive  another,  is  a con-  Seneca  on  un- 
temptible  and  base  usury.  How  badly  soever  thy  former  selfish ‘giving 
favors  have  fallen  out,  yet  persevere  thou  in  bestowing  others. 

They  are  best  hoarded  in  the  hands  of  the  ungrateful,  whom 
either  shame,  or  occasion,  or  imitation,  may  at  length  fashion 
to  be  grateful.  Persevere  continually,  and  cease  not  to  be 
bountiful : accomplish  that  good  work  which  thou  hast  begun, 
and  perform  the  duty  of  a good  man.  Relieve  this  man  with 
thy  goods,  another  with  thy  credit;  that  man  by  thy  favor, 
this  with  thy  good  counsels  and  wholesome  precepts. 


Some  idea  of  the  resemblance  betvireen  the  beliefs  of  2.  Epictetus, 
the  Stoics  and  those  of  the  Christians  may  be  obtained 
from  the  teachings  of  Epictetus,  a slave  who  for  many 
years  belonged  to  a member  of  Nero's. household.  By 
some  whim  of  his  master’s,  Epictetus  was  given  a good 
education,  and  after  his  master’s  death  he  taught  phi- 
losophy at  Rome.  He  himself  wrote  nothing,  but  a 
devoted  pupil  of  his  — Arrian  — has  left  us  a conscien- 
tious account  of  his  teachings,  which  represent  the  most 
elevated  form  of  stoicism. 


Attitude  of 
the  Stoics 
toward  the 
evils  of  life. 


Like  the 
Christians, 
Epictetus 
held  that  all 
men  were 
brothers,  for 
all  were 
God’s  chil- 
dren. 


1 6 Readings  in  European  history 

The  attitude  of  the  Stoic  towards  the  evils  of 
clearly  expressed  in  the  following  passage  : 

When  you  are  going  in  to  any  great  personage,  remember 
that  another  also  from  above  sees  what  is  going  on,  and  that 
you  ought  to  please  him  above  all  others.  He  then  who  sees 
from  above  asks  you  : In  the  schools  what  used  you  to  say 
about  exile,  and  bonds,  and  death,  and  disgrace.^  I used  to 
say  that  they  are  things  indifferent  (neither  good  nor  bad). 
What  then  do  you  say  of  them  now  ? Are  they  changed  at 
all  ? No.  Are  you  changed  then  1 No.  Tell  me  then  what 
things  are  indifferent?  The  things  which  are  independent 
of  the  will.  Tell  me,  also,  what  follows  from  this.  The 
things  which  are  independent  of  the  will  are  nothing  to  me. 
Tell  me  also  about  the  Good  ; what  did  you  hold  it  to  be  ? A 
will  such  as  we  ought  to  have  and  also  a right  use  of  things 
about  us.  And  our  aim,  what  is  it  ? To  follow  thee.  Do 
you  say  this  now  also  ? I say  the  same  now  also. 

Then  go  in  to  the  great  personage  boldly  and  remember 
these  things ; and  you  will  see  what  a youth  is  who  has 
studied  these  things  when  he  is  among  men  who  have  not 
studied  them.  . . . 

If  the  things  are  true  which  are  said  by  the  philosophers 
about  the  kinship  between  God  and  man,  what  else  remains 
for  men  to  do  than  what  Socrates  did  ? Never  say,  in  reply 
to  the  question.  To  what  country  do  you  belong?  that  you  are 
an  Athenian,  or  a Corinthian,  but  that  you  are  a citizen  of 
the  world.  . . . He  who  hgs  observed  with  intelligence  the 
administration  of  the  world,  and  has  learned  that  the  great- 
est and  the  supreme  and  the  most  comprehensive  community 
is  that  which  is  composed  of  men  and  God,  . . . why  should 
not  such  a man  call  himself  a citizen  of  the  world,  why  not 
a son  of  God,  and  why  should  he  be  afraid  of  anything  which 
happens  among  men  ? Is  kinship  with  the  emp^dr  or  with 
any  other  of  the  powerful  in  Rome  sufficient  to  enable  us  to 
live  in  safety,  and  above  contempt  and  without  any  fear  ?t 
all  ? But  to  have  God  for  your  maker,  and  father,  and  guard- 
ian, shall  not  this  release  us  from  our  sorrows  and  fears? 


Western 


before  the  Barbarian  Invasions  17 


The  Thoicghts  of  the  emperor  Marcus  Aurelius,  a 
• collection  of  notes  which  he  made  for  his  own  private 
use,  is  one  of  the  most  famous  and  stimulating  books 
which  Roman  writers  have  handed  down  to  us.  It  is 
easily  obtainable  and  every  one  should  possess  a copy. 
A single  extract  will  serve  to  illustrate  its  character : 


3.  The 

Thoughts 
of  Marcus 
Aurelius, 


Begin  the  morning  by  saying  to  thyself,  I shall  meet  with 
the  busybody,  the  ungrateful,  arrogant,  deceitful,  envious, 
unsocial.  These  are  so  by  reason  of  their  ignorance  of  what 
is  good  and  evil.  But  I who  have  seen  the  nature  of  the 
good,  that  it  is  beautiful,  and  of  the  bad,  that  it  is  ugly,  and 
the  nature  of  him  who  does  wrong,  that  he  is  akin  to  me, 
only  of  the  same  blood  and  origin,  but  that  he  partici^ 
in  the  same  intelligence  and  the  same  portion  of  the  di 
I can  neither  be  injured  by  any  of  those  I meet,  for  no 
can  fix  on  me  what  is  ugly,  nor  can  I be  angry  with  my  kins- 
man, nor  hate  him.  For  we  are  made  for  cooperation,  like 
feet,  like  hands,  like  eyelids,  like  the  rows  of  the  upper  and 
lower  teeth.  To  act  against  one  another  then  is  contrary  to 
nature;  and  it  is  acting  against  one  another  to  be  vexed  and 
to  turn  away.  . . . 

If  thou  workest  at  that  which  is  before  thee,  following 
right  reason  seriously,  vigorously,  calmly,  without  allowing 
anything  else  to  distract  thee,  but  keeping  thy  divine  part 
pure,  as  if  thou  shouldest  be  bound  to  give  it  back  immedi- 
ately ; if  thou  boldest  to  this,  expecting  nothing,  fearing  noth- 
ing, but  satisfied  with  thy  present  activity  according  to  nature, 
and  with  heroic  truth  in  every  word  and  sound  which  thou 
utterest,  thou  wilt  live  happy.  And  there  is  no  man  who  is 
able  to  prevent  this. 


It  should  not  be  forgotten,  however,  that  there  were 
a great  many  fundamental  differences  between  the  pagan 
religions  and  Christianity.  These  have  been  admirably 
stated  by  Mr.  Lecky  in  his  well-known  History  of 
European  Morals. 


i8 


Readings  in  European 


4.  Important 

contrasts 

between 

Christianity 

and  the 

pagan 

religions. 


The  chief  objects  of  Pagan  religions  were  to  foretell  the 
future,  to  explain  the  universe,  to  avert  calamity,  to  obtain 
the  assistance  of  the  gods.  They  contained  no  instruments 
of  moral  teaching  analogous  to  our  institution  of  preaching, 
or  to  the  moral  preparation  for  the  reception  of  the  sacra- 
ment, or  to  confession,  or  to  the  reading  of  the  Bible,  or  to 
religious  education,  or  to  united  prayer  for  spiritual  benefits. 
To  make  men  virtuous  was  no  more  the  function  of  the  priest 
than  of  the  physician.  On  the  other  hand,  the  philosophic 
expositions  of  duty  [such  as  those  given  above]  were  wholly 
unconnected  with  the  religious  ceremonies  of  the  temple. 

The  high  moral  teachings  of  the  philosophers,  like 
eca,  Epictetus,  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  had  doubtless 
n brought  to  the  attention  of  a considerable  number 
educated  people  through  the  discussions  of  the  rhetori- 
cians. Some  sects,  like  the  Pythagoreans,  recommended 
religious  ceremonies  for  the  purpose  of  purifying  the 
mind,  and  among  the  Oriental  religions  (such  as  the 
worship  of  Mithras),  which  were  introduced  at  Rome 
under  the  Empire,  certain  rites  were  to  be  found  which 
closely  resembled  those  of  the  Christians. 


Moral  teach- 
ing the  duty 
of  the 
Christian 
priest. 


But  it  was  the  distinguishing  characteristic  of  Christianity 
that  its  moral  influence  was  not  indirect,  casual,  remote, 
or  spasmodic.  Unlike  all  Pagan  religions,  it  ma^le  jnnral 
teaching  a main  function  of  its  clergy,  mor?l 
leading  oh]pr.t  of  its  services,  mo^ral  dispositjuiis-theua^ces- 
sary  condign  oJ  the  dije  ppjJnrmance  of  itsrites.  By  the 
pulpit,  by  Its  ceremonies,  by  all  the  agencies  oEpower  it  pos- 
sessed, it  laboured  systematically  and  perseveringly  for  the 
regeneration  of  mankind.  Under  its  influence,  doctrines 
concerning  the  nature  of  God,  the  immortality  of  the  soul, 
and  the  duties  of  man,  which  the  noblest  intellects  of  antiq- 
uity could  barely  grasp,  have  become  the  truisms  of  the 
village  school,  the  proverbs  of  the  cottage  and  of  the  alley. 


Western  Europe  before  the  Barbariarv  Invasions  19 


II.  The  Early  Conception  op  a Catholic 
(i.E.  Universal)  Church 

It  was  not  unnatural  that  differences  of  opinion  should 
develop  among  the  early  Christians  in  regard  to  particu- 
lar religious  beliefs  and  practices.  This  led  to  the  forma- 
tion of  sects  similar  to  the  various  denominations  which 
exist  in  Protestant  lands  to-day.  This  want  of  agreement 
seemed  a terrible  thing  to  those  who  felt  that  there  could 
be  but  one  true  faith  handed  down  from  Christ  through 
the  apostles,  and  consequently  one  Catholic  or  Universal 
Church  outside  of  which  there  could  be  no  salvation. 
They  accordingly  denounced  all  who  departed  from%the 
generally  accepted  (i.e.  orthodox)  beliefs  as  heretics 
who  were  destroying  the  unity  of  the  Church  by  their 
perversity. 

This  conception  of  one  all-embracing  Church  to  which 
all  should  be  forced  to  belong  was  accepted  by  the 
Roman  emperors  after  Constantine,  and  prevailed  all 
through  the  Middle  Ages.  It  was  earlier  clearly  set 
forth  by  Cyprian,  bishop  of  Carthage,  who  died  in  258.^ 

The  old  enemy  of  mankind  was  vanquished  and  overcome 
at  the  advent  of  Christ’s  kingdom.  He  saw  his  idols  for- 
saken and  his  fanes  and  temples  deserted  for  the  altars  of 
Christ ; so  he  devised  new  wiles  by  which  he  might  deceive 
the  unwary  Christian  under  the  very  name  of  Christianity 
itself.  He  invented  heresies  and  schisms ; and  by  these  he 
hath  overthrown  the  faith,  corrupted  the  truth,  and  broken 
the  unity  of  the  Church.  Those  whom  he  cannot  keep  back 
in  the  darkness  of  the  old  way,  he  entraps  and  deceives  by 
error  in  the  new  path.  He  snatches  men  from  the  Church 

1 A description  of  the  martyrdom  of  Cyprian,  who  was  beheaded 
during  a persecution  of  the  Christians,  may  be  found  in  Tra7islations 
and  R'>printSy  Vol.  IV,  No.  i. 


5.  The 
Catholic  or 
Universal 
Church  as 
conceived 
by  Cyprian 
in  his 
Unity  of 
the  Church. 


20 


Readings  in  European  History 


herself ; and  while  they  think  they  have  now  drawn  near  to 
the  light  and  have  escaped  the  night  of  heathenism,  he  casts 
over  them  in  their  ignorance  yet  other  shades,  so  that  they 
call  themselves  Christians,  and  yet  do  not  abide  in  the 
Gospel  and  the  precepts  and  the  law  of  Christ.  They  think 
they  have  the  light,  and  yet  walk  in  the  darkness.  . . . 

Our  Lord  said  to  Peter  : ‘‘  I also  say  unto  thee.  That  thou 
art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I will  build  my  church  ; and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  And  I will  give 
unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  : and  what- 
soever thou  shalt  bind  on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven ; 
and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  loose  on  earth  shall  be  loosed  in 
heaven.’^  He  thus  erected  his  Church  upon  one  [founda- 
tion].^ And  though  after  his  resurrection  he  gave  equal 
powers  to  all  the  apostles,  saying,  “As  my  Father  hath  sent 
me,  even  so  send  I you.  . . . Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost: 
Whosesoever  sins  ye  remit,  they  are  remitted  unto  them;  and 
whosesoever  sins  ye  retain,  they  are  retained,’’  nevertheless, 
that  he  might  manifest  unity  he  established  one  Church,  and 
by  his  own  authority  determined  that  in  its  origin  this  unity 
should  proceed  from  one  [source  or  person].  . . . 

He  who  holds  not  this  unity  of  the  Church,  does  he  believe 
that  he  holds  the  faith  ? He  who  struggles  against  the  Church 
and  resists  her,  does  he  believe  that  he  is  a member  of  the 
Church  ? . . . The  episcopate  is  one  : it  is  shared  among 
individuals,  yet  each  possesses  the  entire  authority.^  The 
Church  also  is  one,  though  she  is  widely  extended  among 
the  multitude.  As  there  are  many  rays  of  the  sun,  but  one 
light ; and  many  branches  of  a tree,  but  one  strength  lying 
in  its  tenacious  root ; and  since  from  one  spring  flow  many 
streams,  yet  the  unity  is  preserved  in  the  source.  Separate 
a ray  of  the  sun  from  its  body  of  light,  its  unity  does  not 
permit  a division  of  the  light ; break  a branch  from  the 
tree,  when  broken  it  will  not  be  able  to  bud;  cut  off  the 
stream  from  its  fountain,  and  that  which  is  cut  off  dries  up. 

1 Super  unum  aedificat  ecclesiam. 

2 Episcopatus  unus  est,  cuius  a singulis  in  solidum  pars  tenetur. 


Western  Europe  before  the  Barbarian  Invasiojis  21 


Thus  the  Church  sheds  forth  her  rays  over  the  whole  world  ; 
yet  it  is  one  light  which  is  everywhere  diffused.  . . . 

Whoever  is  separated  from  the  Church  is  separated  from 
the  promises  of  the  Church ; nor  can  he  who  forsakes  the 
Church  of  Christ  attain  to  the  rewards  of  Christ.  He  is 
a stranger ; he  is  profane ; he  is  an  enemy.  He  can  no 
longer  have  God  for  his  father  who  has  not  the  Church  for 
his  mother.  If  any  one  could  escape  who  was  outside  the 
ark  of  Noah,  then  he  also  may  escape  who  shall  be  outside 
of  the  Church.  . . . These  heretics  appoint  themselves 
prelates  without  proper  ordination,  and  assume  the  name 
of  bishops,  although  no  one  gives  them  the  episcopate.  . . . 
They  sit  in  the  seat  of  pestilence,  are  plagues  and  spots  of 
the  faith,  deceiving  with  serpent’s  tongue  and  artful  in  cor- 
rupting the  truth,  vomiting  forth  deadly  poisons  from  pesti- 
lential tongues;  whose  speech  doth  creep  like  a cancer, 
whose  discourse  forms  a deadly  poison  in  the  heart  and 
breast  of  every  one.  . . . 

Though  such  a man  should  suffer  death  for  confessing 
the  name  of  Christ,  his  guilt  is  not  washed  away  by  blood, 
nor  is  the  grievous  and  inexpiable  sin  of  discord  wiped  out 
by  suffering.  He  who  is  without  the  Church  cannot  be 
a martyr.  He  cannot  reach  the  kingdom  of  heaven.  . . . 
Though  they  are  given  over  to  the  flames  and  burn  in  the 
fires;  though  cast  to  the  wild  beasts,  they  lay  down  their  lives, 
this  shall  not  be  a crown  of  faith,  but  a punishment  of  faith- 
lessness. Such  a man  may  be  killed,  but  not  crowned.  . . . 


III.  The  Church  and  the  Roman  Emperors 

In  spite  of  the  fact  that  the  Roman  emperors  per- 
mitted the  greatest  variety  of  worship  within  their  vast 
realm  and  showed  no  disposition  to  compel  their  sub- 
jects to  think  alike  upon  religious  matters,  they  viewed 
Christianity  with  the  most  cruel  suspicion  almost  from 
its  first  appearance.  Christians  were  assumed  to  be 


Denuncia- 
tion of  the 
heretics. 


6.  Edict  of 
Galerius 
(31 1),  which 
first  granted 
toleration 
to  the 
Christians. 


22 


Readings  m European  History 


hostile  to  the  government,  and  were  consequently  treated 
with  the  utmost  harshness.  Even  the  wisest  and  best 
emperors,  such  as  Trajan  and  Marcus  Aurelius,  ordered 
that  any  one  should  be  condemned  to  death  who  was 
convicted  of  bearing  the  name  of  Christian. ^ 

Christians  were  first  put  upon  a legal  footing  with 
adherents  of  the  various  pagan  religions  by  Emperor 
Galerius  in  the  year  311.^  His  edict  reads  as  follows: 

Amongst  our  other  measures  for  the  advantage  of  the 
Empire,  we  have  hitherto  endeavored  to  bring  all  things 
into  conformity  with  the  ancient  laws  and  public  order  of  the 
Romans.  We  have  been  especially  anxious  that  even  the 
Christians,  who  have  abandoned  the  religion  of  their  ances- 
tors, should  return  to  reason.  For  they  have  fallen,  we 
know  not  how,  into  such  perversity  and  folly  that,  instead 
of  adhering  to  those  ancient  institutions  which  possibly 
their  own  forefathers  established,  they  have  arbitrarily  made 
laws  of  their  own  and  collected  together  various  peoples 
from  various  quarters. 

After  the  publication,  on  our  part,  of  an  order  command- 
ing the  Christians  to  return  to  the  observance  of  the  ancient 
customs,  many  of  them,  it  is  true,  submitted  in  view  of  the 
danger,  while  many  others  suffered  death.  Nevertheless, 
since  many  of  them  have  continued  to  persist  in  their  opin- 
ions and  we  see  that  in  the  present  situation  they  neither 

1 Christians  were  not,  however,  to  be  sought  out  by  the  government 
officials  and  could  only  be  tried  when  accusation  was  brought  against 
them  by  some  definite  person.  A series  of  extracts  illustrating  the 
extent  and  character  of  the  early  persecutions  of  the  Christians  is  to 
be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  IV,  No.  i. 

2 A German  scholar,  Seeck,  has  pretty  conclusively  shown  that  the 
so-called  Edict  of  Milan,  by  which  Constantine  was  long  supposed  to 
have  rescued  the  Christians  from  persecution,  was  not  really  an  edict 
at  all,  but  a letter  addressed  by  Constantine's  colleague,  Licinius,  to 
some  government  official  in  the  East,  commanding  him  to  see  that  the 
edict  of  Galerius  was  carried  out  in  a thorough  manner.  See  Zeit- 
schrift fiir  Kirchengeschichte^  Vol.  XII,  pp.  381  sqq. 


Western  Eitrope  before  the  Barbarian  Invasions  23 

duly  adore  and  venerate  the  gods  nor  yet  worship  the  god 
of  the  Christians,  we,  with  our  wonted  clemency,  have  judged 
it  wise  to  extend  a pardon  even  to  these  men  and  permit 
them  once  more  to  become  Christians  and  reestablish  their 
places  of  meeting ; in  such  manner,  however,  that  they  shall 
in  no  way  offend  against  good  order.  We  propose  to  notify 
the  magistrates  in  another  mandate  in  regard  to  the  course 
that  they  should  pursue. 

Wherefore  it  should  be  the  duty  of  the  Christians,  in 
view  of  our  clemency,  to  pray  to  their  god  for  our  welfare, 
for  that  of  the  Empire,  and  for  their  own,  so  that  the  Empire 
may  remain  intact  in  all  its  parts,  and  that  they  themselves 
may  live  safely  in  their  habitations. 

When  under  Theodosius  II  a collection  of  the  laws 
of  the  Roman  Empire  was  published  (438),  the  edicts 
which  had  been  issued  by  Constantine  and  the  succeed- 
ing emperors  in  regard  to  the  Christian  religion,  — the 
privileges  of  the  clergy,  the  status  of  heretics,  etc.,  — 
were  conveniently  brought  together  in  the  last  book  of 
the  new  code.  The  very  first  title,  0n  the  Catholic  Faith, 
makes  it  clear  that  the  government  would  tolerate  no 
one  who  disagreed  with  the  particular  form  of  Christian 
belief  which  the  state  chose  to  sanction. 

We  desire  that  all  those  who  are  under  the  sway  of  our 
clemency  shall  adhere  to  that  religion  which,  according  to 
his  own  testimony,  coming  down  even  to  our  own  day,  the 
blessed  apostle  Peter  delivered  to  the  Romans,  namely,  the 
doctrine  which  the  pontiff  Damasus  [bishop  of  Rome]  and 
Peter,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  a man  of  apostolic  sanctity, 
accept.  According  to  the  teachings  of  the  apostles  and  of 
the  Gospel  we  believe  in  one  Godhead  of  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,  the  blessed  Trinity,  alike  in  majesty. 

We  ordain  that  the  name  of  Catholic  Christians  shall  apply 
to  all  those  who  obey  this  present  law.  All  others  we  judge 
to  be  mad  and  demented ; we  declare  them  guilty  of  the 


7.  The 
edicts  of 
Constantine 
and  his  suc- 
cessors 
relating  to 
the  Church 
in  the  Theo- 
dosian  Code. 


The  Roman 
government 
orders  every 
one  to  accept 
the  view  of 
the  Trinity 
defined  by 
the  Council 
of  Nicaea. 


24 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  clergy 
to  be 
exempted 
from  public 
burdens ; 
but  only  the 
poor  in  this 
world’s  goods 
to  be 

admitted  to 
the  clergy. 


The  govern- 
ment would 
have  the  cler- 
gy a poor,  her- 
editary class. 


infamy  of  holding  heretical  doctrine  ; their  assemblies  shall 
not  receive  the  name  of  churches.  They  shall  first  suffer 
the  wrath  of  God,  then  the  punishment  which  in  accordance 
with  divine  judgment  we  shall  inflict  [a.d.  380]. 

The  emperors  showed  themselves  ready  to  exempt  the 
orthodox  clergy  from  the  various  taxes  and  other  public 
burdens  imposed  by  the  state,  but  upon  condition  that 
only  poor  men  should  become  clerics.  No  decurion,  that 
is  to  say  one  who  was  rich  enough  to  assume  the  heavy 
responsibilities  which  the  government  threw  upon  the 
wealthier  class  in  the  cities,  might  join  the  clergy. 

Those  who  exercise  the  functions  of  divine  worship,  that 
is  to  say  those  who  are  called  clerics  \clerici\  shall  be 
exempt  from  all  public  burdens,  lest  otherwise  they  might 
be  called  away  from  their  sacred  duties  through  some  one’s 
malicious  interference  [a.d.  319]. 

Immunity  from  public  burdens  is  to  be  granted  neither 
by  custom  nor  upon  any  one’s  plea  that  he  is  a clergyman  ; 
nor  may  persons  join  the  order  of  the  clergy  easily  or  in 
too  great  numbers.  But  when  a cleric  dies  another  shall  be 
chosen  in  his  stead.  He  shall  not  be  of  decurion  rank  by 
descent,  nor  possess  sufficient  means  easily  to  bear  the 
public  burdens.  Should  doubt  arise  between  a city  and  the 
clergy  in  regard  to  any  candidate,  if  justice  indicates  that  he 
should  bear  the  public  burdens  and  he  should  appear,  either 
by  descent  or  owing  to  his  patrimony,  to  be  suitable  for  the 
rank  of  decurion,  he  shall  leave  the  clergy  and  be  turned 
over  to  the  city.  For  it  is  proper  that  the  rich  should  bear 
the  burdens  of  the  world  and  that  the  poor  should  be  sup- 
ported by  the  wealth  of  the  Church  [a.d.  326]. 

From  public  burdens  and  from  every  disquietude  of 
civil  office  all  clerics  shall  be  free,  and  their  sons  shall 
continue  in  the  Church  if  they  are  not  subject  to  public 
responsibilities  [a.d.  349]. 


Western  Eicrope  before  the  BarbaiPan  Invasiojis  25 

We  decree  that  all  priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  exorcists, 
lectors,  and  doorkeepers,  likewise  all  who  are  in  higher  orders, 
shall  be  free  from  personal  taxes ^ [a.d.  377]. 

In  every  city,  in  every  town,  hamlet,  and  burg,  whoever, 
according  to  the  spirit  of  the  Christian  law,  shall  have 
sincerely  striven  to  bring  home  to  all  its  supreme  and 
peculiar  merits  shall  enjoy  permanent  protection.  We 
should  rejoice  and  be  exceeding  glad  in  the  faith,  knowing 
that  our  empire  is  maintained  more  by  religion  than  by 
officials  or  by  the  labor  and  sweat  of  the  body  [a.d.  361]. 

Inasmuch  as  we  have  learned  that  certain  clergymen  and 
others  who  minister  to  the  Catholic  faith  have  been  com- 
pelled by  men  of  other  religions  to  celebrate  the  lustral  sac- 
rifices, we  hereby  ordain  that,  should  any  one  maintain  that 
those  who  keep  the  most  holy  law  should  be  forced  to 
observe  the  rites  of  another’s  superstition,  such  an  one  shall, 
if  his  station  permits,  be  beaten  with  rods.  If  his  rank 
forbid  this  punishment,  he  shall  be  condemned  to  a heavy 
fine  which  shall  fall  to  the  state  [a.d.  323]. 

Every  one  shall  have  the  right,  when  he  is  dying,  to  leave 
so  much  of  his  goods  as  he  will  to  the  holy  and  Catholic 
Church  . . . [a.d.  321]. 

It  is  right  that  clerics,  whether  they  be  bishops,  priests, 
deacons,  or  those  of  lower  rank,  ministers  of  the  Christian 
law,  should  be  accused  only  before  a bishop  — unless  there 
is  some  reason  why  the  case  should  be  considered  elsewhere 
[a.d.  412]. 

Minor  civil  cases  and  those  v^here  church  rites  were 
involved  were  also  to  be  tried  by  ecclesiastics.  These 
provisions  were  the  beginning  of  benefit  of  clergy  and 
of  the  vast  jurisdiction  of  the  mediaeval  Church. 

^ Church  lands  were,  however,  by  no  means  to  be  exempted  from  the 
land  tax,  nor  were  the  clergy  to  engage  in  trade  on  any  considerable  scale 
without  paying  the  tax  to  which  lay  tradesmen  were  subject. 


Exemption 

from 

personal 

taxation. 

The  power  of 
the  empire 
maintained 
by  the 
clergy. 


Christians 
not  to  be 
forced  to 
observe 
heathen  rites 


Bequests  to 
the  Church. 


Judicial 
privileges  of 
the  ^lergy. 


26 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


None  but  the 
orthodox 
clergy  to 
enjoy 
privileges. 


Manichaeans 
to  be  prose- 
cuted. 


Heretical 
books  to  be 
sought  out 
and  burned. 


Various  dis- 
abilities of 
the  heretics. 


Privileges  which  are  granted  on  religious  grounds  should 
be  confined  to  those  who  observe  the  law.  We  will  that 
heretics  and  schismatics  should  not  only  be  excluded  from 
such  privileges,  but  that  they  should  be  subject  to  various 
burdens  [a.d.  326]. 

Whenever  an  assembly  of  Manichaeans^  is  discovered,  let 
their  teachers  be  heavily  fined.  Those  who  are  in  attend- 
ance should  be  cast  out  from  among  their  fellow-men  as 
infamous  and  discredited.  The  houses  or  dwelling  places 
in  which  their  profane  doctrines  are  taught  should  be  con- 
fiscated by  the  government  [a.d.  372]. 

Clerics  adhering  to  the  Eunomian  or  Montanist  super- 
stition shall  be  excluded  from  all  intercourse  with  any  city 
or  town.  Should  any  of  these  heretics  sojourning  in  the 
country  attempt  to  gather  the  people  together  or  collect  an 
assembly,  let  them  be  sent  into  perpetual  exile.  . . . 

We  command  that  their  books,  which  contain  the  sub- 
stance of  their  criminal  teachings,  be  sought  out  with  the 
utmost  care  and  burnt  with  fire  under  the  eyes  of  the  magis- 
trates. Should  any  one  perchance  be  convicted  of  conceal- 
ing, through  deceit  or  otherwise,  and  of  failing  to  produce, 
any  work  of  this  kind,  let  him  know  that  as  the  possessor 
of  harmful  books  written  witb  criminal  intent  he  shall  suffer 
capital  punishment  [a.d.  398]. 

Here  we  find  the  same  spirit  of  active  and  cruel 
religious  intolerance  which  appears  in  the  mediaeval 
laws,  notably  the  thirteenth  century.  Other  edicts  pro- 
vide that  certain  heretics  — e.g.  the  Manichaeans  — 
should  lose  the  right  to  bequeath  and  inherit  property. 
Illegal  bequests  of  heretics  were  to  revert  to  the  public 
treasury.  Heretics  were  to  be  heavily  fined,  and  in  some 
cases  were  excluded  from  the  army.  Slaves  might  be 

1 This  Manichaean  heresy  was  revived  in  the  later  Middle  Ages.  See 
the  account  of  the  Albigenses  in  History  of  Western  Europe^  p.  221. 


Western  Europe  before  the  Barbarian  Invasions  27 

beaten  into  the  orthodox  faith.  One  edict  (407)  deprives 
convicted  Manichaeans  of  the  right  of  buying,  selling,  or 
entering  into  any  contract,  on  the  ground  that  this  kind 
of  man  has  nothing  in  common  with  other  men,  either  in 
customs  or  laws.”  Even  the  dead,  if  they  be  proved  to 
have  been  tainted  with  Manichaean  heresy,  are  to  have 
their  wills  invalidated.  In  409  the  following  edict  was 
issued : 

Lest  the  Donatists  and  other  deluded  heretics  and  those 
who,  like  the  Jews  and  the  Gentiles  (commonly  called 
“pagans”),  cannot  be  brought  into  the  .communion  of  the 
Catholic  religion,  should  conclude  that  the  force  of  the  laws 
formerly  directed  against  them  had  declined,  let  all  the 
magistrates  take  note  that  those  provisions  of  the  law  are 
to  be  faithfully  observed,  and  that  they  should  not  hesitate 
to  enforce  all  that  we  have  decreed  against  the  heretics. 

A later  title  of  the  Theodosian  Code  is  devoted  to 
“ pagans,  sacrifices,  and  temples.”  The  temples  were 
first  ordered  to  be  destroyed  in  the  towns,  later  in  the 
country.  Heavy  fines  were  to  be  inflicted  upon  those 
who  dared  to  offer  sacrifices  ’to  the  old  heathen  gods. 
Pagans  were  exeluded  by  law  from  judicial  and  adminis- 
trative offices,  although  it  seems  impossible  that  this 
measure  could  have  been  strietly  carried  out.  In  423 
we  find  a law  declaring  that,  although  pagans  deserved 
to  suffer  capital  punishment,  they  were  required  only  to 
surrender  their  property  to  the  government  and  go  into 
exile.  It  is  noteworthy,  however,  that  far  less  attention 
is  given  to  the  pagans  than  to  the  Manichseans  and 
the  various  Christian  sects,  like  the  Arians,  Montanists, 
Donatists,  and  others,  who  ventured  to  differ  from  the 
theological  opinions  sanctioned  by  the  government. 


Laws  against 
heretics  to  be 
carefully 
enforced. 


Provisions 
of  the  code 
in  regard 
to  pagans. 


28 


Readings  in  European  History 


IV.  Comparison  between  the  Lot  of  those  within  the 
Empire  and  those  who  lived  among  Barbarians 


8.  Salvian’s 
comparison 
of  the 
Romans 
with  the 
barbarians 
(ca.  440). 


It  was  inevitable  that  thoughtful  observers  should  be 
struck  with  the  contrast  between  the  habits  and  govern- 
ment of  the  Romans  and  the  customs  of  the  various 
barbarian  peoples.  Tacitus,  the  first  to  describe  the 
manners  and  institutions  of  the  Germans  with  care,  is 
frequently  tempted  to  compare  them  with  those  of  the 
Empire,  often  to  the  obvious  disadvantage  of  the  latter.^ 
We  have  two  other  notable  comparisons  of  a much  later 
date  : the  first  by  a fervid  Christian,  the  other  by  a judi- 
cious writer,  who  was  probably  a pagan. 

Salvian,  a Christian  priest,  writing  about  440,  under- 
took in  his  book  Of  God' s Government  to  show  that  the 
misfortunes  of  the  time  were  only  the  divinely  inflicted 
punishments  which  the  people  of  the  Empire  had  brought 
upon  themselves  by  their  wickedness  and  corruption. 
He  contends  that  the  Romans,  who  had  once  been  vir- 
tuous and  heroic,  had  lapsed  into  a degradation  which 
rendered  them,  in  spite  of  their  civilization  and  advan- 
tages, far  inferior  to  the  untutored  but  sturdy  barbarians. 


In  what  respects  can  our  customs  be  preferred  to  those 
of  the  Goths  and  Vandals,  or  even  compared  with  them  ? 
And  first,  to  speak  of  affection  and  mutual  charity  (which, 
our  Lord  teaches,  is  the  chief  virtue,  saying,  By  this  shall 
all  men  know  that  ye  are  my  disciples,  if  ye  have  love  one 
to  another  ’’),  almost  all  barbarians,  at  least  those  who  are 
of  one  race  and  kin,  love  each  other,  while  the  Romans  per- 
secute each  other.  ‘ For  what  citizen  does  not  envy  his  fellow- 
citizen  ? What  citizen  shows  to  his  neighbor  full  charity } 


1 The  very  important  little  work  of  Tacitus  on  Germany,  the  Ger- 
mania^ has  been  published  in  Translations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  Vl, 
No.  3. 


Western  Europe  before  the  Barbarian  Invasions  29 


[The  Romans  oppress  each  other  with  exactions]  nay, 
not  each  other  : it  would  be  quite  tolerable,  if  each  suf- 
fered what  he  indicted.  It  is  worse  than  that  ; for  the 
many  are  oppressed  by  the  few,  who  regard  public  exactions 
as  their  own  peculiar  right,  who  carry  on  private  trafdc  under 
the  guise  of  collecting  the  taxes.  And  this  is  done  not  only 
by  nobles,  but  by  men  of  lowest  rank;  not  by  judges  only, 

but  by  judges’  subordinates.  For  where  is  the  city even 

the  town  or  village  — which  has  not  as  many  tyrants  as  it 
has  curials  . What  place  is  there,  therefore,  as  I have 
said,  where  the  substance  of  widows  and  orphans,  nay  even 
of  the  saints,  is  not  devoured  by  the  chief  citizens.?  . 
None  but  the  great  is  secure  from  the  devastations  of 
these  plundering  brigands,  except  those  who  are  themselves 
robbers. 

[Nay,  the  state  has  fallen  upon  such  evil  days  that  a man 
cannot  be  safe  unless  he  is  wicked]  Even  those  in  a position 
to  protest  against  the  iniquity  which  they  see  about  them 
dare  not  speak  lest  they  make  matters  worse  than  before. 
So  the  poor  are  despoiled,  the  widows  sigh,  the  orphans  are 
oppressed,  until  many  of  them,  born  of  families  not  obscure, 
and  liberally  educated,  flee  to  our  enemies  that  they  may  no 
longer  suffer  the  oppression  of  public  persecution.  They 
doubtless  seek  Roman  humanity  among  the  barbarians, 
because  they  cannot  bear  barbarian  inhumanity  among  tEF" 
Romans.  And  although  they  differ  from  the  people  to 
whom  they  flee  in  manner  and  in  language ; although  they 
are  unlike  as  regards  th^  fetid  odor  of  the  barbarians’ 
bodies  and  garments,  yet  \they  would  rather  endure  a for- 
eign civilization  among  the  barbarians  than  cruel  injustice 
among  the  Romans. 

So  they  migrate  to  the  Goths,  or  to  the  Bagaudes,  or  to 
some  other  tribe  of  the  barbarians  who  are  ruling  every- 
where, and  do  not  regret  their  exile.  For  they  would  rather 
live  free  under  an  appearance  of  slavery  than  live  as  captives 
under  an  appearance  of  liberty.  The  name  of  Roman  citi- 
zen, once  so  highly  esteemed  and  so  dearly  bought,  is  now 
a thing  that  men  repudiate  and  flee  from.  . . . 


Why  Roman 
subjects 
prefer  to  live 
among  the 
barbarians. 


30 


Readings  in  European  History 


9.  Conver- 
sation of 
Priscus 
with  a 
Greek  living 
among  the 
barbarians 

(448). 


It  is  urged  that  if  we  Romans  are  wicked  and  corrupt^ 
that  the  barbarians  commit  the  same  sins,  and  are  not  so 
miserable  as  we.  There  is,  however,  this  difference,  that  if 
the  barbarians  commit  the  same  crimes  as  we,  yet  we  sin 
more  grievously.  . . . All  the  barbarians,  as  we  have  already 
said,  are  pagans  or  heretics.  The  Saxon  race  is  cruel,  the 
Franks  are  faithless,  the  Gepidae  are  inhuman,  the  Huns  are 
unchaste,  — in  short,  there  is  vice  in  the  life  of  all  the  bar- 
barian peoples.  But  are  their  offenses  as  serious  as  ours } 
Is  the  unchastity  of  the  Hun  so  criminal  as  ours } Is  the 
faithlessness  of  the  Frank  so  blameworthy  as  ours  ? Is 
the  intemperance  of  the  Alemanni  so  base  as  the  intemper- 
ance of  the  Christians  ? Does  the  greed  of  the  Alani  so 
merit  condemnation  as  the  greed  of  the  Christians  'I  If  the 
Hun  or  the  Gepid  cheat,  what  is  there  to  wonder  at,  since 
he  does  not  know  that  cheating  is  a crime  ? If  a Frank 
perjures  himself,  does  he  do  anything  strange,  he  who 
regards  perjury  as  a way  of  speaking,  not  as  a crime? 

About  the  time  that  Salvian  was  writing,  the  imperial 
government  at  Constantinople  dispatched  an  embassy  to 
Attila,  the  king  of  the  Huns.  One  of  the  imperial  mes- 
sengers, Priscus,  has  left  a very  interesting  account  of 
his  experiences.  He  tells,  among  other  things,  of  a con- 
versation that  he  had  with  a former  inhabitant  of  the 
Roman  Empire  who  declared  that  life  among  the  bar- 
barians had  many  advantages.  As  Priscus  was  waiting 
for  his  audience  with  Attila,  he  says  : 

A man  whom,  from  his  Scythian  dress,  I took  for  a bar- 
barian, came  up  and  addressed  me  in  Greek,  with  the  word 
‘‘  Hail ! I was  surprised  at  a Scythian  ^ speaking  Greek. 
For  the  subjects  of  the  Huns,  swept  together  from  various 
lands,  speak,  beside  their  own  barbarous  tongue,  either  Hun- 
nic  or  Gothic,  or  — as  many  as  have  commercial  dealings 

1 Priscus  seems  to  use  this  term  “ Scythian  ” as  almost  synonymous 
with  barbarian. 


Western  Europe  before  the  Barbarian  Invasions  3 1 


with  the  western  Romans  — Latin;  but  none  of  them  speak 
Greek  readily,  except  captives  from  the  Thracian  or  Illyrian 
seacoast ; and  these  last  are  easily  known  to  any  stranger 
oy  their  torn  garments  and  the  squalor  of  their  head,  as 
men  who  have  met  with  a reverse.  This  man,  on  the  con- 
trary, resembled  a well-to-do  Scythian,  being  well  dressed, 
and  having  his  hair  cut  in  a circle  after  Scythian  fashion. 

Having  returned  his  salutation,  I asked  him  who  he  was 
and  whence  he  had  come  into  a foreign  land  and  adopted 
Scythian  life.  When  he  asked  me  why  I wanted  to  know, 
I told  him  that  his  Hellenic  speech  had  prompted  my  curi- 
osity. Then  he  smiled  and  said  that  he  was  born  a Greek 
and  had  gone  as  a merchant  to  Viminacium,  on  the  Danube, 
where  he  had  stayed  a long  time,  and  married  a very  rich 
wife.  But  the  city  fell  a prey  to  the  barbarians,  and  he  was 
stripped  of  his  prosperity,  and  on  account  of  his  riches  was 
allotted  to  Onegesius  [a  Hunnish  leader]  in  the  division  of 
the  spoil,  as  it  was  the  custom  among  the  Scythians  for  the 
chiefs  to  reserve  for  themselves  the  rich  prisoners.  Having 
fought  bravely  against  the  Romans  and  the  Acatiri,  he  had 
paid  the  spoils  he  won  to  his  master,  and  so  obtained  free- 
dom. He  then  married  a barbarian  wife  and  had  children, 
and  had  the  privilege  of  partaking  at  the  table  of  Onegesius. 

He  considered  his  new  li^e  among  the  Scythians  better 
than  his  old  life  among  the  Romans,  and  the  reasons  he 
urged  were  as  follows  : After  war  the  Scythians  live  at 
leisure,  enjoying  what  they  have  got,  and  not  at  all,  or  very 
little,  disturbed.  The  Romans,  on  the  other  hand,  are  in 
the  first  place  very  liable  to  be  killed,  if  there  are  any  hos- 
tilities, since  they  have  to  rest  their  hopes  of  protection  on 
others,  and  are  not  allowed,  by  their  tyrants,  to  use  arms. 
And  those  who  do  use  them  are  injured  by  the  cowardice  of 
their  generals,  who  cannot  properly  conduct  war. 

But  the  condition  of  Roman  subjects  in  time  of  peace  is 
far  more  grievous  than  the  evils  of  war,  for  the  exaction  of 
the  taxes  is  very  severe,  and  unprincipled  men  inflict  injuries 
on  others  because  the  laws  are  practically  not  valid  against 
all  classes.  A transgressor  who  belongs  to  the  wealthy 


Advantages 
of  living 
among  the 
barbarians 


32 


Readings  in  European  History 


Priscus 
defends 
the  Roman 
government. 


classes  is  not  punished  for  his  injustice,  while  a poor  man, 
who  does  not  understand  business,  undergoes  the  legal 
penalty,  — that  is,  if  he  does  not  depart  this  life  before  the 
trial,  so  long  is  the  course  of  lawsuits  protracted,  and  so 
much  money  is  expended  on  them.  The  climax  of  misery 
is  to  have  to  pay  in  order  to  obtain  justice.  For  no  one  will 
give  a hearing  to  the  injured  man  except  he  pay  a sum  of 
money  to  the  judge  and  the  judge’s  clerks.” 

In  reply  to  this  attack  on  the  empire,  I asked  him  to  be 
good  enough  to  listen  with  patience  to  the  other  side  of  the 
question.  “The  creators  of  the  Roman  Republic,”  I said, 
“who  were  wise  and  good  men,  in  order  to  prevent  things 
from  being  done  at  haphazard,  made  one  class  of  men 
guardians  of  the  laws,  and  appointed  another  class  to  the 
profession  of  arms,  who  were  to  have  no  other  object  than 
toT)e  always  ready  for  battle,  and  to  go  forth  to  war  without 
dread,  as  though  to  their  ordinary  exercise,  having  by  prac- 
tice exhausted  all  their  fear  beforehand.  Others  again  were 
assigned  to  attend  to  the  cultivation  of  the  ground,  to  sup- 
port themselves  and  those  who  fight  in  their  defense  by 
contributing  the  military  corn  supply.  . . . To  those  who 
protect  the  interests  of  the  litigants  a sum  of  money  is  paid 
by  the  latter,  just  as  a payment  is  made  by  the  farmers  to 
the  soldiers.  Is  it  not  fair  to  support  him  who  assists  and 
requite  him  for  his  kindness  ? . . . 

“Those  who  spend  money  on  a suit  and  lose  it  in  the  end 
cannot  fairly  put  it  down  to  anything  but  the  injustice  of 
their  case.  And  as  to  the  long  time  spent  on  lawsuits,  that 
is  due  to  anxiety  for  justice,  that  judges  may  not  fail  in 
passing  accurate  judgments  by  having  to  give  sentence 
offhand ; it  is  better  that  they  should  reflect,  and  conclude 
the  case  more  tardily,  than  that  by  judging  in  a hurry  they 
should  both  injure  man  and  transgress  against  the  Deity, 
the  institutor  of  justice.  . . . 

“ The  Romans  treat  their  slaves  better  than  the  king  of 
the  Scythians  treats  his  subjects.  They  deal  with  them  as 
fathers  or  teachers,  admonishing  them  to  abstain  from  evil 
and  follow  the  lines  of  conduct  which  they  have  esteemed 


Western  Eitrope  befoi^e  the  Barbarian  Invasions  33 

honorable;  they  reprove  them  for  their  errors  like  their  own 
children.  They  are  not  allowed,  like  the  Scythians,  to  inflict 
death  on  their  slaves.  They  have  numerous  ways  of  con- 
ferring freedom ; they  can  manumit  not  only  during  life,  but 
also  by  their  wills,  and  the  testamentary  wishes  of  a Roman 
in  regard  to  his  property  are  law.’’ 

My  interlocutor  shed  tears,  and  confessed  that  the  laws 
and  constitution  of  the  Romans  were  fair,  but  deplored  that 
the  officials,  not  possessing  the  spirit  of  former  generations, 
were  ruining  the  state. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  books  here  mentioned  are  selected  with  a view  to  explaining 
those  conditions  in  the  later  Roman  Empire  some  conception  of  which 
is  essential  to  an  understanding  of  the  Middle  Ages.  Almost  all  the 
accounts  of  Roman  society  deal  with  the  period  of  the  later  Republic 
and  the  early  Empire.^ 

Conditions  upon  the  Eve  of  the  Barbarian  Invasions : For  these 
the  best  work  in  English  is,  Dill,  Roman  Society  in  the  Last  Century  of 
the  Western  Empire.  See  especially  Book  II,  “Society  of  the  West”; 
Book  IIIj  “ The  Failure  of  the  Administration  and  the  Ruin  of  the 
Middle  Class  as  revealed  in  the  Theodosian  Code.”  See  also  Bryce, 
The  Holy  Roman  Empire.,  Chapter  II,  “ The  Roman  Empire  before  the 
Invasions  of  the  Barbarians.” 

Relations  between  Paganism  and  Christianity : Dill,  Book  I, 
“The  Tenacity  of  Paganism,”  and  Gibbon,  Chapter  XXVIII  (Bury’s 
edition,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  188-215),  “The  Final  Destruction  of  Paganism.” 

Literature  and  the  Text-Books  v/hich  the  Middle  Ages  inherited 
from  the  Later  Empire : Dill,  Book  V,  “ Characteristics  of  Roman 
Education  and  Culture  in  the  Fifth  Century.”  See  also  references 
to  Taylor,  in  section  below. 

Economic  Conditions:  Cunningham,  Western  Civilization^  Vol.  I, 
Book  III,  Chapter  III,  “ The  Roman  Empire.” 

Bury,  A History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire.,  A .D.  ^g^-800.  Book  I, 
Chapters  III-IV,  “ The  Elements  of  Disintegration  within  the  Roman 
Empire  ” and  “ The  Administration  of  the  Empire.” 

1 The  most  notable  of  these  is  Friedldnder .,  Darstellungen  aus  der  Sitten- 
geschichte  Roms  in  der  Zeit  von  Augustus  bis  zum  Ausgang  der  AntoninCj 
' 2 vols.,  7th  ed.,  Leipzig,  1901. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


34 


Readings  in  European  History 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


For  the  religious  conditions:  Hatch,  The  Influence  of  Greek  Thought 
upon  the  Christian  Church  ; Renan,  The  Influence  of  Ro^ne  on  the  Devel- 
opment of  the  Catholic  Church;  Farrar,  Seekers  after  God.,  for  the 
teachings  of  Seneca,  Epictetus,  and  Marcus  Aurelius  ; Bury,  Book  I, 
Chapters  I-H,  “ Christianity  and  Paganism  ” and  “ The  Influence  of 
Christianity  on  Society”;  Lecky,  History  of  European  Morals  from 
Augustus  to  Charlemagne.,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  IV  (opening) ; Taylor,  Classi- 
cal Heritage  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Chapter  II,  gives  an  admirable  account 
of  the  passing  of  the  antique  man  into  the  mediaeval  man. 

For  the  general  intellectual  and  moral  transition,  see,  above  all, 
Taylor,  Chapters  III-V,  “ Phases  of  Pagan  Decadence,”  “ The  Antique 
Culture,”  and  “Pagan  Elements  Christianized  in  Transmission.”  The 
bibliographical  notes  at  the  end  of  Taylor’s  volume  are  very  full  and 
useful  in  this  field.  See  also  Glover,  Life  and  Letters  in  the  Fourth 
Century,  Cambridge,  England,  1901. 


A remarkable  account  of  the  general  conditions,  especially  in  Gaul, 
immediately  preceding  the  barbarian  invasions  maybe  found  in  Fustel 
DE  CouLANGES,  Histoire  des  histitutions  de  Tancienne  France  (Paris, 
1891),  Vol.  II,  “ L’invasion  germanique,”  pp.  1-244.  Histoire  de  France 
depuis  les  origines  jusqu'a  la  Revolution,  edited  by  Lavisse,  Vol.  I, 
Part  II,  also  describes  Gaul  under  the  Roman  Empire.  A shorter  account 
is  given  in  Lavisse  et  Rambaud,  Histoire  Generate,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  I, 
“ Le  Monde  romain.”  For  the  religious  situation  : Boissier,  La  Fin  du 
paganism,  2 vols.,  Paris,  1891,  and  Martha,  Les  Moralists  sous  V empire 
romain,  Paris,  1894. 

A clear  and  most  excellent  analysis  of  the  literary  works  in  the  West 
from  the  third  century  to  the  time  of  Charlemagne  may  be  found  in 
Vol.  I of  Ebert,  Allgemeine  Geschichte  der  Liter atur  des  Mittelalters  im 
Abendlande,  3 vols.,  Leipzig,  1880-1889.  There  is  a French  translation 
of  this  admirable  work,  Histoire  genirale  de  la  literature  du  moyen  age, 
Paris,  1883-1889. 

For  the  economic  conditions,  see,  especially,  Levasseur,  Histoire  des 
classes  ouvrieres  avant  iy8g  (2  vols.,  2d  ed.,  Paris,  1901,  25  fr.), 
Book  I,  especially  Chapter  III,  on  slaves  and  the  villa. 

References  for  the  highly  important  history  of  the  law  will  be  found 
at  the  end  of  Chapter  III;  those  for  the  development  of  the  Christian 
Church  under  the  Roman  Empire,  at  the  close  of  Chapter  IV. 


CHAPTER  III 


THE  GERMAN  INVASIONS  AND  THE  BREAK-UP  OF  THE 
ROMAN  EMPIRE 

L The  Movements  of  the  Huns  force  the  West  Goths 

ACROSS  THE  DANUBE  INTO  THE  ROMAN  EmPIRE,  A.D.  376 

The  retired  soldier,  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  writing 
not  more  than  ten  or  fifteen  years  after  the  battle  of 
Adrianople,  thus  describes  the  Huns  and  the  passage 
of  the  Goths  into  the  Empire. 

The  people  called  Huns,  barely  mentioned  in  ancient 
records,  live  beyond  the  sea  of  Azof,  on  the  border  of  the 
Frozen  Ocean,  and  are  a race  savage  beyond  all  parallel. 
At  the  very  moment  of  birth  the  cheeks  of  their  infant 
children  are  deeply  marked  by  an  iron,  in  order  that  the 
hair,  instead  of  growing  at  the  proper  season  on  their  faces, 
may  be  hindered  by  the  scars  ; accordingly  the  Huns  grow 
up  without  beards,  and  without  any  beauty.  They  all  have 
closely  knit  and  strong  limbs  and  plump  necks  ; they  are  of 
great  size,  and  low  legged,  so  that  you  might  fancy  them 
two-legged  beasts,  or  the  stout  figures  which  are  hewn  out 
in  a rude  manner  with  an  ax  on  the  posts  at  the  end  of 
bridges. 

They  are  certainly  in  the  shape  of  men,  however  uncouth, 
and  are  so  hardy  that  they  neither  require  fire  nor  well  fla- 
vored food,  but  live  on  the  roots  of  such  herbs  as  they  get 
in  the  fields,  or  on  the  half-raw  flesh  of  any  animal,  which 
they  merely  warm  rapidly  by  placing  it  between  their  own 
thighs  and  the  backs  of  their  horses. 

They  never  shelter  themselves  under  roofed  houses,  but 
avoid  them,  as  people  ordinarily  avoid  sepulchers  as  things 

35 


10.  Descrip- 
tion by 
Ammianus 
Marcellinus 
of  the  Huns 
and  of  the 
movements 
of  the  Goths. 


36 


Readings  iti  European  History 


The  Goths 
decide  to 
cross  the 
Danube. 


not  fit  for  common  use.  Nor  is  there  even  to  be  found 
among  them  a cabin  thatched  with  reeds ; but  they  wander 
about,  roaming  over  the  mountains  and  the  woods,  and 
accustom  themselves  to  bear  frost  and  hunger  and  thirst 
from  their  very  cradles.  . . . 

There  is  not  a person  in  the  whole  nation  who  cannot 
remain  on  his  horse  day  and  night.  On  horseback  they 
buy  and  sell,  they  take  their  meat  and  drink,  and  there 
they  recline  on  the  narrow  neck  of  their  steed,  and  yield  to 
sleep  so  deep  as  to  indulge  in  every  variety  of  dream. 

And  when  any  deliberation  is  to  take  place  on  any  weighty 
matter,  they  all  hold  their  common  council  on  horseback. 
They  are  not  under  kingly  authority,^  but  are  contented  with 
the  irregular  government  of  their  chiefs,  and  under  their 
lead  they  force  their  way  through  all  obstacles.  . . . 

None  of  them  plow,  or  even  touch  a plow  handle,  for  they 
have  no  settled  abode,  but  are  homeless  and  lawless,  perpet- 
ually wandering  with  their  wagons,  which  they  make  their 
homes ; in  fact,  they  seem  to  be  people  always  in  flight.  . . . 

This  active  and  indomitable  race,  being  excited  by  an 
unrestrained  desire  of  plundering  the  possessions  of  others, 
went  on  ravaging  and  slaughtering  all  the  nations  in  their 
neighborhood  till  they  reached  the  Alani.  . . . 

[After  having  harassed  the  territory  of  the  Alani  and 
having  slain  many  of  them  and  acquired  much  plunder,  the 
Huns  made  a treaty  of  friendship  and  alliance  with  those 
who  survived.  The  allies  then  attacked  the  German  peoples 
to  the  west.]  In  the  meantime  a report  spread  far  and  wide 
through  the  nations  of  the  Goths,  that  a race  of  men,  hitherto 
unknown,  had  suddenly  descended  like  a whirlwind  from  the 
lofty  mountains,  as  if  they  had  risen  from  some  secret  recess 
of  the  earth,  and  were  ravaging  and  destroying  everything 
which  came  in  their  way. 

And  then  the  greater  part  of  the  population  resolved  to  flee 
and  to  seek  a home  remote  from  all  knowledge  of  the  new 

1 The  Huns  in  Attila’s  time  had  a king  and  appear  to  have  lived  in 
houses  and  huts.  See  account  given  by  Priscus  below,  pp.  46  sqq. 


The  German  Invasions 


37 


barbariai's;  and  after  long  deliberation  as  to  where  to  fix 
their  abode,  they  resolved  that  a retreat  into  Thrace  was  the 
most  suitable  for  these  two  reasons  : first  of  all,  because  it  is 
a district  most  fertile  in  grass ; and  secondly,  because,  owing 
to  the  great  breadth  of  the  Danube,  it  is  wholly  separated 
from  the  districts  exposed  to  the  impending  attacks  of  the 
invaders. 

Accordingly,  under  the  command  of  their  leader  Alavivus, 
they  occupied  the  banks  of  the  Danube,  and  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  the  emperor  Valens,  humbly  entreating  to  be  received 
by  him  as  his  subjects.  They  promised  to  live  quietly,  and 
to  furnish  a body  of  auxiliary  troops  if  necessary. 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  abroad,  the  terrify- 
ing rumor  reached  us  that  the  tribes  of  the  north  were 
planning  new  and  unprecedented  attacks  upon  us  ; and  that 
over  the  whole  region  which  extends  from  the  country  of 
the  Marcomanni  and  Quadi  to  Pontus,  hosts  of  barbarians 
composed  of  various  nations,  which  had  suddenly  been 
driven  by  force  from  their  own  countries,  were  now,  with 
all  their  families,  wandering  about  in  different  directions  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  Danube. 

At  first  this  intelligence  was  lightly  treated  by  our  people, 
because  they  were  not  in  the  habit  of  hearing  of  any  wars 
in  those  remote  districts  till  they  were  terminated  either  by 
victory  or  by  treaty. 

But  presently  the  belief  in  these  occurrences  grew  stronger 
and  was  confirmed  by  the  arrival  of  ambassadors,  who,  with 
prayers  and  earnest  entreaties,  begged  that  their  people,  thus 
driven  from  their  homes  and  now  encamped  on  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  might  be  kindly  received  by  us. 

The  affair  now  seemed  a cause  of  joy  rather  than  of  fear, 
according  to  the  skillful  flatterers  who  were  always  extolling 
and  exaggerating  the  good  fortune  of  the  emperor.  They 
congratulated  him  that  an  embassy  had  come  from  the 
farthest  corners  of  the  earth,  unexpectedly  offering  him  a 
large  body  of  recruits  ; and  that,  by  combining  the  strength 
of  his  own  people  with  these  foreign  forces,  he  would  have  an 
army  absolutely  invincible.  They  observed  further  that  the 


News  of  the 
movements 
of  the  Goths 
reaches  the 
Roman  gov- 
ernment. 


38 


Readings  in  European  History 


With  Valens^ 
permission 
great  num- 
bers of  Goths 
pour  into 
the  Empire. 


The  Goths 
are  misused 
by  the 
Roman 
officials. 


payment  for  military  reenforcements,  which  came  in  every 
year  from  the  provinces,  might  now  be  saved  and  accumu- 
lated in  his  coffers  and  form  a vast  treasure  of  gold. 

Full  of  this  hope,  he  sent  forth  several  officers  to  bring 
this  ferocious  people  and  their  carts  into  our  territory.  And 
such  great  pains  were  taken  to  gratify  this  nation  which  was 
destined  to  overthrow  the  Empire  of  Rome,  that  not  one 
was  left  behind,  not  even  of  those  who  were  stricken  with 
mortal  disease.  Moreover,  so  soon  as  they  had  obtained 
permission  of  the  emperor  to  cross  the  Danube  and  to  culti- 
vate some  districts  in  Thrace,  they  poured  across  the  stream 
day  and  night,  without  ceasing,  embarking  in  troops  on 
board  ships  and  rafts  and  on  canoes  made  of  the  hollow 
trunks  of  trees.  ... 

In  this  way,  through  the  turbulent  zeal  of  violent  people, 
the  ruin  of  the  Roman  Empire  was  brought  about.  This,  at 
all  events,  is  neither  obscure  nor  uncertain,  that  the  unhappy 
officers  who  were  intrusted  with  the  charge  of  conducting 
the  multitude  of  the  barbarians  across  the  river,  though  they 
repeatedly  endeavored  to  calculate  their  numbers,  at  last 
abandoned  the  attempt  as  hopeless.  The  man  who  would 
wish  to  ascertain  the  number  might  as  well  (as  the  most 
illustrious  of  poets  says)  attempt  to  count  the  waves  in 
the  African  sea,  or  the  grains  of  sand  tossed  about  by  the 
zephyrs.  . . . 

At  that  period,  moreover,  the  defenses  of  our  provinces 
were  much  exposed,  and  the  armies  of  barbarians  spread 
over  them  like  the  lava  of  Mount  Etna.  The  imminence 
of  our  danger  manifestly  called  for  generals  already  illus- 
trious for  their  past  achievements  in  war  ; but  nevertheless,  as 
if  some  unpropitious  deity  had  made  the  selection,  the  men 
who  were  sought  out  for  the  chief  military  appointments 
were  of  tainted  character.  The  chief  among  them  were 
Lupicinus  and  Maximus, — the  one  being  count  of  Thrace, 
the  other  a leader  notoriously  wicked,  — both  men  of  great 
ignorance  and  rashness. 

And  their  treacherous  covetousness  was  the  cause  of  all 
our  disasters.  . . . For  when  the  barbarians  who  had  been 


The  German  Invasions 


39 


conducted  across  the  river  were  in  great  distress  from  want 
of  provisions,  those  detested  generals  conceived  the  idea  of  a 
most  disgraceful  traffic ; and  having  collected  dogs  from  all 
quarters  with  the  most  insatiable  rapacity,  they  exchanged 
them  for  an  equal  number  of  slaves,  among  whom  were 
several  sons  of  men  of  noble  birth.  . . . 

After  narrating  the  events  which  led  up  to  the  battle 
of  Adrianople,  and  vividly  describing  the  battle  itself, 
Ammianus  thus  records  the  death  of  the  emperor  Valens: 

So  now,  with  rage  flashing  in  their  eyes,  the  barbarians 
pursued  our  men,  who  were  in  a state  of  torpor,  the  warmth 
of  their  veins  having  deserted  them.  Many  were  slain  with- 
out knowing  who  smote  them  ; some  were  overwhelmed  by 
the  mere  weight  of  the  crowd  which  pressed  upon  them  ; 
and  some  died  of  wounds  inflicted  by  their  own  comrades. 
The  barbarians  spared  neither  those  who  yielded  nor  those 
who  resisted.  . . . 

Just  when  it  first  became  dark,  the  emperor,  being  among 
a crowd  of  common  soldiers  as  it  was  believed,  — for  no 
one  said  either  that  he  had  seen  him  or  been  near  him,  — 
was  mortally  wounded  with  an  arrow,  and,  very  shortly  after, 
died,  though  his  body  was  never  found.  For  as  some  of 
the  enemy  loitered  for  a long  time  about  the  field  in  order 
to  plunder  the  dead,  none  of  the  defeated  army  or  of  the 
inhabitants  ventured  to  go  to  them. 


II.  How  THE  West  Goths  became  Arian  Christians; 

HOW  Alaric  took  Rome  in  410 

The  following  account  is  by  Jordanes,  himself  a Goth, 
but  unlike  most  of  his  people  not  an  Arian,  but  an  ortho- 
dox Christian.  He  wrote  about  551,  nearly  a century 
and  a half  after  the  events  which  he  here  narrates : 

The  West  Goths  [terrified  by  the  victories  of  the  Huns 
over  the  East  Goths]  requested  Emperor  Valens  to  grant 


Battle  of 
Adrianople 
and  death 
of  Valens. 


11. Jordanes 
describes 
the  conver- 
sion of  the 
Goths  to 
Arian 
Christian- 
ity. 


40 


Readings  in  European  History 


Jordanes’ 
account  of 
the  death  of 
Valens. 


them  a portion  of  Thrace  or  Moesia  south  of  the  Danube 
in  which  to  settle.  They  promised  to  obey  his  laws  and 
commands  and,  in  order  still  further  to  gain  his  confidence, 
they  engaged  to  become  Christians  if  only  the  emperor 
would  send  to  them  teachers  who  knew  their  language. 
When  Valens  heard  this  he  readily  agreed  to  a plan  which 
he  might  himself  have  proposed.  He  received  the  Goths 
into  Moesia  and  erected  them,  so  to  speak,  into  a sort  of 
rampart  to  protect  his  empire  against  the  other  tribes. 

Now,  since  Valens  was  infected  with  the  heresy  of  the 
Arians  and  had  closed  all  the  churches  which  belonged  to 
our  party  [i.e.  the  orthodox],  he  sent  the  Goths  preachers 
of  his  own  infection.  These  missionaries  poured  out  for 
the  newcomers,  who  were  inexperienced  and  ignorant,  the 
poison  of  their  own  false  faith.  So  the  West  Goths  were 
made  Arians  rather  than  Christians  by  Emperor  Valens. 
Moreover,  in  their  enthusiasm  they  converted  their  kinsmen, 
the  East  Goths  and  the  Gepidae,  and  taught  them  to  respect 
this  heresy.  They  invited  all  nations  of  their  own  tongue 
everywhere  to  adopt  the  creed  of  this  sect. 

We  have  seen  how,  according  to  Ammianus  Marcel- 
linus,  the  forces  of  the  emperor  maltreated  the  poor 
Goths  and  drove  them  to  revolt. 

When  news  of  this  reached  the  emperor  Valens  at 
Antioch,  he  hastened  with  an  army  into  Thrace.  Here  it 
came  to  a miserable  battle  in  which  the  Goths  conquered. 
The  emperor  fled  to  a peasant’s  hut  not  far  from  Adrianople. 
The  Goths,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  raging  enemy, 
set  fire  to  the  buildings,  having  no  idea  that  there  was  an 
emperor  hidden  in  the  little  hut,  and  so  he  was  consumed 
in  his  kingly  pomp.^  This  was  in  accordance  with  God’s 

1 Zosimus,  a pagan  historian,  probably  of  the  fifth  century,  also 
reports  that  Valens  perished  in  a hamlet  which  had  been  set  on  fire 
by  the  enemy.  Jordanes’  tone  in  speaking  of  the  death  of  Valens  is  but 
one  of  the  many  indications  of  the  bitterness  of  feeling  with  which  the 
Catholic  Christians  viewed  the  Arians. 


The  German  Invasions 


41 


judgment  that  he  should  be  burned  with  fire  by  them,  since 
when  they  asked  for  the  true  faith  he  misled,  them  with 
false  teaching  and  changed  for  them  the  fire  of  love  into  the 
fire  of  hell. 

After  the  great  and  glorious  victory,  the  West  Goths  set 
themselves  to  cultivate  Thrace  and  the  Dacian  river  valley 
as  if  it  were  their  native  soil  of  which  they  had  just  gained 
possession. 

[There  they  remained,  hostile  to  the  Empire,  and  a per- 
petual menace.  Finally  Theodosius  the  Great,  the  brave 
and  stern,  the  wise  and  liberal,  ended  the  war  between  the 
Goths  and  the  Romans  by  a treaty.  By  his  presents  and 
his  friendly  bearing,  he  won  the  friendship  of  Athanaric, 
king  of  the  West  Goths,  and  invited  him  to  go  to  Constanti- 
nople.] 

When  the  West  Goth  entered  the  royal  city  he  was 
astounded.  Now  I see  what  I have  often  heard  without 
believing  — the  glory  of  this  great  city.’’  Looking  here  and 
there,  he  admired  the  site  of  the  city,  and  the  number  of 
ships,  and  the  magnificent  walls.  He  saw  people  of  many 
nations,  like  a stream  flowing  from  different  sources  into 
one  fountain.  He  marveled  at  the  martial  array  of  the 
soldiers  and  exclaimed,  “ Doubtless  the  emperor  is  a god 
of  this  earth,  and  whoever  has  raised  his  hand  against  him 
is  guilty  of  his  own  blood.” 

A few  months  later,  Athanaric,  upon  whom  the  emperor 
heaped  his  favors,  departed  from  this  world,  and  the  emperor, 
because  of  his  affection  for  Athanaric,  honored  him  almost 
more  in  death  than  he  had  done  in  life,  gave  him  worthy 
burial,  and  was  himself  present  beside  the  bier  at  the  funeral. 

After  the  death  of  Athanaric,  all  his  army  remained  in 
the  service  of  the  emperor  Theodosius,  submitted  to  the 
Roman  power,  and  formed,  as  it  were,  one  body  with  its 
soldiers.  They  resembled  the  allies  whom  Constantine  had 
had,  who  were  called  Feeder atL 

After  Theodosius,  who  cherished  both  peace  and  the 
Gothic  people,  had  departed  this  life,  his  sons  [Honorius 
and  Arcadius],  through  their  lives  of  indulgence,  began  to 


The  king  of 
the  West 
Goths  visits 
Constanti- 
nople. 


Alaric  leads 
the  West 
Goths  into 
Italy. 


42 


Readings  in  European  History 


Incorrect 
statements 
of  Jordanes.i 


bring  ruin  down  upon  their  empires  and  withdrew  from  their 
allies,  the  Goths,  the  accustomed  gifts.  The  Goths  soon 
grew  disgusted  with  the  emperors,  and  since  they  were  fear- 
ful lest  their  bravery  in  war  should  decline  by  too  long  a 
period  of  peace,  they  made  Alaric  their  king.  . . . So, 
since  the  said  Alaric  was  chosen  king,  he  took  counsel  with 
his  fellows  and  declared  to  them  that  it  was  preferable  to 
conquer  a kingdom  through  one’s  own  force  rather  than  to 
live  in  peace  under  the  yoke  of  strangers. 

He  thereupon  took  his  army  and  advanced,  during  the 
consulate  of  Stilicho  and  Aurelianus,  through  Pannonia  and 
Sirmium  into  Italy.  This  country  was  so  completely  deprived 
of  forces  that  Alaric  approached  without  opposition  to  the 
bridge  over  the  Candiano,  three  miles  from  the  imperial  city 
of  Ravenna.  . . . 

The  Goths  sent  messengers  to  the  emperor  Honorius, 
who  was  at  Ravenna,  requesting  that  they  might  be  per- 
mitted to  settle  quietly  in  Italy.  Should  they  be  allowed  to 
do  this,  they  would  live  as  one  people  with  the  Romans;  other- 
wise they  would  try  which  people  could  expel  the  other, 
the  victor  to  remain  in  control.  But  the  emperor  Honorius, 
fearing  both  suggestions,  took  counsel  with  his  senate  how 
they  might  rid  Italy  of  the  Goths.  He  at  last  concluded  to 
assign  the  distant  provinces  of  Gaul  and  Spain  to  the  West 
Goths. ^ He  had,  indeed,  already  nearly  lost  these  districts, 
for  they  had  been  devastated  by  an  incursion  of  Genseric, 
king  of  the  Vandals.  If  Alaric  and  his  people  could  succeed 
in  conquering  the  region,  they  might  have  it  as  their  home. 

[The  Goths  agreed  to  this,  but  on  their  way  thither  were 
treacherously  attacked  by  Stilicho,  the  emperor’s  father-in- 
law  (402).  The  Goths,  however,  held  their  own  in  the  battle 

1 The  brief  account  which  Jordanes  here  gives  of  the  eight  or  ten 
years  that  Alaric  spent  in  northern  Italy  before  finally  marching  upon 
Rome  is  probably  incorrect.  Historians  naturally  prefer  to  rely  upon 
the  pagan  historian  Zosimus,  who  probably  lived  a generation  or  two 
earlier  than  Jordanes  and  who  gives  a very  detailed  account  of  the 
movements  of  the  West  Goths.  He  says  nothing  of  the  emperor’s  offer- 
ing Gaul  and  Spain  to  the  barbarians. 


The  German  Invasions 


43 


which  followed.  They  turned  back,  full  of  wrath,  towards 
Italy,  and  wasted  the  northern  part  of  the  peninsula  during 
the  following  years ; then  moved  south  into  Tuscany.] 

Finally  they  entered  the  city  of  Rome  and  sacked  it  at 
Alaric’s  command.  They  did  not,  however,  set  fire  to  the 
city,  as  is  the  custom  of  the  wild  peoples,  and  would  not 
permit  that  any  of  the  holy  places  should  be  desecrated. 
They  then  proceeded  into  Campania  and  Lucania,  which 
they  likewise  plundered,  and  came  then  to  Britii.  . . . 

Alaric,  the  king  of  the  West  Goths,  also  brought  hither 
the  treasures  of  all  Italy  which  he  had  won  by  plunder,  and 
determined  to  cross  from  here  over  to  Sicily  and  thence  to 
Africa,  which  would  offer  him  a final  abode.  But  a number 
of  his  ships  were  swallowed  up  by  that  fearful  sea,  and 
many  were  injured  ; for  man  is  unable  to  carry  out  his  wishes 
when  they  are  opposed  to  God’s  will. 

While  Alaric,  discouraged  by  this  misfortune,  was  con- 
sidering what  he  should  do,  he  was  struck  down  by  an  early 
death  and  departed  this  world.  His  followers  mourned  the 
loss  of  him  they  had  so  dearly  loved.  They  diverted  the 
river  Busento  from  its  ordinary  bed  near  the  town  of  Con- 
sentia  — this  river,  it  may  be  added,  brings  salubrious 
water  from  the  foot  of  the  mountains  to  the  town  — and 
had  a grave  dug  by  captives  in  the  middle  of  the  channel. 
Here  they  buried  Alaric,  together  with  many  precious 
objects.  Then  they  permitted  the  water  to  return  once 
more  to  its  old  bed.  Moreover,  in  order  that  the  place 
might  never  be  found,  they  killed  all  those  who  had  helped 
dig  the  grave. 

The  Goths  transferred  the  rule  to  Atavulf,  a relative  of 
Alaric’s,  and  a man  of  fine  figure  and  lofty  spirit,  who,  although 
he  was  not  distinguished  for  his  size,  was  remarkable  for 
his  figure  and  face.  When  Atavulf  had  assumed  the  rule 
he  turned  back  again  to  Rome,  and  what  had  been  left  there 
from  the  first  sack  was  now  swept  clean  away,  as  a field 
might  be  devastated  by  grasshoppers.  He  robbed  not  only 
individuals  of  their  wealth  in  Italy,  but  he  also  took  that 
of  the  state,  and  Emperor  Honorius  was  able  in  no  way 


Sack  of 
Rome  by 
the  West 
Goths,  410 


Jordanes 
tells  of  the 
death  and 
burial  of 
Alaric. 


44 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


to  restrain  him.^  He  even  led  away  prisoner  from  Rome 
Placidia,  the  sister  of  Honorius,  and  daughter  of  Emperor 
Theodosius  by  his  second  wife. 

[Later  he  married  Placidia  and  strengthened  the  Gothic 
cause  by  this  royal  alliance.  He  then  moved  on  to  Gaul, 
where  he  engaged  in  a struggle  with  the  other  barbarians.] 


12.  St. 
Jerome 
laments 
the  destruc- 
tion wrought 
by  the  bar- 
barians. 


The  deep  impression  v^hich  the  influx  of  barbarians 
and  the  sack  of  Rome  made  upon  one  of  the  most  dis- 
tinguished scholars  of  the  time  is  apparent  from  several 
passages  in  the  writings  of  St.  Jerome  (d.  a.d.  420). 

Nations  innumerable  and  most  savage  have  invaded  all 
Gaul.  The  whole  region  between  the  Alps  and  the  Pyre- 
nees, the  ocean  and  the  Rhine,  has  been  devastated  by  the 
Quadi,  the  Vandals,  the  Sarmati,  the  Alani,  the  Gepidae, 
the  hostile  Heruli,  the  Saxons,  the  Burgundians,  the  Ale- 
manni  and  the  Pannonians.  O wretched  Empire  ! Mayence, 
formerly  so  noble  a city,  has  been  taken  and  ruined,  and  in 
the  church  many  thousands  of  men  have  been  massacred. 
Worms  has  been  destroyed  after  a long  siege.  Rheims,  that 
powerful  city,  Amiens,  Arras,  Speyer,  Strasburg,^  — all  have 
seen  their  citizens  led  away  captive  into  Germany.  Aquitaine 
and  the  provinces  of  Lyons  and  Narbonne,  all  save  a few 
towns,  have  been  depopulated;  and  these  the  sword  threatens 
without,  while  hunger  ravages  within.  I cannot  speak  with- 
out tears  of  Toulouse,  which  the  merits  of  the  holy  Bishop 
Exuperius  have  prevailed  so  far  to  save  from  destruction. 
Spain,  even,  is  in  daily  terror  lest  it  perish,  remembering  the 
invasion  of  the  Cimbri ; and  whatsoever  the  other  provinces 
have  suffered  once,  they  continue  to  suffer  in  their  fear. 


1 This  alleged  second  sack  of  Rome  is  probably  a gross  exaggeration, 
as  will  appear  below.  Jordanes  is  our  sole  authority  for  the  strange 
burial  of  Alaric,  and  there  is  no  particular  reason  to  suppose  that  he  i§ 
any  nearer  the  truth  in  this  matter  than  in  the  many  instances  where  he 
can  be  shown  to  be  in  contradiction  with  more  trustworthy  writers. 

2 The  names  of  modern  cities  here  used  are  not  in  all  cases  exact 
equivalents  for  the  regions  mentioned  by  Jerome. 


The  German  Invasions 


45 


I will  keep  silence  concerning  the  rest,  lest  I seem  to 
despair  of  the  mercy  of  God.  For  a long  time,  from  the 
Black  Sea  to  the  Julian  Alps,  those  things  which  are  ours 
have  not  been  ours  ; and  for  thirty  years,  since  the  Danube 
boundary  was  broken,  war  has  been  waged  in  the  very  midst 
of  the  Roman  Empire.  Our  tears  are  dried  by  old  age. 
Except  a few  old  men,  all  were  born  in  captivity  and  siege, 
and  do  not  desire  the  liberty  they  never  knew.  Who  could 
believe  this  How  could  the  whole  tale  be  worthily  told.^ 
How  Rome  has  fought  within  her  own  bosom  not  for  glory, 
but  for  preservation  — nay,  how  she  has  not  even  fought, 
but  with  gold  and  all  her  precious  things  has  ransomed 
her  life.  . . . 

Who  could  believe  [Jerome  exclaims  in  another  passage] 
that  Rome,  built  upon  the  conquest  of  the  whole  world, 
would  fall  to  the  ground  ? that  the  mother  herself  would 
become  the  tomb  of  her  peoples  ? that  all  the  regions  of 
the  East,  of  Africa  and  Egypt,  once  ruled  by  the  queenly 
city,  would  be  filled  with  troops  of  slaves  and  handmaidens  ? 
that  to-day  holy  Bethlehem  should  shelter  men  and  women 
of  noble  birth,  who  once  abounded  in  wealth  and  are  now 
beggars  ? 

In  regard  to  the  conflicting  impressions  which  we 
derive  from  the  writers  of  the  time,  Mr.  Dill  in  his  Roman 
Society  makes  the  following  sensible  observations : 

It  is  probable  that  the  slaughter  and  material  damage 
inflicted  by  Alaric  have  been  exaggerated.  The  ancient 
authorities  give  very  different  accounts  of  the  matter. 
According  to  some,  there  was  wholesale  massacre,  and  sena- 
tors were  tortured  and  put  to  death  in  large  numbers  ; the 
city  was  ravaged  with  fire,  and  most  of  the  great  works  of 
art  were  destroyed.  On  the  other  hand,  Orosius,^  writing 
only  a few  years  after  the  sack,  states  that,  while  some 
buildings  were  burned  down,  Alaric  gave  orders  to  his  sol- 
diers to  content  themselves  with  plunder  and  to  abstain 

1 See  below,  p.  58. 


13.  Dill’s 
criticism 
of  our  infor- 
mation in 
regard  to 
the  sack 
of  Rome. 


46 


Readings  in  European  History 


Rutilius 
Namatianus, 
a poet  of  the 
early  fifth 
century,  says 
nothing  of 
the  destruc- 
tion of  Rome 
by  the  Goths. 


14.  Priscus 
describes 
the  court 
of  Attila, 
king  of  the 
Huns  (448). 


from  bloodshed.  Jordanes  even  asserts  that  the  Goths  did 
not  set  fire  to  any  buildings,  and  that  by  Alaric’s  command 
they  confined  themselves  to  pillage.  The  probabilities  of  the 
case  are  all  in  favour  of  the  less  tragic  view  of  the  catas- 
trophe. The  three  days,  during  which  the  Goths  remained 
within  the  walls,  were  short  enough  for  the  collection  of 
the  enormous  spoil  which  Alaric  carried  off  in  his  southward 
march.  . . . Even  if  Alaric  had  not  been  restrained  by 
policy  from  a wholesale  and  wanton  destruction  of  great 
masterpieces  of  art,  his  Goths  could  not  have  wrought  such 
havoc  in  so  short  a time. 

But  the  most  convincing  argument  is  derived  from  the 
poem  of  Rutilius  Namatianus,  who,  as  he  bids  a reluctant 
farewell  [six  years  after  Rome’s  sack  by  Alaric]  to  the  city 
which  he  regards  with  a passionate  love  and  reverence,  sees 
only  the  crowded  monuments  of  her  glory,  and  has  his  eyes 
dazzled  by  the  radiance  of  her  glittering  fanes.  . . . The 
temples  of  the  gods  are  still  standing  in  their  dazzling  radi- 
ance under  the  serene  Italian  sky.  The  cheers  of  the  spec- 
tators in  the  circus  reach  his  ears  as  his  ship  still  lingers 
in  the  Tiber.  He  feels  a passionate  regret  at  quitting  ‘‘  this 
fair  queen  of  the  world,”  so  mighty,  so  merciful,  so  bounte- 
ous, whose  visible  splendour  is  only  the  faint  symbol  of  her 
worldwide  and  godlike  sway.  Certainly  there  is  here  no 
querulous  and  faint-hearted  lamentation  over  a crushing  and 
appalling  disaster.  The  troubles  of  the  time,  referred  to  in 
a few  vague  phrases,  are  treated  as  merely  vicissitudes  of 
fortune,  such  as  Rome  has  known  before,  and  from  which 
she  has  always  risen  with  renewed  vitality. 

III.  Attila  and  the  Huns 

A description  has  already  been  given  of  the  Huns 
when  they  first  drove  the  Goths  into  the  Empire.^ 
Seventy  years  after  the  battle  of  Adrianople,  Priscus,^ 
who  actually  visited  the  Huns  and  conversed  with  Attila, 

1 See  above,  pp.  35  sqq.  2 3^^  above,  p.  30. 


The  German  Invasions 


47 


received  a very  different  impression  of  the  people  from 
that  given  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus.  We  may  how- 
ever infer  that  the  Huns  had  been  a good  deal  changed 
by  their  contact  with  the  European  peoples. 

Priscus  and  a companion,  Maxim,  were  sent  by  the  Ro- 
man government  with  messages  to  Attila  in  448.  Priscus 
first  tells  of  their  long  journey  from  Constantinople  to 
Scythia,  the  territory  then  occupied  by  the  Huns  north 
of  the  lower  Danube.  After  some  difficulty  the  mes- 
sengers obtained  a first  interview  with  Attila.  Then,  as 
the  king  of  the  Huns  was  about  to  move  northward,  he 
and  his  companion  determined  to  follow  him.  After  de- 
scribing the  incidents  of  their  journey  and  their  arrival 
at  a large  village,  Priscus  continues : 

Attila’s  residence,  which  was  situated  here,  was  said  to 
be  more  splendid  than  his  houses  in  other  places.  It  was 
made  of  polished  boards,  and  surrounded  with  wooden 
inclosures,  designed  not  so  much  for  protection  as  for 
appearance’  sake.  The  house  of  the  chieftain  Onegesius 
was  second  only  to  the  king’s  in  splendor  and  was  also 
encircled  with  a wooden  inclosure,  but  it  was  not  adorned 
with  towers  like  that  of  the  king.  Not  far  from  the  inclos- 
ure was  a large  bath  built  by  Onegesius,  who  was  the  second 
in  power  among  the  Scythians.  The  stones  for  this  bath 
had  been  brought  from  Pannonia,  for  the  barbarians  in  this 
district  had  no  stones  or  trees,  but  used  imported  material 

The  next  day  I entered  the  inclosure  of  Attila’s  palace, 
bearing  gifts  to  his  wife,  whose  name  was  Kreka.  She  had 
three  sons,  of  whom  the  eldest  governed  the  Acatiri  and  the 
other  nations  who  dwell  in  Pontic  Scythia.  Within  the 
inclosures  were  numerous  buildings,  some  of  carved  boards 
beautifully  fitted  together,  others  of  straight  planed  beams, 
without  carving,  fastened  on  round  wooden  blocks  which 
rose  to  a moderate  height  from  the  ground.  Attila’s  wife 
lived  here ; and,  having  been  admitted  by  the  barbarians  at 


Attila’s  fine 
house. 


48 


Readings  in  Enropean  History 


A banquet  at 
Attila’s. 


the  door,  I found  her  reclining  on  a soft  couch.  The  floor 
of  the  room  was  covered  with  woolen  mats  for  walking  on. 
A number  of  servants  stood  round  her,  and  maids  sitting 
on  the  floor  in  front  of  her  embroidered  with  colors  linen 
cloths  intended  to  be  placed  over  the  Scythian  dress  for 
ornament.  Having  approached,  saluted  her,  and  presented 
the  gifts,  I went  out  and  walked  to  the  other  houses,  where 
Attila  .was,  and  waited  for  Onegesius,  who,  as  I knew,  was 
with  Attila.  . . . 

I saw  a number  of  people  advancing,  and  a great  com- 
motion and  noise,  Attila’s  egress  being  expected.  And  he 
came  forth  from  the  house  with  a dignified  strut,  looking 
round  on  this  side  and  on  that.  He  was  accompanied  by 
Onegesius,  and  stood  in  front  of  the  house ; and  many 
persons  who  had  lawsuits  with  one  another  came  up  and 
received  his  judgment.  Then  he  returned  into  the  house 
and  received  ambassadors  of  barbarous  peoples.  . . . 

[We  were  invited  to  a banquet  with  Attila  at  three 
o’clock.]  When  the  hour  arrived  we  went  to  the  palace, 
along  with  the  embassy  from  the  western  Romans,  and 
stood  on  the  threshold  of  the  hall  in  the  presence  of  Attila. 
The  cupbearers  gave  us  a cup,  according  to  the  national 
custom,  that  we  might  pray  before  we  sat  down.  Having 
tasted  the  cup,  we  proceeded  to  take  our  seats,  all  the 
chairs  being  ranged  along  the  walls  of  the  room  on  either 
side.  Attila  sat  in  the  middle  on  a couch  ; a second  couch 
was  set  behind  him,  and  from  it  steps  led  up  to  his  bed, 
which  was  covered  with  linen  sheets  and  wrought  coverlets 
for  ornament,  such  as  Greeks  and  Romans  used  to  deck 
bridal  beds.  The  places  on  the  right  of  Attila  were  held 
chief  in  honor ; those  on  the  left,  where  we  sat,  were  only 
second.  . . . 

[First  the  king  and  his  guests  pledged  one  another  with 
the  wine.]  When  this  ceremony  was  over  the  cupbearers 
retired,  and  tables,  large  enough  for  three  or  four,  or  even 
more,  to  sit  at,  were  placed  next  the  table  of  Attila,  so  that 
each  could  take  of  the  food  on  the  dishes  without  leaving 
his  seat.  The  attendant  of  Attila  first  entered  with  a dish 


The  Ge7'man  Invasions 


49 


full  of  meat,  and  behind  him  came  the  other  attendants 
with  bread  and  viands,  which  they  laid  on  the  tables.  A 
luxurious  meal,  served  on  silver  plate,  had  been  made  ready 
for  us  and  the  barbarian  guests,  but  Attila  ate  nothing  but 
meat  on  a wooden  trencher.  In  everything  else,  too,  he 
showed  himself  temperate  ; his  cup  was  of  wood,  while  to  the 
guests  were  given  goblets  of  gold  and  silver.  His  dress,  too, 
was  quite  simple,  affecting  only  to  be  clean.  The  sword  he 
carried  at  his  side,  the  latchets  of  his  Scythian  shoes,  the 
bridle  of  his  horse  were  not  adorned,  like  those  of  the  other 
Scythians,  with  gold  or  gems  or  anything  costly. 

When  the  viands  of  the  first  course  had  been  consumed, 
we  all  stood  up,  and  did  not  resume  our  seats  until  each  one, 
in  the  order  before  observed,  drank  to  the  health  of  Attila  in 
the  goblet  of  wine  presented  to  him.  We  then  sat  down, 
and  a second  dish  was  placed  on  each  table  with  eatables 
of  another  kind.  After  this  course  the  same  ceremony  was 
observed  as  after  the  first.  When  evening  fell  torches  were 
lit,  and  two  barbarians  coming  forward  in  front  of  Attila 
sang  songs  they  had  composed,  celebrating  his  victories  and 
deeds  of  valor  in  war. 


IV.  How  Pope  Leo  the  Great  saved  Rome  from 
Attila 


Prosper,  a Christian  chronicler,  writing  about  455, 
gives  the  following  simple  account  of  Leo’s  famous  inter- 
view with  the  king  of  the  Huns  three  years  before: 


Now  Attila,  having  once  more  collected  his  forces  which 
had  been  scattered  in  Gaul  [at  the  battle  of  Chalons],  took 
his  way  through  Pannonia  into  Italy.  . . . To  the  emperor 
and  the  senate  and  Roman  people  none  of  all  the  proposed 
plans  to  oppose  the  enemy  seemed  so  practicable  as  to  send 
legates  to  the  most  savage  king  and  beg  for  peace.  Our  most 
blessed  Pope  Leo  — trusting  in  the  help  of  God,  who  never 
fails  the  righteous  in  their  trials  — undertook  the  task,  accom- 
panied by  Avienus,  a man  of  consular  rank,  and  the  prefect 


15.  Pros- 
per’s  ac- 
count of  the 
meeting  of 
Leo  the 
Great  and 
Attila  (452), 


Readings  in  European  History 


16.  Later 
account  of 
Leo’s  inter- 
vention. 
(Somewhat 
condensed.) 


SO 

Trygetius.  And  the  outcome  was  what  his  faith  had  fore- 
seen ; for  when  the  king  had  received  the  embassy,  he  was 
so  impressed  by  the  presence  of  the  high  priest  that  he 
ordered  his  army  to  give  up  warfare  and,  after  he  had 
promised  peace,  he  departed  beyond  the  Danube. 

In  a life  of  Leo  the  Great  by  some  later  author,  whose 
name  is  unknown  to  us,  the  episode  as  told  by  Prosper 
has  been  developed  into  a miraculous  tale  calculated  to 
meet  the  taste  of  the  time  : 

Attila,  the  leader  of  the  Huns,  who  was  called  the  scourge 
of  God,  came  into  Italy,  inflamed  with  fury,  after  he  had 
laid  waste  with  most  savage  frenzy  Thrace  and  Illyricum, 
Macedonia  and  Moesia,  Achaia  and  Greece,  Pannonia  and 
Germany.  He  was  utterly  cruel  in  inflicting  torture,  greedy 
in  plundering,  insolent  in  abuse.  . . . He  destroyed  Aquileia 
from  the  foundations  and  razed  to  the  ground  those  regal 
cities,  Pavia  and  Milan  ; he  laid  waste  many  other  towns, ^ 
and  was  rushing  down  upon  Rome. 

Then  Leo  had  compassion  on  the  calamity  of  Italy  and 
Rome,  and  with  one  of  the  consuls  and  a large  part  of  the 
Roman  senate  he  went  to  meet  Attila.  The  old  man  of 
harmless  simplicity,  venerable  in  his  gray  hair  and  his 
majestic  garb,  ready  of  his  own  will  to  give  himself  entirely 
for  the  defense  of  his  flock,  went  forth  to  meet  the  tyrant 
who  was  destroying  all  things.  He  met  Attila,  it  is  said, 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  river  Mincio,  and  he  spoke  to  the 
grim  monarch,  saying:  The  senate  and  the  people  of  Rome, 
once  conquerors  of  the  world,  now  indeed  vanquished,  come 
before  thee  as  suppliants.  We  pray  for  mercy  and  deliver- 
ance. O Attila,  thou  king  of  kings,  thou  couldst  have  no 
greater  glory  than  to  see  suppliant  at  thy  feet  this  people 
before  whom  once  all  peoples  and  kings  lay  suppliant.  Thou 
hast  subdued,  O Attila,  the  whole  circle  of  the  lands  which 
it  was  granted  to  the  Romans,  victors  over  all  peoples,  to 

^ This  is,  of  course,  an  exaggeration.  Attila  does  not  seem  to  have 
destroyed  the  buildings,  even  in  Milan  and  Pavia. 


The  German  Invasions 


51 


conquer.  Now  we  pray  that  thou,  who  hast  conquered  others, 
shouldst  conquer  thyself.  The  people  have  felt  thy  scourge; 
now  as  suppliants  they  would  feel  thy  mercy.'’ 

As  Leo  said  these  things  Attila  stood  looking  upon  his 
veneral^le  garb  and  aspect,  silent,  as  if  thinking  deeply. 
And  lo,  suddenly  there  were  seen  the  apostles  Peter  and 
Paul,  clad  like  bishops,  standing  by  Leo,  the  one  on  the  right 
hand,  the  other  on  the  left.  They  held  swords  stretched  out 
over  his  head,  and  threatened  Attila  with  death  if  he  did  not 
obey  the  pope's  command.  Wherefore  Attila  was  appeased 
by  Leo’s  intercession,  — he  who  had  raged  as  one  mad.  He 
straightway  promised  a lasting  peace  and  withdrew  beyond 
the  Danube. 


V.  Clovis  and  the  Franks 

The  history  of  the  Franks  was  written  about  a cen- 
tury after  the  time  of  Clovis  by  Gregory,  bishop  of  Tours. 
The  following  extracts  give  some  notion  of  this  valuable 
source,  upon  which  a great  part  of  our  knowledge  of  the 
Merovingian  period  rests  ^ : 

At  this  time  [a.d.  486]  the  army  of  Clovis  pillaged  many 
churches,  for  he  was  still  sunk  in  the  errors  of  idolatry.  The 
soldiers  had  borne  away  from  a church,  with  all  the  other 
ornaments  of  the  holy  ministry,  a vase  of  marvelous  size 
and  beauty.  The  bishop  of  this  church  sent  messengers  to 
the  king,  begging  that  if  the  church  might  not  recover  any 
other  of  the  holy  vessels,  at  least  this  one  might  be  restored. 
The  king,  hearing  these  things,  replied  to  the  messenger: 
‘‘  Follow  thou  us  to  Soissons,  for  there  all  things  that  have 
been  acquired  are  to  be  divided.  If  the  lot  shall  give  me 
this  vase,  I will  do  what  the  bishop  desires.” 

When  he  had  reached  Soissons,  and  all  the  booty  had 
been  placed  in  the  midst  of  the  army,  the  king  pointed  to 
this  vase,  and  said  : ‘‘  I ask  you,  O most  valiant  warriors, 
not  to  refuse  to  me  the  vase  in  addition  to  my  rightful  part” 

1 See  below,  p.  60. 


17.  Gregory 
of  Tours 
and  his 
history  of 
the  Franks. 


The  incident 
of  the  vase 
at  Soissons 


52 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  conver- 
sion of  Clovis 
to  Chris- 
tianity. 


Those  of  discerning  mind  among  his  men  answered,  “ O 
glorious  king,  all  things  which  we  see  are  thine,  and  we  our- 
selves are  subject  to  thy  power  ; now  do  what  seems  pleasing 
to  thee,  for  none  is  strong  enough  to  resist  thee.’’  When 
they  had  thus  spoken  one  of  the  soldiers,  impetuous,  envious, 
and  vain,  raised  his  battle-ax  aloft  and  crushed  the  vase 
with  it,  crying,  ‘‘  Thou  shalt  receive  nothing  of  this  unless  a 
just  lot  give  it  to  thee.”  At  this  all  were  stupefied. 

The  king  bore  his  injury  with  the  calmness  of  patience, 
and  when  he  had  received  the  crushed  vase  he  gave  it  to  the 
bishop’s  messenger;  but  he  cherished  a hidden  wound  in  his 
breast.  When  a year  had  passed  he  ordered  the  whole  army 
to  come  fully  equipped  to  the  Campus  Martius  and  show  their 
arms  in  brilliant  array.  But  when  he  had  reviewed  them  all 
he  came  to  the  breaker  of  the  vase,  and  said  to  him,  “ No 
one  bears  his  arms  so  clumsily  as  thou  ; for  neither  thy  spear, 
nor  thy  sword,  nor  thy  ax  is  ready  for  use.”  And  seizing  his 
ax,  he  cast  it  on  the  ground.  And  when  the  soldier  had  bent 
a little  to  pick  it  up  the  king  raised  his  hands  and  crushed 
his  head  with  his  own  ax.  “ Thus,”  he  said,  ‘‘  didst  thou  to 
the  vase  at  Soissons.” 

[Clovis  took  to  wife  Clotilde,  daughter  of  the  king  of  the 
Burgundians.  Now  Clotilde  was  a Christian.  When  her 
first  son  was  born]  she  wished  to  consecrate  him  by  bap- 
tism, and  begged  her  husband  unceasingly,  saying,  “The 
gods  whom  thou  honorest  are  nothing ; they  cannot  help 
themselves  nor  others;  for  they  are  carved  from  stone,  or 
from  wood,  or  from  some  metal.  The  names  which  you  have 
given  them  were  of  men,  not  of  gods,  — like  Saturn,  who  is 
said  to  have  escaped  by  flight,  to  avoid  being  deprived  of 
his  power  by  his  son;  and  like  Jupiter  himself,  foul  perpe- 
trator of  all  uncleanness.  . . . What  power  have  Mars  and 
Mercury  ever  had  ? They  are  endowed  with  magical  arts 
rather  than  divine  power. 

“ The  God  who  should  be  worshiped  is  he  who  by  his 
word  created  from  nothingness  the  heavens  and  the  earth, 
the  sea  and  all  that  in  them  is ; he  who  made  the  sun  to 


The  Germa7i  hivasions 


53 


shine  and  adorned  the  sky  with  stars ; who  filled  the  waters 
with  creeping  things,  the  land  with  animals,  the  air  with 
winged  creatures ; by  whose  bounty  the  earth  is  glad  with 
crops,  the  trees  with  fruit,  the  vines  with  grapes;  by 
whose  hand  the  human  race  was  created ; whose  bounty 
has  ordained  that  all  things  should  give  homage  and  service 
to  man,  whom  he  created.’’ 

But  when  the  queen  had  said  these  things,  the  mind  of 
Clovis  was  not  stirred  to  believe.  He  answered:  “By  the 
will  of  our  gods  all  things  are  created  and  produced.  Evi- 
dently your  god  can  do  nothing,  and  it  is  not  even  proved 
that  he  belongs  to  the  race  of  gods.” 

Meantime  the  faithful  queen  presented  her  son  for  bap- 
tism. She  had  the  church  adorned  with  tapestry,  seeking 
to  attract  by  this  splendor  him  whom  her  exhortations  had 
not  moved.  But  the  child  whom  they  called  Ingomer,  after 
he  had  been  born  again  through  baptism,  died  in  his  white 
baptismal  robe.  Then  the  king  reproached  the  queen  bit- 
terly. “ If  the  child  had  been  consecrated  in  the  name  of 
my  gods  he  would  be  alive  still.  But  now,  because  he  is 
baptized  in  the  name  of  your  god,  he  cannot  live.”  . . . 

After  this  another  son  was  born  to  him,  and  called  in 
baptism  Clodomir.  He  fell  very  ill.  Then  the  king  said : 
“ Because  he,  like  his  brother,  was  baptized  in  the  name  of 
Christ,  he  must  soon  die.”  But  his  mother  prayed,  and  by 
God’s  will  the  child  recovered. 

The  queen  unceasingly  urged  the  king  to  acknowledge 
the  true  God,  and  forsake  idols.  But  he  could  not  in  any 
wise  be  brought  to  believe  until  a war  broke  out  with  the 
Alemanni.  Then  he  was  by  necessity  compelled  to  confess 
what  he  had  before  willfully  denied. 

It  happened  that  the  two  armies  were  in  battle,  and 
there  was  great  slaughter.  Clovis’  army  was  near  to  utter 
destruction.  He  saw  the  danger  ; his  heart  was  stirred  ; he 
was  moved  to  tears,  and  he  raised  his  eyes  to  heaven,  say- 
ing: Jesus  Christ,  whom  Clotilde  declares  to  be  the  son 
of  the  living  God,  who  it  is  said  givest  aid  to  the  oppressed, 
and  victory  to  those  who  put  their  hope  in  thee,  I beseech  the 


54 


Readings  in  European  Plistory 


glory  of  thy  aid.  If  thou  shalt  grant  me  victory  over  these 
enemies  and  I test  that  power  which  people  consecrated  to 
thy  name  say  they  have  proved  concerning  thee,  I will  believe 
in  thee  and  be  baptized  in  thy  name.  For  I have  called 
upon  my  gods,  but,  as  I have  proved,  they  are  far  removed 
from  my  aid.  So  I believe  that  they  have  no  power,  for 
they  do  not  succor  those  who  serve  them.  Now  I call 
upon  thee,  and  I long  to  believe  in  thee  — all  the  more  that 
I may  escape  my  enemies.’’ 

When  he  had  said  these  things,  the  Alemanni  turned  their 
backs  and  began  to  flee.  When  they  saw  that  their  king 
was  killed,  they  submitted  to  the  sway  of  Clovis,  saying: 
“We  wish  that  no  more  people  should  perish.  Now  we 
are  thine.”  When  the  king  had  forbidden  further  war,  and 
praised  his  soldiers,  he  told  the  queen  how  he  had  won  the 
victory  by  calling  on  the  name  of  Christ. 

Then  the  queen  sent  to  the  blessed  Remigius,  bishop  of 
the  city  of  Rheims,  praying  him  to  bring  to  the  king  the 
gospel  of  salvation.  The  priest,  little  by  little  and  secretly, 
led  him  to  believe  in  the  true  God,  maker  of  heaven  and 
earth,  and  to  forsake  idols,  which  could  not  help  him  nor 
anybody  else. 

But  the  king  said  : “Willingly  will  I hear  thee,  O father; 
but  one  thing  is  in  the  way  — that  the  people  who  follow  me 
are  not  content  to  leave  their  gods.  I will  go  and  speak  to 
them  according  to  thy  word.” 

When  he  came  among  them,  the  power  of  God  went 
before  him,  and  before  he  had  spoken  all  the  people  cried 
out  together:  “We  cast  off  mortal  gods,  O righteous  king, 
and  we  are  ready  to  follow  the  God  whom  Remigius  tells  us 
is  immortal.” 

These  things  were  told  to  the  bishop.  He  was  filled 
with  joy,  and  ordered  the  font  to  be  prepared.  The  streets 
were  shaded  with  embroidered  hangings  ; the  churches  were 
adorned  with  white  tapestries,  the  baptistery  was  set  in 
order,  the  odor  of  balsam  spread  around,  candles  gleamed, 
and  all  the  temple  of  the  baptistery  was  filled  with  divine 
odor.  . . . Then  the  king  confessed  the  God  omnipotent  in 


The  Gej'nian  Invasions 


55 


the  Trinity,  and  was  baptized  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  was  anointed 
with  the  sacred  chrism  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  of  Christ. 

Of  his  army  there  were  baptized  more  than  three  thousand. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Accounts:  Adams,  Civilization  during  the  Middle  Agesy  A.  Refer- 
pp.  65-88  and  137-146;  Bryce,  Holy  Roman  Empirey  Chapter  III,  ^'t^ces. 
pp.  14-33;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  15-40;  Dill, 

Ro7nan  Society y Book  IV,  Chapter  I,  pp.  285-302,  “ The  General  Char- 
acter of  the  Invasions  ” ; Chapter  H,  pp.  303-345,  “ Roman  Feeling  about 
the  Invasions”;  Chapter  III,  pp.  342-382,  “Relations  of  the  Romans 
with  the  Invaders.” 

The  West  Goths : Emerton,  Introduction  to  the  Middle  AgeSy 
Chapter  HI,  pp.  22-34 ; Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire  (Bury’s  edition),  Vol.  HI,  Chapter  XXVI,  pp.  69-132,  “ Cross- 
ing of  the  Eastern  Frontier  and  Battle  of  Adrianople”;  Vol.  HI,  Chap- 
ters XXX-XXXI,  pp.  240-356,  on  the  Invasion  of  the  West. 

The  Huns:  Emerton,  pp.  41-47;  Gibbon,  Vol.  HI,  Chapters 
XXXIV-XXXV,  pp.  416-479* 

Odoacer:  Emerton,  pp.  48-52  ; Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter  XXXVI, 
pp.  1-56;  Oman,  European  History y from  pj6  to  giS,  Chapter  I,  pp.  1-18. 

The  Ostrogoths  : Emerton,  pp.  52-57 ; Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter 
XXXIX,  pp.  170-203;  Oman,  Chapter  H,  pp.  19-32. 

Justinian : Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter  XL,  pp.  205-267,  “ Character  and 
Policy”;  Vol.  IV,  Chapters  XLI  and  XLHI,  pp.  270-338  and  388-431, 
on  the  Conquests  in  the  West ; Oman,  Chapters  V and  VI,  pp.  65-1 10. 

The  Lombards:  Emerton,  pp.  57-59;  Gibbon,  Vol.  V,  Chapter 
XLV,  first  part,  pp.  1-30  ; Oman,  pp.  180-198  and  272-288. 

The  Franks:  Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  A'ation,  pp.  22-38; 

Emerton,  pp.  60-72  ; Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter  XXXVIII,  pp.  98-120 ; 

Oman,  pp.  55-64,  “Clovis”;  pp.  111-127  and  158-180,  “The  Mero- 
vingians”; pp.  256-271,  “Mayors  of  the  Palace.” 

German  Laws  and  Customs : Adams,  Civilizatiouy  Chapter  V, 
pp.  89-T06;  Emerton,  pp.  12-21  and  73-91  ; Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter 
XXXVIII,  pp.  122-140;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germanyy 
pp.  1-2 1. 

The  Germania  of  Tacitus,  Translations  and  Reprints y Vol.  VI, 

No.  3.  Selections  from,  in  Colby,  Sources  of  English  Historyy  pp. 

9-1 1 ; Kendall,  Source  Book  of  English  Historyy  pp.  4-1 1. 


56 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing hi 
English. 


English  ver- 
sions of  the 
sources. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


The  Salic  Law : Henderson,  Historical  Documents  of  the  Middle 
Ages.,  pp.  176-189. 

Formulae  for  Trials  and  Ordeals  : Henderson,  Historical  Documents, 
pp.  314-319;  Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  IV,  No.  4,  pp.  3-22. 


Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  8 vols.  The  fullest  and  most 
scholarly  treatment  in  English,  with  many  valuable  extracts  from  sources. 
Dynasty  of  Theodosius  and  Theodoric  the  Goth,  Two  useful  books  by 
the  same  author,  giving  in  brief  form  some  of  the  results  reached  in  his 
larger  work. 

ViLLARi,  The  Barbarian  Invasions  of  Italy,  2 vols.  An  animated 
and  graphic  narrative  of  events  down  to  Charlemagne,  with  extracts 
from  the  sources,  intended  to  interest  the  general  reader. 

Gregorovius,  History  of  Rome  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Vols.  I and  H. 
An  able  discussion  of  the  period,  particularly  as  regards  the  city  of 
Rome. 

Bury,  History  of  the  Later  Roman  Empire,  2 vols.  The  best  sur- 
vey of  conditions  in  the  Empire,  especially  in  the  East. 

McCabe,  St.  Augustine,  His  Life  and  Times.  An  attractive  and 
sympathetic  sketch  of  the  great  church  father  and  his  contempo- 
raries. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  History  of  Romef  translated  by  Yonge 
(Bohn  Library). 

St.  Augustine,  The  City  of  God. 

Examples  of  the  charming  letters  of  Apollinaris  Sidonius  are  given 
by  Hodgkin,  Vol.  II,  pp.  304-373  (see  below,  pp.  58  sqqi). 

The  Letters  of  Cassiodo7'us,^  translated  by  Hodgkin,  London,  1886. 


WiETERSHElM,  Geschichte  der  Volkerwanderung,  2 vols.,  Leipzig, 
n.  d.  (1880  This  second  edition  has  been  completely  recast  and 
revised  by  Felix  Dahn,  who  has  devoted  his  life  to  this  field  of  history. 

Volume  I deals  with  the  Romans  and  barbarians  before  the  coming 
of  the  Huns.  The  second  volume,  which  takes  up  the  invasions  of  the 
Goths,  Franks,  etc.,  with  its  critical  notes  and  exhaustive  bibliography,  is 
certainly  the  best  guide  to  the  period  for  the  advanced  student. 

Damn’s  own  voluminous  Urgeschichte  der  germanischen  und  romani- 
schen  Volker,  4 vols.,  1881-1889  (Oncken’s  series),  covering  the  early  his- 
tory of  the  Germans  and  their  movements  to  the  death  of  Charlemagne, 
is  in  general  parallel  to  Hodgkin.  It  is  supplied  with  illustrations  and 
maps. 

1 See  below,  section  C.  2 See  below,  section  C. 


The  German  Invasions 


57 


Gebhardt,  Handbuch  der  deutschen  Geschichte^  2 vols.,  2d  ed.,  1901,  is 
a very  condensed  history  of  Germany,  — a species  of  elaborate  syllabus 
prepared  by  a number  of  specialists,  who  give  full  references  to  the 
latest  monographs  and  discussions.  It  devotes  a good  deal  of  space  to 
the  Germans  before  and  during  the  invasions. 

Fustel  DE  Coulanges,  Histoh'e  des  histiHitions  politiques  de  Van- 
cien7te  France^  Vol.  II,  “ L’invasion  germanique  et  la  fin  de  I’empire,” 
Paris,  1891.  A brilliant  statement  of  fresh  investigations  by  which  the 
author  sought  to  prove  that  France  owed  much  more  to  the  Romans 
and  much  less  to  the  German  barbarians  than  German  scholars  had 
admitted. 

Histoire  de  France  depuis  les  origines  jusqtPa  la  Revolution^  edited 
by  Lavisse,  Vol.  II,  Part  I (1903),  is  the  most  recent  and  readable  gen- 
eral review  of  the  Merovingian  period. 

The  laws  of  the  various  German  peoples  — Franks,  West  Goths, 
Burgundians,  Lombards,  etc.  — which  were  written  down  during  the 
invasions  and  afterwards,  throw  a great  deal  of  light  upon  the  customs, 
institutions,  and  ideals  of  the  barbarians.  The  most  complete  but  not 
very  critical  texts  of  these  laws  are  to  be  found  in  the  Monu77ienta. 

Of  the  histories  of  law  and  institutions  which  make  use  of  this  mate- 
rial, the  clearest  and  most  available  are  : Esmein,  Cours  Slementaire 
d* histoire  du  droit  f7'an<^ais^  4th  ed.,  Paris,  1901,  10  fr. ; R.  Schroder, 
Lehrbuch  der  deutschen  Rechtsgeschichte,  4th  ed.,  Leipzig,  1902,  M.  22  ; 
ViOLLET,  Histoire  des  institutions  politiques  et  adTninistratives  de  la 
France,  3 vols.,  Paris,  1890-1903.  Pleasantly  written  and  supplied  with 
plentiful  references.  In  these  works  one  finds  incorporated  such  inves- 
tigations as  those  of  Waitz  and  Brunner,  who  have  written  exhaustive 
works  on  the  institutions  of  the  Frankish  period. 


The  sources  of  information  for  the  long  period  of  four  hundred  years 
which  elapsed  between  the  battle  of  Adrianople  and  the  accession  of 
Charlemagne  are  very  meager  and  unsatisfactory. 

Gibbon,  after  recounting  the  first  great  victory  of  the  Goths  over  the 
Roman  army,  as  described  by  Ammianus  Marcellinus,  says  : “ It  is  not 
without  the  most  sincere  regret  that  I must  now  take  leave  of  an  accurate 
and  faithful  guide,  who  has  composed  the  history  of  his  own  times  with- 
out indulging  the  passions  which  usually  affect  the  mind  of  a contem- 
porary. Ammianus  Marcellinus,  who  terminates  his  useful  work  with 
the  defeat  and  death  of  Valens,  recommends  the  more  glorious  subject 
of  the  ensuing  reign  to  the  youthful  vigour  and  eloquence  of  the  rising 
generation.  The  rising  generation  w^as  not  disposed  to  accept  his  advice 
or  to  imitate  his  example ; and  in  the  study  of  the  reign  of  Theodosius 


U nsatisfac 
tory  charac’ 
ter  of  the 
sources  for 
the  barba- 
rian inva- 
sions. 


Gibbon  on 
Ammianus 
Marcellinus. 


58 


Readings  in  European  History 


Augustine’s 
City  of  God. 


Orosius  and 
his  History 
directed 
against  the 
Pagans. 


Salvian’s 
Government 
of  God. 


Apollinaris 
Sidonius  and 
his  letters. 


we  are  reduced  to  illustrate  the  partial  narrative  of  Zosimus  ^ by  the 
obscure  hints  of  fragments  and  chronicles,  by  the  figurative  style  of 
poetry  or  panegyric,  and  by  the  precarious  assistance  of  the  ecclesiasti- 
cal writers  who,  in  the  heat  of  religious  faction,  are  apt  to  despise  the 
profane  virtues  of  sincerity  and  moderation.  Conscious  of  these  disad- 
vantages, which  will  continue  to  involve  a considerable  portion  of  the 
decline  and  fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  I shall  proceed  with  doubtful 
and  timorous  steps.”  ^ 

Instigated  by  the  capture  of  Rome  by  Alaric  and  the  West  Goths, 
St.  Augustine  composed  his  famous  work.  The  City  of  God,  to that 
the  disaster  could  not,  as  the  pagans  urged,  be  reasonably  attributed  to 
the  anger  of  the  heathen  gods  who  had  been  deserted  for  the  God  of  the 
Christians. 

Orosius,  a disciple  and  ardent  admirer  of  Augustine,  undertook 
further  to  confound  the  pagans  by  reviewing  the  whole  history  of  the 
past  with  the  aim  of  showing  that  mankind  had  in  all  ages  suffered 
from  terrible  calamities  and  disasters.  Human  trouble  was  no  new 
thing ; so  it  was  absurd,  he  maintained,  to  cast  the  blame  for  the  dis- 
orders of  the  time  upon  the  Christians  and  their  religion.  His  Seven 
Books  of  History  directed  against  the  Pagans  was  one  of  the  most  popu- 
lar books  of  the  Middle  Ages  and  greatly  affected  later  writers.  The 
facts  were,  however,  selected  and  presented  with  the  purpose  of  proving 
his  gloomy  thesis,  and  only  the  latter  chapters  of  the  work,  which  closes 
with  the  year  417,  have  any  historical  value,  for  they  relate  to  the 
writer’s  own  time,  about  which  little  is  known. 

There  is  a cheap  and  excellent  edition  of  Orosius  published  by  Teub- 
ner,  1889.  The  work  is  to  be  found  in  Mtgne,  Patrologia  Latina, 
Vol.  XXXI,  and,  better,  in  the  Corpus  script07'um  e c cl esiasti corum  I^ati- 
norum,  Vol.  V. 

A specimen  has  already  been  given  (see  pp.  28  sqq.  above)  of  Salvian’s 
Eight  Books  on  the  Government  of  God,  written  about  450.  This  is  not 
a history,  nor  an  impartial  description  of  the  social  conditions  of  the 
time,  since  the  writer  is  tempted  to  paint  them  in  too  dark  colors,  and, 
conversely,  to  give  too  cheerful  a view  of  the  habits  and  conduct  of 
the  barbarians,  whom  he  believed  God  had  sent  to  punish  the  civilized 
world  for  its  monstrous  iniquities. 

Apollinaris  Sidonius,  an  amiable  contemporary  of  Salvian’s,  took 
a much  less  gloomy  view  of  the  situation  than  he.  The  ancestors  of 

1 See  above,  p.  42,  note. 

2 Biiry’s  edition,  Vol.  Ill,  p.  122.  An  amusing  but  none  the  less  valuable 
denunciation  of  the  sources  for  the  period  of  the  invasions  may  be  found  in 
Hodgkin,  Italy  a7id  her  Invaders^  Vol.  II,  pp.  299-303. 


The  Gei'man  Invasions 


59 


Sidonius  had  held  high  offices  under  the  Roman  emperors.  He  was 
born  in  Lyons  about  430.  He  received  a good  education,  made  many 
friends,  became  bishop  of  Averni,  died  of  a fever  about  489,  and  left  to 
posterity  a great  number  of  letters  which  give  a lively  idea  of  the  world 
in  which  he  lived. 

‘‘  Sometimes  we  think  of  the  hundred  years  between  Theodosius  and 
Theodoric  as  wholly  filled  with  rapine  and  bloodshed.  Sometimes  we 
carry  back  into  the  fifth  century  the  thick  darkness  which  hung  over  the 
intellectual  life  of  Merowingian  France  or  Lombard  Italy.  In  both 
these  estimates  we  are  mistaken.  A careful  perusal  of  the  three  volumes 
of  the  letters  and  poems  of  Sidonius  reveals  to  us  the  fact  that  in  Gaul, 
at  any  rate,  the  air  still  teemed  with  intellectual  life,  that  authors  were 
still  writing,  amanuenses  still  transcribing,  friends  complimenting  or 
criticising,  and  all  the  cares  and  pleasures  of  literature  filling  the  minds 
of  large  classes  of  men  just  as  though  no  empires  were  sinking  and  no 
strange  nationalities  were  suddenly  rising  around  them”  (Hodgkin, 
Italy  and  her  Invaders^  Vol.  II,  p.  305).  For  an  extract  from  a letter  of 
Sidonius,  see  below,  pp.  150  sq. 

The  numerous  Lives  of  the  saints,  although  a very  uncritical  kind  of 
biography,  are  sometimes  helpful  to  the  historical  student.  The  best 
known  of  those  for  the  fifth  century  is  the  Life  of  Severinus  (d.  482), 
a missionary  who  labored  in  Noricum  among  the  Germans  on  the 
Danube.  His  biography  was  prepared  by  his  disciple  Eugisippus  in  51 1. 
(Text  in  the  Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica.  New  edition  in  the  octavo 
edition  of  the  Monumenta;  translation  in  the  Geschichtschreiber  der  deut- 
schen  Vorzeitl) 

Cassiodorus  {ca.  \^y-ca.  57o),Theodoric’s  minister,  was  the  chief  liter- 
ary promoter  of  the  sixth  century.  He  edited  a Tripartite  History  made 
up  of  extracts  from  three  ecclesiastical  historians, — Sozomenus,  Socrates, 
and  Theodoret, — who  had  written  in  Greek  a hundred  years  before. 
This  compilation  comes  down  to  441.  Cassiodorus  also  wrote  a history 
of  the  Goths,  which  has  unfortunately  been  lost.  But  most  important  of 
all  is  his  own  vast  correspondence,  which  forms  an  invaluable  source 
for  the  period.  (Text  of  the  Letters,  Variarum  (epistolarum)  Libri 
XII,  edited  by  Mommsen  in  the  Momcmeitta.  Hodgkin  has  published 
a condensed  English  translation.) 

We  have  an  abridgment  of  Cassiodorus’  lost  History  of  the  Goths 
made  by  the  illiterate  Jordanes  about  551.  Here  for  the  first  time  the 
ancient  religious  legends  of  the  Germans  and  the  tales  of  their  heroes 
found  their  way  into  Latin.  (See  above,  pp.  39  sqqi) 

1 For  a description  of  the  Monume^ita  and  its  various  divisions  and  offshoots, 
see  below,  pp.  262  sq. 


Lives  of  the 
saints, 
especially 
that  of 
Severinus. 


Cassiodorus, 
Historia 
T ripartita. 


Jordanes. 


6o 


Readings  in  European  History 


Procopius 
and  his 
history  of 
the  wars  of 
Justinian. 


Gregory  of 
Tours  and 
his  Ten 
Books  of 
Frankish 
History. 


One  historical  work  at  least  was  produced  in  the  sixth  century  which 
possesses  some  of  the  fine  traits  of  the  classical  Greek  writers.  Proco- 
pius had  little  in  common  with  the  crude  and  unlettered  Jordanes.  In 
his  History  of  his  Own  Time.,  which  closes  with  the  year  559,  he  gives 
an  excellent  account  of  Justinian’s  wars  with  the  Persians,  Goths,  and 
Vandals.  (See  Bury’s  Gibbon,Vol.  IV,  p.  513.)  (Procopius  is  rather  inac- 
cessible. It  is  published  with  a Latin  translation  in  the  Corpus  scrip- 
torum  historiae  Byzantinae.,  Bonn,  1833-1838.  A new  edition  of  the 
Gothic  wars  may  be  had  with  an  Italian  translation  by  Comparetti, 
Rome,  1895  ^ complete  edition,  edited  by  Haury,  is  announced  by 

Teubner.) 

As  Cassiodorus  was  spending  his  last  days  in  a monastery  of  southern 
Italy,  where  he  brought  his  long  life  to  an  end,  Gregory  of  Tours 
(540-594)  was  beginning  his  celebrated  history  of  the  Franks,  without 
which  we  should  know  practically  nothing  of  Clovis  and  the  earlier 
Merovingian  period.  Gregory’s  position  as  bishop  of  Tours  gave  him 
a very  important  place  in  the  Frankish  kingdoms,  and  he  had  ample 
opportunity  to  become  acquainted  with  prominent  men,  to  familiarize 
himself  with  public  affairs,  and  to  talk  with  the  many  pilgrims  who 
flocked  to  the  revered  shrine  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours. 

The  first  of  his  Ten  Books  of  Frankish  History  hastily  reviews  the 
history  of  the  world  down  to  the  death  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  in  397. 
The  two  following  books  deal  with  Clovis  and  his  successors.  The 
remaining  books,  constituting  the  great  body  of  the  work  and  bringing 
the  story  down  to  591,  are  really  a history  of  his  own  time.  Here 
Gregory  made  use  apparently  almost  altogether  of  oral  tradition  and  his 
own  observations,  for  he  himself  must  have  witnessed,  or  had  personal 
knowledge  of,  many  of  the  things  which  he  narrates. 

Gregory  had  little  knowledge  of  the  ancient  writers,  as  he  himself 
freely  confesses ; his  language  is  grammatically  very  incorrect,  but  is 
simple  and  direct,  and  is  supposed  by  some  to  have  nearly  approached 
the  spoken  Latin  of  the  period.  As  an  ardent  orthodox  churchman,  he 
hated  the  Arian  Burgundians  and  West  Goths,  and  too  freely  condoned 
the  treacherous  and  bloody  deeds  of  Clovis  and  others,  whom  he  held 
to  be  God’s  instruments  for  the  extension  of  the  true  Church.  Yet  in 
spite  of  his  ignorance  and  his  enthusiasm  for  his  particular  form  of 
Christianity,  Gregory’s  book  remains  the  chief  and  almost  sole  historical 
monument  of  the  Merovingian  period.  Moreover,  he  rarely  fails  to  gain 
his  readers’  confidence  by  his  unmistakable  sincerity  and  his  directness 
and  freedom  from  artificiality.  (Editions  in  the  Monumenta  Germa^tiae 
Historica ; also  in'  the  Collection  de  Textes  pour  servir  h V etude  de 


The  German  Invasions 


6i 

Vhistoire^  1886-1893.  Translation  in  Geschichtschreiber.  The  text  with 
a French  translation  is  published  by  the  Societe  de  I’histoire  de  France.) 

The  only  historical  work  dealing  with  the.  Franks  in  the  seventh 
century  which  has  come  down  to  us  is  that  which  passes  for  convenience 
under  the  name  of  Fredegarius  the  Schoolmaster,  although  there 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  a man  of  that  name  wrote  it.  Indeed, 
three  writers  who  probably  lived  in  Burgundy  would  seem  to  have  been 
responsible  for  the  only  valuable  part  of  the  work,  which  covers  the 
period  from  Gregory  of  Tours  to  the  year  660.  In  the  following 
century,  under  the  inspiration  of  the  brother  of  Charles  Martel,  the 
chronicle  of  Fredegarius  was  continued  by  three  other  successive 
writers,  who  brought  it  down  to  the  year  768.  (Text  in  the  Monu- 
mental in  Geschichtschreiber^  and  Guizot,  Collection  de  Me'moires.) 

The  Lombards  found  their  historian  in  Paulus  Warnefridi,  com- 
monly called  Paul  the  Deacon,  born  about  725  in  northern  Italy.  He 
was  teacher  and  friend  of  the  Lombard  princess  Adelperga  and  became 
so  distinguished  as  an  historian  that  Charlemagne  summoned  him  to  join 
the  literary  circle  of  his  court.  His  history  of  the  Lombards  closes  with 
the  year  744.  (In  the  Monumenta;  also  in  the  octavo  edition  of  the 
Monumenta  and  in  the  Geschichtschreiber  1) 

Full  accounts  of  the  sources  mentioned  above  and  of  the  other 
materials  will  be  found  in  Wattenbach  and  in  Molinier  (see  above, 
p.  ii).  For  Bede’s  History  of  the  English  Church  and  The  Lives  of  the 
Saints  which  throw  light  on  the  conversion  of  the  Germans,  see  close  of 
Chapter  V. 


The  imagi- 
nary school- 
master 
Fredegarius 
and  his 
chronicle. 


Paulus  Dia- 
conus  (d.  ca. 
800),  and 
his  history  of 
the  Lom- 
bards. 


CHAPTER  IV 


Threefold 
nature  of 
the  papal 
claims. 


Peter’s 
sojourn 
at  Rome. 


THE  RISE  OF  THE  PAPACY 

I.  The  Bishop  of  Rome  and  the  Headship  of  the 
Church 

The  claim  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  to  be  the  divinely 
ordained  head  of  the  Christian  Church  has  always  rested 
upon  three  main  assumptions  : (i)  that  Peter  was  desig- 
nated by  Christ  as  the  chief  of  the  apostles,  (2)  that 
Peter  was  the  first  bishop  of  Rome,  and  lastly  (3)  that  he 
handed  down  to  succeeding  bishops  of  Rome  the  powers 
which  he  himself  enjoyed.  The  following  extracts  illus- 
trate the  nature  of  these  claims  and  the  arguments 
adduced  in  support  of  them. 

In  the  New  Testament  there  is  indirect  evidence  of 
Peter’s  sojourn  in  Rome.  The  First  Epistle  of  Peter 
closes  with  the  words,  ‘‘The  church  that  is  at  Babylon 
. . . saluteth  you.”  Since  there  is  no  reason  to  think 
that  a Christian  community  existed  at  Babylon,  it  has 
generally  been  assumed  that  Rome  is  here  meant.  This 
appears  to  be  a justifiable  interpretation,  for  the  early 
Christians  were  wont  to  denounce  Rome  as  a very 
Babylon  of  wickedness.^ 

Very  little  has  been  preserved  which  casts  any  light 
on  the  position  of  the  bishop  of  Rome  for  a century 

1 Further  evidence  for  Peter’s  presence  in  Rome  is  adduced  from  the 
New  Testament.  See,  among  other  writers,  Langen,  Geschichte  der 
romischen  Kirche,^  pp.  40  sqq. 


62 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


63 


after  Peter’s  death,  which  probably  occurred  during  the 
persecution  of  the  Christians  under  Nero  (a.d.  64)  or 
not  long  after.^  ■ 

Irenaeus,  who  became  bishop  of  Lyons  in  177  and  is.  irenaeus 
who  died  about  202,  in  a work  directed  against  the  vari-  gtves  ^ 
ous  heresies  which  prevailed,  emphasizes  the  purity  and 
authority  of  the  beliefs  handed  down  in  the  Roman  Rome. 
Church.  He  would  put  to  confusion  all  those  who  dis- 
sented from  the  orthodox  belief 

by  bringing  forward  that  tradition  derived  from  the  apos- 
tles of  the  very  great,  the  very  ancient,  and  universally  known  — 

church,  founded  and  organized  at  Rome  by  the  two  most 
glorious  apostles,  Peter  and  Paul.  This  is  the  faith  preached 
to  men  which  comes  down  to  our  own  times  through  the 
succession  of  the  bishops.  . . . And  it  is  a matter  of  neces- 
sity that  every  church  should  agree  with  this  church,  on 
account  of  its  preeminent  authority.^  . . . 


1 About  the  year  95  a letter,  ascribed  to  Clement  — who,  according  to 
later  tradition,  was  bishop  of  Rome  — was  dispatched  from  the  Roman 
Church  to  that  at  Corinth.  This  speaks  of  the  martyrdom  of  Peter  and 
Paul,  in  enumerating  the  noble  examples  of  Christian  heroes  “ furnished 
in  our  own  generation.”  It  also  reproves  the  Corinthian  Church  for 
deposing  certain  churchmen,  and  so  seems  to  assume  a species  of  supe- 
riority. A few  years  later  (probably  in  107)  Ignatius  of  Antioch  wrote 
to  the  Church  at  Rome  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  the  capital  to  suffer 
martyrdom.  His  letter  begins  : “ To  the  church  which  is  beloved  and 
enlightened  by  the  will  of  Him  that  willeth  all  things,  . . . which  presides 
in  the  place  of  the  region  of  the  Romans,  worthy  of  God,  worthy  of 
honor,  worthy  of  the  highest  happiness,  worthy  of  praise,  worthy  of 
obtaining  her  every  desire,  worthy  of  being  deemed  holy,  presiding  in 
love,  is  named  from  Christ,  and  from  the  Father,”  etc.  To  some  scholars 
these  passages  seem  to  indicate  the  early  supremacy  of  the  Roman 
Church.  To  others  they  appear  too  vague  to  prove  more  than  a natural 
preeminence  of  the  Christian  community  of  the  capital,  which  had  num- 
bered Peter  and  Paul  among  its  many  martyrs. 

2 This  rather  vague  and  much  discussed  passage  reads.  Ad  hanc 
enim  ecclesiam  propter  potiorem  principalitatem.  necesse  est  omnem  con- 
venire  ecclesiam. 


64 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  blessed  apostles,  having  founded  and  built  up  the 
church,  committed  the  office  of  bishop  into  the  hands  of 
Linus.  Of  this  Linus,  Paul  makes  mention  in  the  Epistles  to 
Timothy.  To  him  succeeded  Anacletus ; and  after  him  in 
the  third  place  from  the  apostles,  Clement  was  assigned  the 
bishopric.  This  man,  since  he  had  seen  the  blessed  apostles 
and  had  been  conversant  with  them,  might  be  said  to  have 
the  preaching  of  the  apostles  still  echoing  in  his  ears  and 
their  traditions  before  his  eyes.  Nor  was  he  alone  in  this, 
for  there  were  still  many  remaining  who  had  received  instruc- 
tions from  the  apostles.  In  the  time  of  this  Clement,  no 
small  dissension  having  occurred  among  the  brethren  at 
Corinth,  the  Church  in  Rome  dispatched  a most  powerful  let- 
ter to  the  Corinthians,^  exhorting  them  to  peace,  renewing 
their  faith,  and  declaring  the  tradition  which  it  had  lately 
received  from  the  apostles.  . . . 

To  this  Clement  succeeded  Evaristus.  Alexander  fol- 
lowed Evaristus;  then,  sixth  from  the  apostles,  Sixtus  was 
appointed ; after  him  Telesphorus,  who  was  gloriously  mar- 
tyred ; then  Hyginus ; after  him  Pius  ; then  after  him  Ani- 
cetus.  Soter  having  succeeded  Anicetus,  Eleutherius  does 
now  in  the  twelfth  place  from  the  apostles  hold  the  inherit- 
ance of  the  episcopate.  In  this  order  and  by  this  succes- 
sion, the  ecclesiastical  tradition  from  the  apostles  and  the 
preaching  of  the  truth  have  come  down  to  us,  and  this  is 
most  abundant  proof  that  there  is  one  and  the  same  vivify- 
ing ffiith  which  has  now  been  preserved  in  the  Church  from 
the  apostles  until  now  and  handed  down  in  truth. 

Tertullian,  presbyter  at  Carthage,  a vigorous  writer  of 
the  second  and  early  third  century,  thus  speaks  of  the 
churches  founded  by  the  apostles  : 

Come  now  you  who  would  profitably  direct  your  curiosity 
toward  the  interests  of  your  salvation,  run  over  the  apostolic 
churches  in  which  the  chairs  of  the  apostles  still  preside  in 


19.  Tertul- 
lian  (ca.  i6o- 
ca.  220) 
dwells  upon 
the  special 
distinction 
of  the  apos- 
tolic church 
at  Rome. 


1 See  note  i on  preceding  page. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


65 


their  places,  where  their  own  authentic  letters  are  still  read, 
bringing  back  their  voice  and  the  face  of  each.  If  you  hap- 
pen to  be  near  Achaia,  you  have  Corinth  ; if  you  are  not  far 
from  Macedonia,  you  have  Philippi  and  Thessalonica.  If 
you  can  turn  toward  Asia,  you  have  Ephesus.  If  you  live 
near  Italy,  you  have  Rome,  from  whence  comes  the  authority 
in  our  own  case. 

How  happy  is  this  church  on  which  apostles  poured  forth 
all  their  teachings  along  with  their  blood!  where  Peter 
endures  a passion  like  his  Lord’s  1 where  Paul  wins  his 
crown  in  a death  like  John’s,  where  the  Apostle  John  was 
plunged  — but  uninjured  — into  boiling  oil,  and  then  sent 
to  his  island  exile!  See  what  she  has  learned  and  taught 
and  the  fellowship  she  has  enjoyed  with  even  [our]  churches 
in  Africa. 

Later  Tertullian  joined  the  sect  of  the  Montanists,  who 
were  regarded  as  heretics  by  the  Roman  Church.  In  his 
treatise  On  Modesty  ” he  protests  scornfully  against 
the  powers  claimed  by  the  bishop  of  Rome.  He  learns, 
he  says,  that  the  sovereign  pontiff,  that  is,  the  bishop 
of  bishops,”  has  issued  a certain  edict  of  which  he  can 
in  no  way  approve.  He  then  proceeds  to  inquire  whence 
the  bishop  of  Rome  ^Hisurp^this  right. 

If  because  the  Lord  said  to  Peter,  upon  this  rock  will 
I build  my  church,”  to  thee  have^  given  the  keys  of  the 
heavenly  kingdom,”  or  “ whatSQjever  thou  shalt  have  bound 
or  loosed  on  earth  shall  be  jx4^fid  or  loosed  in  the  heavens,” 
you,  therefore,  presume  that  the  power  of  binding  and  loos- 
ing has  come  down  to  you,  that  is,  to  every  church  akin  to 
Peter,  what  sort  of  man  are  you,  subverting  and  wholly 
changing  the  manifest  intention  of  the  Lord,  who  conferred 
this  right  upon  Peter  personally,  ‘‘  On  theef  he  says,  “ will  I 
build  my  church,”  and  ‘H  will  give  to  thee  the  keys,”  not  to  the 
church  ; and  ‘‘whatsoever  thou  shalt  have  loosed  or  bound,” 
not  what  they  shall  have  loosed  or  bound. 


Later  Ter- 
tullian ques- 
tions the 
claims  of 
the  bishop 
of  Rome. 


66 


Readings  in  European  History 


20.  Cyprian 
on  the 
danger  of 
appeals  to 
the  bishop 
of  Rome 

(252). 


21.  The 
Council  of 
Nicaea 
mentions 
the  bishop 
of  Rome 
among  the 
archbishops. 


The  attitude  of  Cyprian  toward  the  bishop  of  Rome 
and  the  bishops  in  general  has  already  been  shown. ^ 
There  are,  however,  certain  interesting  passages  in  his 
letters  in  regard  to  the  matter  in  hand.  For  example, 
certain  persons  having  withdrawn  from  the  unity  of  the 
Church  and  set  up  a bishop  of  their  own,  Cyprian  says 
of  them  : 

They  dare  to  appeal  to  the  throne  of  Peter,  and  to  the 
chief  church  whence  priestly  unity  takes  its  source.  . . . But 
we  have  all  agreed  — as  is  both  fair  and  just  — that  every 
case  should  be  heard  there  where  the  crime  has  been  com- 
mitted ; and  a portion  of  the  flock  has  been  assigned  to 
each  individual  pastor,  which  he  is  to  rule  and  govern,  hav- 
ing to  give  an  account  of  his  deeds  to  the  Lord.  It  certainly 
behooves  those  over  whom  we  are  placed  not  to  run  about, 
nor  to  break  up  the  harmonious  agreement  of  the  bishops 
with  their  crafty  and  deceitful  rashness,  but  there  to  plead 
their  cause,  where  they  may  be  able  to  have  both  accusers 
and  witnesses  to  their  crime. 

It  was  almost  inevitable  that  the  bishops  in  the  vari- 
ous great  cities  of  the  Empire  should  be  conceded  a cer- 
tain preeminence  over  the  bishops  about  them.  In  this 
way  the  office  of  archbishop,  or  metropolitan,  developed. 
The  first  distinct,  legal  recognition  of  the  rights  of  the 
archbishops  is  found  in  the  famous  sixth  canon  of  the 
Council  of  Nicaea  (325). 

The  old  custom  in  Egypt,  Libya,  and  the  Pentapolis  shall 
continue  to  be  observed,  so  that  the  bishop  of  Alexandria 
shall  exercise  authority  over  all  these  regions,  for  the  bishop 
of  Rome  enjoys  a similar  right.  Similarly  in  Antioch  and  in 
the  other  provinces  the  churches  shall  retain  their  preroga- 
tives. Moreover  let  it  be  known  that  should  any  one  have 


1 See  above,  pp.  i()sqq. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


67 


become  bishop  without  the  approval  of  the  metropolitan, 
this  great  council  has  ordained  that  such  an  one  shall  not 
be  regarded  as  a bishop.  . . . 

The  council  says  nothing  of  a single  head  of  the 
Church  having  jurisdiction  over  all  the  other  bishops. 
And  here  it  is  necessary  to  notice  a very  important  but 
often  neglected  distinction  between  (i)  the  moral  and 
religious  supremacy  accorded  to  the  bishop  of  Rome, 
and  (2)  the  recognition  of  his  right  to  be  the  supreme 
director  of  the  whole  church  government.  As  the  head 
of  the  venerated  church  at  Rome,  and  as  the  successor 
of  the  two  most  glorious  of  the  apostles,  who  had  con- 
firmed with  their  blood  the  teachings  which  they  had 
handed  down  to  their  successors,  the  bishop  of  Rome 
doubtless  seemed  to  the  prelates  assembled  at  Nicaea, 
as  he  had  seemed  to  Irenaeus  and  Cyprian,  chief  among 
the  bishops.  Yet  there  is  no  indication  in  the  acts  of 
the  Council  of  Nicaea  that  as  an  officer  in  the  Church  the 
bishop  of  Rome  enjoyed  any  greater  or  wider  jurisdic- 
tion than  other  metropolitans,  such  as  the  archbishop  of 
Alexandria  or  of  Antioch. 

Nevertheless,  the  bishop  of  Rome  was  destined  to  be 
recognized  in  the  West  both  as  spiritual  and  govern- 
mental head  of  the  Church.  The  Council  of  Sardika, 
eighteen  years  after  the  Council  of  Nicaea,  decreed  that 
should  any  bishop  believe  that  he  had  been  unjustly 
condemned  and  deposed  by  a synod,  he  should  have 
the  privilege  of  appealing  to  the  bishop  of  Rome.  If 
the  latter  decided  that  the  case  should  be  reconsidered, 
he  should  order  a new  trial  by  other  judges. 

There  is  evidence  that  the  Roman  church  and  its 
bishops  had  from  the  earliest  times  been  consulted  by 


Distinction 
between  the 
position  of 
the  bishop 
of  Rome  as 
religious  and 
as  govern- 
mental head 
of  the 
Church. 


The  Council 
of  Sardika 
(343)  permits 
condemned 
bishops  to 
appeal  to 
Rome  for  a 
new  trial. 


68 


Readings  in  Eiiropean  History 


22.  The 
decretal  of 
Siricius(385) 
the  first 
authentic 
example  of 
a papal 
decree. 


The  bishop 
of  Rome 
assumes  his 
right  to  issue 
decrees  bind- 
ing upon 
other 
bishops. 


other  churches  when  dissension  arose,  and  that  the 
rulings  of  Rome  enjoyed  the  greatest  authority.  But 
the  earliest  extant  example  of  an  authoritative  order 
addressed  to  the  Church  in  general  by  a bishop  of  Rome 
is  the  famous  Decretal  of  Pope  Siricius,  issued  sixty 
years  after  the  Council  of  Nicaea. 

A bishop  of  Spain  had  submitted  a number  of  ques- 
tions to  the  bishop  of  Rome.  These  Siricius  decides  in 
detail,  and  then  closes  his  letter  as  follow^ 

I believe  that  I have  now  given  a sufficient  answer  to 
the  various  questions  which  you  have  referred  to  the  Roman 
church  as  to  the  head  of  your  body.  Now  we  would  stimu- 
late you,  our  brother,  more  and  more  carefully  to  observe  the 
canons  and  adhere  to  the  decretals^  which  have  been  ordained. 
Moreover,  we  would  have  you  bring  to  the  attention  of  all 
our  fellow-bishops  those  things  which  we  have  written  in 
reply  to  your  questions,  not  only  to  those  bishops  who  are 
within  your  dioceses,  but  to  all  the  Carthaginians,  Baeticans, 
Lusitanians,  and  Gallicians,^  as  well  as  to  those  in  the  neigh- 
boring provinces.  Let  all  the  matters  which  have  been  duly 
settled  by  us  be  transmitted  to  them  through  letters  from 
you.  For  although  no  priest  of  God  is  likely  to  remain  in 
ignorance  of  the  decrees  of  the  Apostolic  See  and  the  vener- 
able decisions  of  the  canons,  it  will  be  more  expedient  and 
more  to  the  glory  of  the  ancient  station  which  you  occupy  if 
those  general  orders  which  I have  addressed  to  you  individu- 
ally should  be  brought  through  you  to  the  attention  of  all  our 
brethren.  In  this  way  those  things  which  have  been  ordained 
by  us  with  the  utmost  circumspection  and  caution,  after  due 


1 The  term  “ decretal,”  applied  to  papal  ordinances,  is  derived  from 
epistolae  decretales^  i.e.  letters  which  authoritatively  established  some 
point.  The  acts  of  the  councils  are  usually  called  “ canons,”  i.e. 

rules.” 

2 Siricius  is  addressing  the  bishop  of  Tarragona.  The  regions  here 
enumerated  included  the  rest  of  the  Spanish  peninsula. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


69 


deliberation  and  by  no  means  hastily,  shall  be  permanently 
observed,  and  thus  all  possibility  of  those  excuses  which 
might  otherwise  reach  us  shall  be  removed. 

St.  Jerome,  however,  in  spite  of  the  veneration  which 
he  often  expressed  for  the  Church  of  Rome,  does  not 
always  appear  to  recognize  the  supremacy  of  the  bishop 
of  Rome  over  the  other  bishops. 

The  church  at  Rome  is  not  to  be  considered  as  one  thing 
and  the  rest  of  the  churches  throughout  the  world  as  another. 
Those  of  Gaul  and  Britain,  Africa,  Persia,  and  India,  as  well 
as  the  various  barbarous  nations,  adore  one  Christ  and 
observe  a single  rule  of  truth.  If  you  are  looking  for  author- 
ity, the  world  is  surely  greater  than  the  city  of  Rome.  Where- 
ever  there  is  a bishop,  whether  at  Rome  or  Eugubium,  at 
Constantinople,  Rhegium,  or  Alexandria,  his  rank  and  priest- 
hood are  the  same.  Neither  the  power  that  riches  bring  nor 
the  humility  of  poverty  makes  a bishop  higher  or  lower  in 
rank.  All  are  successors  of  the  apostles.  . . . Why  urge 
the  custom  of  a single  city  ? 

Leo  the  Great  gives  the  following  clear  statement  of 
nature  and  grounds  of  the  pope’s  claim  to  be  head 
of  the  whole  Church. 

...  A single  person,  Peter,  is  appointed  from  the  whole 
world  as  a leader  in  the  calling  of  all  peoples,  and  is  placed 
above  all  the  other  apostles  and  the  fathers  of  the  Church. 
Although  there  are  many  priests  among  the  people  of  God, 
and  many  pastors,  Peter  should  of  right  rule  all  of  those 
whom  Christ  himself  rules  in  the  first  instance.  Great  and 
marvelous,  my  dear  brethren,  is  the  participation  in  its  own 
power  which  it  has  pleased  the  Divine  Excellency  to  grant  to 
this  man.  And  such  powers  as  it  granted  to  other  leaders 
in  common  with  Peter  were  granted  only  through  Peter.  Our 
Lord,  indeed,  asked  all  the  apostles  what  men  said  of  him,  but 
so  long  as  it  was  left  to  all  to  reply,  so  long  was  the  hesitation 


23.  St. 
Jerome  (d. 
420)  on  the 
equality 
of  all  the 
bishops. 


24.  A ser- 
mon by  Leo 
the  Great 
on  Peter^s 
headship. 


7o  Readings  in  European  Histoiy 

of  human  ignorance  clearly  displayed.  But  when  the  opin- 
ion of  the  apostles  was  asked,  he  who  was  first  in  apostolic 
dignity  was  the  first  to  reply;  who  when  he  had  answered, 
“ Thou  art  the  Christ,  the  Son  of  the  living  God,’’  Jesus  said 
to  him,  ‘‘Blessed  art  thou,  Simon  Bar-jonah:  for  flesh  and 
blood  hath  not  revealed  it  unto  thee,  but  my  Father  which  is 
in  heaven  ” — that  is  to  say,  thou  art  blessed  for  this  reason, 

for  my  father  has  taught  thee,  neither  has  mere  earthly  opin- 
ion misled  thee,  but  thou  art  instructed  by  a heavenly  inspi- 
ration. ...  I am  the  foundation  than  which  none  other  can 
be  established  ; yet  thou  too  art  a rock  \^petra\  because  thou 
art  made  firm  by  my  strength,  so  that  those  things  which  I 
have  in  virtue  of  my  power  thou  shalt  have  in  common  with 
me  by  participation.  “And  upon  this  rock  I will  build  my 
church  ; and  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.”  . . . 

And  he  said  to  the  blessed  Peter,  “ I will  give  unto  thee 
the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven : and  whatsoever  thou 
shalt  bind  on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven : and  what- 
soever thou  shalt  loose  on  earth  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven.” 
The  right  to  this  power  passed  also  to  the  other  apostles,  and 
the  provisions  of  this  ordinance  went  forth  to  all  the  leaders 
of  the  Church.  Still  it  was  not  in  vain  that  what  was  made 
known  to  all  was  especially  recommended  to  one.  For  this 
power  was  intrusted  expressly  to  Peter,  since  Peter  was 
placed  as  a model  before  all  the  rulers  of  the  Church.  Peter’.? 
prerogative  remains  and  everywhere  his  judgment  goes  forth 
in  equity.  For  never  is  severity  too  great  nor  forgiveness 
too  lax  where  nothing  is  bound  nor  loosed  except  the  blessed 
Peter  bind  or  loose  it. 

Just  before  his  passion,  which  was  about  to  shake  the 
apostles’  constancy,  the  Lord  said  to  Simon,  “ Simon,  Simon, 
behold,  Satan  asked  to  have  you,  that  he  might  sift  you  as 
wheat : but  I made  supplication  for  thee,  that  thy  faith  fail 
not:  and  do  thou,  when  once  thou  hast  turned  again,  stab- 
lish  thy  brethren,”  2 that  you  should  not  enter  into  tempta- 
tion. The  danger  of  the  temptation  to  yield  to  fear  was 


^ Matthew  xvi.  16-17. 


2 Luke  xxii.  31-32. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


71 


common  to  all  the  apostles  and  all  alike  needed  the  aid  of 
divine  protection,  since  the  devil  desired  to  confound  and 
ruin  them  all.  Yet  the  Lord  took  special  care  of  Peter  and 
prayed  especially  that  Peter  might  have  faith,  as  if  the  state 
of  the  others  would  be  more  secure  if  the  mind  of  their  chief 
was  not  overcome.  In  Peter,  therefore,  the  strength  of  all 
was  confirmed  and  the  aid  of  divine  grace  so  ordered  that 
the  strength  which  was  granted  to  Peter  by  Christ  was  in 
turn  transmitted  through  Peter  to  the  apostles. 

Since,  therefore,  beloved  brethren,  we  behold  this  protec- 
tion divinely  appointed  to  us,  we  may  properly  and  justly 
rejoice  in  the  merits  and  dignity  of  our  leader,  sending  up 
thanks  to  our  eternal  King  and  Redeemer,  our  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  for  giving  such  power  to  him  whom  he  made  the  head 
of  the  whole  Church  : so  that  if  anything,  even  in  our  own 
days,  is  rightly  done  by  us  and  rightly  ordained,  it  should  be 
properly  attributed  to  the  influence  and  guidance  of  him  to 
whom  it  was  said  : When  once  thou  hast  turned  again, 
stablish  thy  brethren.’^  To  whom,  moreover,  his  Lord,  after 
his  resurrection,  when  Peter  had  three  times  professed  his 
eternal  love,  said  mystically  three  times,  ‘‘  Feed  my  sheep.’’ ^ 
Like  a faithful  shepherd,  he  has  beyond  a doubt  fulfilled  his 
Lord’s  command,  confirming  us  by  his  exhortations,  and 
never  ceasing  to  pray  for  us  that  we  be  not  overcome  by 
any  temptation.  . . . 

[Elsewhere  Leo  says  :]  Although  the  priests  enjoy  a com- 
mon dignity,  they  are  not  all  on  the  same  footing,  since  even 
among  the  blessed  apostles,  who  were  alike  in  honor,  there 
was  a certain  distinction  in  authority.  All  were  alike  chosen, 
but  it  was  given  to  one  that  he  should  be  preeminent  among 
the  others.  Upon  this  model  the  distinction  among  the 
bishops  is  based,  and  it  is  salutarily  provided  that  all  should 
not  claim  the  right  to  do  all  things,  but  in  each  province 
there  should  be  one  who  should  have  the  first  word  among 
his  brethren.  Again,  in  the  greater  cities  others  are  appointed 
to  greater  responsibilities.  Through  these  the  oversight  of 


Leo  on  the 

hierarchy 

(446). 


1 John  xxi.  15  sqq. 


72 


Readings  in  European  History 


25.  The 
edict  of  the 
emperor 
Valentinian 
recognizing 
the  suprem- 
acy of  the 
bishop  of 
Rome  (445). 


26.  Letter 
of  Pope 
Gelasius  I 
to  Emperor 
Anastasias 
on  the 
superiority 
of  the 
spiritual 
over  the 
temporal 
power  (494). 


the  whole  Church  is  concentrated  in  one  see,  that  of  Peter, 
and  from  this  head  there  should  never  be  any  dissent. 

The  following  edict  was  issued  by  the  western 
emperor,  during  Leo’s  pontificate  : 

Since,  then,  the  primacy  of  the  Apostolic  See  is  estab- 
lished by  the  merit  of  St.  Peter  (who  is  the  chief  among  the 
bishops),  by  the  majesty  of  the  city  of  Rome,  and  finally  by  the 
authority  of  a holy  council,^  no  one,  without  inexcusable  pre- 
sumption, may  attempt  anything  against  the  authority  of  that 
see.  Peace  will  be  secured  among  the  churches  if  every  one 
recognize  his  ruler. 

[After  a reference  to  the  independent  action  of  certain 
prelates  of  Gaul,  the  edict  continues.]  Lest  even  a slight 
commotion  should  arise  in  the  churches,  or  the  religious 
order  be  disturbed,  we  herewith  permanently  decree  that 
not  only  the  bishops  of  Gaul,  but  those  of  the  other  prov- 
inces, shall  attempt  nothing  counter  to  ancient  custom  with- 
out the  authority  of  the  venerable  father  {^papa^  of  the 
Eternal  City.  Whatever  shall  be  sanctioned  by  the  author- 
ity of  the  Apostolic  See  shall  be  law  to  them  and  to  every 
one  else ; so  that  if  one  of  the  bishops  be  summoned  to  the 
judgment  of  the  Roman  bishop  and  shall  neglect  to  appear, 
he  shall  be  forced  by  the  moderator  ^ of  his  province  to 
present  himself.  In  all  respects  let  the  privileges  be  main- 
tained which  our  deified  predecessors  have  conferred  upon 
the  Roman  church. 

The  pope’s  view  of  the  natural  superiority  of  the  spir- 
itual over  the  temporal  power  finds  a clear  expression 
in  the  following  remarkable  letter  of  Gelasius  I (494). 

. . . There  are  two  powers,  august  Emperor,  by  which  this 
world  is  chiefly  ruled,  namely,  the  sacred  authority  of  the 
priests  and  the  royal  power.  Of  these,  that  of  the  priests 
is  the  more  weighty,  since  they  have  to  render  an  account 
for  even  the  kings  of  men  in  the  divine  judgment.  You  are 
1 That  of  Sardika:  see  above,  p.  67.  ^ An  imperial  official. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


73 


also  aware,  dear  son,  that  while  you  are  permitted  honorably 
to  rule  over  human  kind,  yet  in  things  divine  you  bow  your 
head  humbly  before  the  leaders  of  the  clergy  and  await  from 
their  hands  the  means  of  your  salvation.  In  the  reception 
and  proper  disposition  of  the  heavenly  mysteries  you  rec- 
ognize that  you  should  be  subordinate  rather  than  superior 
to  the  religious  order,  and  that  in  these  matters  you  depend 
on  their  judgment  rather  than  wish  to  force  them  to  follow 
your  will. 

If  the  ministers  of  religion,  recognizing  the  supremacy 
granted  you  from  heaven  in  matters  affecting  the  public 
order,  obey  your  laws,  lest  otherwise  they  might  obstruct 
the  course  of  secular  affairs  by  irrelevant  considerations, 
with  what  readiness  should  you  not  yield  them  obedience 
to  whom  is  assigned  the  dispensing  of  the  sacred  mysterie.s 
of  religion.  Accordingly,  just  as  there  is  no  slight  danger 
in  the  case  of  the  priests  if  they  refrain  from  speaking  when 
the  service  of  the  divinity  requires,  so  there  is  no  little  risk 
for  those  who  disdain  — which  God  forbid  — when  they  should 
obey.  And  if  it  is  fitting  that  the  hearts  of  the  faithful  should 
submit  to  all  priests  in  general  who  properly  administer  divine 
affairs,  how  much  the  more  is  obedience  due  to  the  bishop 
of  that  see  which  the  Most  High  ordained  to  be  above  all 
others,  and  which  is  consequently  dutifully  honored  by  the 
devotion  of  the  whole  Church. 


II.  Gregory  the  Great  and  his  Times 


Times  of  emergency  call  forth  great  men  — men  at  least, 
if  not  great  in  relation  to  the  true  intellectual,  moral,  and 
spiritual  dignity  of  man,  great  in  relation  to  the  state  and 
to  the  necessities  of  their  age ; engrossed  by  the  powerful 
and  dominant  principles  of  their  time,  and  bringing  to  the 
advancement  of  those  principles  surpassing  energies  of 
character,  inflexible  resolution,  the  full  conviction  of  the 
wisdom,  justice,  and  holiness  of  their  cause,  in  religious 
affairs  of  the  direct  and  undeniable  sanction  of  God.  Such 


27.  Milman 
on  Gregory 
the  Great 
and  the 
importance 
of  the 
papacy. 


74 


Readings  in  European  History 


was  Gregory  I,  to  whom  his  own  age  and  posterity  have 
assigned  the  appellation  of  the  Great. 

Now  was  the  crisis  in  which  the  Papacy  must  reawaken 
its  obscured  and  suspended  life.  It  was  the  only  power  which 
lay  not  entirely  and  absolutely  prostrate  before  the  disasters 
of  the  times,  — a power  which  had  an  inherent  strength,  and 
might  resume  its  majesty.  It  was  this  power  which  was  most 
imperatively  required  to  preserve  all  which  was  to  survive 
out  of  the  crumbling  wreck  of  Roman  civilization. 

To  Western  Christianity  was  absolutely  necessary  a 
centre,  standing  alone,  strong  in  traditionary  reverence,  and 
in  acknowledged  claims  to  supremacy.  Even  the  perfect 
organization  of  the  Christian  hierarchy  might  in  all  human 
probability  have  fallen  to  pieces  in  perpetual  conflict : it 
might  have  degenerated  into  a half  secular  feudal  caste 
with  hereditary  benefices,  more  and  more  entirely  subserv- 
ient to  the  civil  authority,  a priesthood  of  each  nation  or 
each  tribe,  gradually  sinking  to  the  intellectual  or  religious 
level  of  the  nation  or  tribe.  . . . 

It  is  impossible  to  conceive  what  had  been  the  confusion, 
the  lawlessness,  the  chaotic  state  of  the  middle  ages,  without 
the  mediaeval  Papacy ; and  of  the  mediaeval  Papacy  the  real 
X father  is  Gregory  the  Great.  In  all  his  predecessors  there 
was  much  of  the  uncertainty  and  indefiniteness  of  a new 
dominion.  Christianity  had  converted  the  Western  world  — 
it  had  by  this  time  transmuted  it : in  all  except  the  Roman 
law,  it  was  one  with  it.  Even  Leo  the  Great  had  something 
of  the  Roman  dictator.  Gregory  is  the  Roman  altogether 
merged  in  the  Christian  bishop. 


28.  Sad 
state  of  the 
western 
world  as 
depicted  in 
the  letters 
of  Gregory 
the  Great. 


The  calamities  of  the  times,  especially  the  coming 
of  ‘‘the  most  unspeakable  Lombards,”  as  he  com- 
monly calls  them,  convinced  Gregory  that  the  end  of 
the  world  was  near  at  hand.  In  a letter  written  to  a 
fellow-bishop  shortly  after  he  reluctantly  became  pope, 
he  gives  a dark  picture  of  the  world  and  of  his  heavy 
responsibilities : 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


75 


Gregory  to  Leander^  bishop  of  Seville : 


With  all  my  heart  I have  wished  to  answer  you  better, 
but  the  burden  of  my  pastoral  calls  so  overpowers  me  that 
I would  rather  weep  than  speak,  — as  your  reverence  un- 
doubtedly gathers  from  the  very  character  of  my  corre- 
spondence when  I am  remiss  in  addressing  one  whom  I 
warmly  love.  In  fact,  so  beaten  about  am  I by  the  billows 
in  this  corner  of  the  world,  that  I can  in  no  wise  bring  to 
harbor  the  ancient,  rolling  ship  at  whose  helm  I stand 
through  God’s  mysterious  dispensation. 

Now  the  waves  break  over  us  from  the  front,  now  at  the 
side  the  foaming  mountains  of  the  sea  swell  high,  now  in 
the  rear  the  tempest  pursues  us.  Beset  by  all  these  perils, 
I am  forced  first  to  steer  directly  in  the  face  of  the  storm, 
again  to  swerve  the  vessel  and  to  receive  obliquely  the  onset 
of  the  waters.  I groan,  because  I know  that  if  I am  negli- 
gent the  bilge  water  of  vice  is  deepening,  and  that  if  the 
storm  assails  us  furiously  at  that  instant  the  decaying  planks 
forebode  shipwreck.  Fearful,  I remember  that  I have  lost 
my  quiet  shore  of  peace,  and  sighing  I gaze  toward  the  land 
which,  while  the  wind  of  circumstances  blows  contrarily,  I 
cannot  gain.  So,  dearest  brother,  if  you  love  me,  stretch 
forth  the  hand  of  prayer  to  me  amid  these  floods,  and,  as 
you  aid  me  in  my  troubles,  thus  as  a reward  shall  you  come 
forth  more  valiantly  from  yours.  . . . 

[Of  all  the  signs  described  by  our  Lord  as  presaging  the 
end  of  the  world],  some  we  see  already  accomplished ; the 
others  we  dread  as  close  upon  us.  For  we  now  see  that 
nation  rises  against  nation,  and  that  they  press  and  weigh 
upon  the  land  in  our  own  times  as  never  before  in  the  annals 
of  the  past.  Earthquakes  overwhelm  countless  cities,  as  we 
often  hear  from  other  parts  of  the  world.  Pestilence  we 
endure  without  interruption.  It  is  true  that  as  yet  we  do 
not  behold  signs  in  the  sun  and  moon  and  stars ; but  that 
these  are  not  far  off  we  may  infer  from  the  changes  in  the 
atmosphere.  Before  Italy  was  given  over  to  be  desolated 
by  the  sword  of  a heathen  foe,  we  beheld  fiery  ranks  in 


Signs  that 
the  end  of 
the  world  is 
at  hand. 
(From  one 
of  Gregory’s 
Sermons^ 


A reference, 
perhaps,  to 
the  aurora 
borealis. 


76 


Readings  in  European  History 


heaven,  and  even  the  streaming  blood  of  the  human  race  as 
it  was  afterwards  spilt. 


29.  How  a 
monk  dared 
to  have  gold 
in  his 

possession. 

(From 

Gregory’s 

Dialogues.) 


Gregory’s  Dialogues,  a collection  of  the  lives  of  holy 
men,  was  for  centuries,  probably,  the  most  popular  of  his 
works.  Two  examples  of  his  accounts  of  the  saints  and 
the  miracles  which  they  performed  will  be  found  in  the 
following  chapter.  The  incident  given  below  sheds  light 
upon  Gregory’s  life  as  abbot  of  a monastery. 


There  was  in  my  monastery  a certain  monk,  Justus  by 
name,  skilled  in  medicinal  arts.  . . . When  he  knew  that 
his  end  was  at  hand,  he  made  known  to  Copiosus,  his  brother 
in  the  flesh,  how  that  he  had  three  gold  pieces  hidden  away. 
Copiosus,  of  course,  could  not  conceal  this  from  the  breth- 
ren. He  sought  carefully,  and  examined  all  his  brother’s 
drugs,  until  he  found  the  three  gold  pieces  hidden  away 
among  the  medicines.  When  he  told  me  this  great  calamity 
that  concerned  a brother  who  had  lived  in  common  with  us, 

I could  hardly  hear  it  with  calmness.  For  the  rule  of  this 
our  monastery  was  always  that  the  brothers  should  live  in 
common  and  own  nothing  individually. 

Then,  stricken  with  great  grief,  I began  to  think  what  I 
could  do  to  cleanse  the  dying  man,  and  how  I should  make 
his  sins  a warning  to  the  living  brethren.  Accordingly,  having 
summoned  Pretiosus,  the  superintendent  of  the  monastery, 

I commanded  him  to  see  that  none  of  the  brothers  visited  the 
dying  man,  who  was  not  to  hear  any  words  of  consolation. 

If  in  the  hour  of  death  he  asked  for  the  brethren,  then  his 
own  brother  in  the  flesh  was  to  tell  him  how  he  was  hated 
by  the  brethren  because  he  had  concealed  money ; so  that 
at  death  remorse  for  his  guilt  might  pierce  his  heart  and 
cleanse  him  from  the  sin  he  had  committed. 

When  he  was  dead  his  body  was  not  placed  with  the 
bodies  of  the  brethren,  but  a grave  was  dug  in  the  dung  pit, 
and  his  body  was  flung  down  into  it,  and  the  three  pieces  of  > 
gold  he  had  left  were  cast  upon  him,  while  all  together 
cried,  “Thy  money  perish  with  thee!”  .... 


The  Rise  of  the  Papaey 


77 


When  thirty  days  had  passed  after  his  death,  my  heart 
began  to  have  compassion  on  my  dead  brother,  and  to 
ponder  prayers  with  deep  grief,  and  to  seek  what  remedy 
there  might  be  for  him.  Then  I called  before  me  Pretiosus, 
superintendent  of  the  monastery,  and  said  sadly  : “It  is  a long 
time  that  our  brother  who  died  has  been  tormented  by  fire, 
and  we  ought  to  have  charity  toward  him,  and  aid  him  so 
far  as  we  can,  that  he  may  be  delivered.  Go,  therefore,  and 
for  thirty  successive  days  from  this  day  offer  sacrifices  for 
him.  See  to  it  that  no  day  is  allowed  to  pass  on  which  the 
salvation-bringing  mass  \_hostia]  is  not  offered  up  for  his  abso- 
lution.”^ He  departed  forthwith  and  obeyed  my  words. 

W'e,  however,  were  busy  with  other  things,  and  did  not 
count  the  days  as  they  rolled  by.  But  lo ! the  brother 
who  had  died  appeared  by  night  to  a certain  brother,  even 
to  Copiosus,  his  brother  in  the  flesh.  When  Copiosus  saw 
him  he  asked  him,  saying,  “ What  is  it,  brother  ? How  art 
thou?”  To  which  he  answered:  “Up  to  this  time  I have 
been  in  torment ; but  now  all  is  well  with  me,  because 
to-day  I have  received  the  communion.”  This  Copiosus 
straightway  reported  to  the  brethren  in  the  monastery. 

Then  the  brethren  carefully  reckoned  the  days,  and  it 
was  the  very  day  on  which  the  thirtieth  oblation  was  made 
for  him.  Copiosus  did  not  know  what  the  brethren  were 
doing  for  his  dead  brother,  and  the  brethren  did  not  know 
that  Copiosus  had  seen  him  ; yet  at  one  and  the  same  time 
he  learned  what  they  had  done  and  they  learned  what  he 
had  seen,  and  the  vision  and  the  sacrifice  harmonized.  So 
the  fact  was  plainly  shown  forth  how  that  the  brother  who 
had  died  had  escaped  punishment  through  the  salvation- 
giving mass. 

Among  the  works  of  Gregory  the  Great,  none  was 
more  highly  esteemed  than  his  great  Commentary  on 
the  Book  of  Job,  — his  Moralia,  as  he  entitled  it.  The 

^ This  is,  perhaps,  the  earliest  clear  reference  to  masses  for  the  souls 
of  the  dead. 


How  the 
soul  of  the 
sinning 
monk  was 
saved  by  the 
saying  of 
masses. 


30.  Gregory’s 
Moralia,  or 
Commentary 
on  the  Book 
of  Job. 


78 


Readings  in  E^iropean  History 


The  Scrip- 
tures taken 
in  their 
literal  sense 
are  fitted  for 
the  simple- 
minded,  but 
there  is  a 
deeper  alle- 
gorical mean* 
ing  for  the 
wise. 


Gregory’s 
ill  health. 


Gregory 
justifies  his 
neglect  of 
grammar 
and  rhetoric. 


work  is  prefaced  by  a letter  to  a friend  who  had  urged 
him  to  undertake  it.  In  spite  of  the  burden  of  his  other 
responsibilities,  Gregory,  relying  upon  God’s  aid,  resolved 
to  attempt  to  give  the  deeper  allegorical  meaning  as  well 
as  the  literal  explanation. 

For  as  the  Word  of  God,  by  the  mysteries  which  it  con- 
tains, exercises  the  understanding  of  the  wise,  so  it  often 
nourishes  the  simple-minded  by  what  presents  itself  on  the 
outside.  It  presenteth  in  open  day  that  wherewith  the  little 
onts  may  be  fed  ; it  keepeth  in  secret  that  whereby  men  of 
a /loftier  range  may  be  held  in  wondering  suspense.  It  is, 
it  were,  a kind  of  river,  if  I may  so  liken  it,  which  is  both 
/ shallow  and  deep,  wherein  both  the  lamb  may  find  a footing 
and  the  elephant  float  at  large.  ... 

This  exposition  being  such  as  I have  described,  I have 
transmitted  it  to  your  Blessedness  for  your  inspection,  not 
because  I have  carried  it  out  as  worthily  as  I should,  but 
because  I remember  that  I promised  it  at  your  request.  In 
which  whatsoever  your  Holiness  may  discover  that  is  languid 
or  unpolished,  let  it  be  excused,  since,  as  is  well  known,  I 
was  ill  when  I prepared  it.  When  the  body  is  worn  out 
with  sickness,  the  mind  being  also  affected,  our  efforts  to 
express  ourselves  grow  weak. 

For  many  years  now  I have  been  afflicted  with  frequent 
pains  in  the  bowels,  and  the  powers  of  my  stomach  being 
broken  down,  I am  at  all  times  and  seasons  weakly.  Under 
the  influence  of  fevers,  slow,  but  in  constant  succession,  I 
draw  my  breath  with  difficulty.  . . . And  perchance  it  was 
by  Divine  Providence  designed  that  I,  a stricken  one,  should 
set  forth  Job  stricken,  and  that,  through  being  scourged 
myself,  I should  the  more  perfectly  enter  into  the  feelings 
of  one  that  was  scourged.  . . . 

I beg,  moreover,  that  in  going  through  the  statements  of 
this  work  you  would  not  seek  the  foliage  of  eloquence 
therein  ; for  by  the  sacred  oracles  the  vanity  of  a barren 
wordiness  is  purposely  debarred  those  that  treat  thereof. 


The  Rise  of  the  Papaey 


79 


. . . Hence  that  art  of  speaking  which  is  conveyed  by  rules 
of  worldly  training  I have  despised  to  observe ; for  as  the 
tenor  of  this  epistle  also  will  tell,  I do  not  escape  harsh- 
sounding  consonants,  nor  do  I avoid  barbarisms,  and  I pay 
little  attention  to  rhetorical  situations  and  arrangements, 
and  the  cases  of  propositions.  For  I account  it  very  far  from 
meet  to  submit  the  words  of  the  divine  oracle  to  the  rules 
of  Donatus  ^ ; neither  are  these  observed  by  any  of  the 
translators  thereof,  in  the  authoritative  text  of  Holy  Writ. 
Now  as  my  exposition  takes  its  origin  from  thence^  it  is 
plainly  meet  that  this  production,  like  a kind  of  offspring, 
should  wear  the  likeness  of  its  mother. 

The  manner  of  this  allegorical  interpretation,  so  pop- 
ular throughout  the  Middle  Ages,  may  be  illustrated  by 
Gregory’s  commentary  on  the  statement  that  Job  pos- 
sessed, among  other  property,  ‘‘five  hundred  yoke  of 
oxen  and  five  hundred  she  asses.” 

We  have  said  above  that  by  the  number  fifty,  which  is 
completed  by  seven  weeks  and  the  addition  of  an  unit,  rest 
is  signified,  and  by  the  number  ten  the  sum  of  perfection 
is  set  forth.  Now,  forasmuch  as  the  perfection  of  rest  is 
promised  to  the  faithful,  by  multiplying  fifty  ten  times,  we 
arrive  at  five  hundred.  But  in  Sacred  Writ  the  title  of 
oxen  sometimes  represents  the  dullness  of  the  foolish  sort, 
and  sometimes  the  life  of  well-doers.  For  because  the 
stupidity  of  the  fool  is  represented  by  the  title  of  an  ox, 
Solomon  says  rightly,  ‘‘  He  goeth  after  her  straightway,  as 
an  ox  goeth  to  the  slaughter.”  Again,  that  the  life  of  every 
laborer  is  set  forth  by  the  title  of  oxen,  the  precepts  of 
the  Law  are  a testimony,  which  enjoined  through  Moses, 
“Thou  shalt  not  muzzle  the  ox  when  he  treadeth  out  the 
corn.”  And  this  again  is  declared  in  plain  words,  “ The 
labourer  is  worthy  of  his  hire.” 

^ A grammarian,  St.  Jerome^s  teacher,  who  wrote  the  elementary 
grammar  most  widely  used  during  the  Middle  Ages. 


A reaction 
against  the 
current 
literary 
bombast. 


An  example 
of  allegorical 
interpreta- 
tion. 


8o 


Readings  in  European  History 


By  the  title  of  asses,  too,  we  have  represented  sometimes 
the  unrestrained  indulgence  of  the  wanton,  sometimes  the 
simple-mindedness  of  the  Gentiles  ; for  the  inertness  of  fools 
is  imaged  by  the  designation  of  asses,  as  where  it  is  said 
through  Moses,  “Thou  shalt  not  plough  with  an  ox  and  an 
ass  together/’  As  though  he  said,  “ Do  not  associate  fools 
and  wise  men  together  in  preaching,  lest  by  means  of  him 
who  has  no  power  to  accomplish  the  work  you  hinder  him 
who  has  abundant  power.”  The  unrestrained  indulgence  of 
the  wanton  is  likewise  set  forth  by  the  appellation  of  asses, 
as  the  prophet  testifies  when  he  says,  “ whose  flesh  is  as 
the  flesh  of  asses.” 

Again,  by  the  title  of  asses  is  shown  the  simplicity  of  the 
Gentiles.  Hence,  when  the  Lord  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  he 
is  related  to  have  sat  upon  a young  ass.  For  what  is  it  for 
him  to  come  to  Jerusalem  sitting  upon  an  ass,  except  taking 
possession  of  the  simple  hearts  of  the  Gentiles  to  conduct 
them  to  the  vision  of  peace,  by  ruling  and  ordering  them 
And  this  is  shown  by  one  passage,  and  that  a very  easy 
one,  in  that  both  the  workmen  of  Judea  are  represented  by 
oxen,  and  the  Gentile  peoples  by  an  ass,  when  it  is  said 
by  the  prophet,  “ The  ox  knoweth  his  owner,  and  the  ass 
his  master’s  crib.”  For  who  appears  as  the  ox  saving  the 
Jewish  people,  whose  neck  was  worn  by  the  yoke  of  the  Law  ? 
And  who  was  the  ass  but  the  Gentile  world,  which  was  like 
a brute  animal  readily  seduced  by  every  deceiver,  for  he  did 
not  resist  by  exercise  of  reason  ? 


31.  Greg- 
ory’s insight 
into  human 
nature 
exhibited 
in  his 
Pastoral 
Charge. 


The  modern  reader  who  may  not  find  either  the 
Dialogues  or  the  Moralia  to  his  taste  will,  nevertheless, 
agree  that  few  works  exhibit  a deeper  insight  into  human 
character  and  motives  than  Gregory’s  Pastoral  Charge^ 
in  which  he  discourses  on  the  difficult  position  of  the 
bishops  : 


It  is  hard  for  a preacher  who  is  not  loved,  however  right 
may  be  his  warnings,  to  be  heard  gladly.  He,  therefore, 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


8i 


who  is  over  others  ought  to  study  to  be  loved,  that  he 
may  be  heard ; and  yet  not  to  seek  his  own  popularity  for 
itself,  lest  he  be  found  by  a secret  usurpation  in  thought  to 
oppose  him  whom  by  his  office  he  appeareth  to  serve.  This 
Paul  well  signifieth,  when  he  maketh  manifest  to  us  the 
secrets  of  his  desires,  saying,  “ Even  as  I please  all  men  in 
all  things  ’’ ; who  nevertheless  saith  again,  ‘‘  If  I yet  pleased 
men,  I should  not  be  the  servant  of  Christ.’^  Paul  therefore 
pleaseth  and  pleaseth  not,  because  in  that  he  desireth  to 
please,  he  seeketh  not  that  he  himself,  but  that  through  him 
the  Truth,  should  please  men. 

The  spiritual  guide  ought  also  to  know  that  vices  for  the 
most  part  feign  themselves  to  be  virtues.  For  niggardliness 
often  cloaketh  itself  under  the  name  of  frugality ; and  lavish- 
ness, on  the  other  hand,  hideth  itself  under  the  title  of 
bounty.  Often  an  inordinate  forgiveness  is  thought  to  be 
kindness,  and  unbridled  wrath  is  reckoned  the  virtue  of 
spiritual  zeal.  Often  headlong  action  is  supposed  to  be  the 
efficiency  of  speed,  and  slowness  apes  the  deliberation  of 
seriousness. 

Hence  the  ruler  of  souls  must  needs  distinguish  with 
watchful  care  between  virtues  and  vices ; lest  either  nig- 
gardliness take  possession  of  his  heart,  and  he  be  delighted 
to  appear  frugal  in  his  distributions ; or  when  a thing  is 
lavishly  expended,  he  should  boast  himself  as  bountiful  in 
showing  mercy ; or  by  forgiving  that  which  he  ought  to 
smite,  he  should  drag  his  subjects  to  eternal  punishments; 
or  by  smiting  ruthlessly  that  which  is  wrong,  he  do  more 
grievous  wrong  himself;  or  by  unreasonably  hastening  that 
which  might  have  been  done  duly  and  seriously,  he  should 
render  it  of  no  esteem;  or  by  putting  off  the  merit  of  a good 
action,  he  should  change  it  for  the  worse. 

Inasmuch,  then,  as  we  have  shown  what  manner  of  man 
the  pastor  ought  to  be,  let  us  now  make  known  after  what 
manner  he  teacheth.  For,  as  Gregory  Nazianzen  of  rever- 
end memory  hath  taught  long  before  us,  one  and  the  same 


The  preacher 
should  make 
himself 
beloved,  but 
not  seek 
popularity 
for  its 
own  sake. 


Vices  cloak 
themselves 
in  virtues. 


Many  men 
of  many 
minds. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


82  Readings  in  European  History 

exhortation  is  not  suited  to  all,  because  all  are  not  bound 
by  the  same  manner  of  character.  For  ofttimes  the  things 
which  profit  some  are  bad  for  others.  Inasmuch  as  for  the 
most  part  the  herbs  also  which  feed  some  animals  kill  others; 
and  a gentle  whistling  which  stilleth  horses  setteth  dogs 
astir;  and  the  medicine  which  abateth  one  disease  giveth 
force  to  another ; and  the  bread  which  strengtheneth  the  life 
of  the  vigorous  putteth  an  end  to  that  of  babes. 

The  speech,  therefore,  of  teachers  ought  to  be  fashioned 
according  to  the  condition  of  the  hearers,  that  it  may  both 
be  suited  to  each  for  his  own  needs,  and  yet  may  never 
depart  from  the  system  of  general  edification.  For  what 
are  the  attentive  minds  of  the  hearers  but,  as  I may  so  say, 
certain  strings  stretched  tight  on  a harp  which  he  that  is 
skillful  in  playing,  to  the  end  that  he  may  produce  a tune 
which  shall  not  be  at  variance  with  itself,  striketh  in  various 
ways  ? And  therefore  the  strings  give  back  harmonious 
melody  because  they  are  beaten  with  one  quill  indeed  but 
not  with  one  stroke.  Whence  also  every  teacher,  to  the  end 
that  he  may  edify  all  in  the  one  virtue  of  charity,  ought 
to  touch  the  hearts  of  his  hearers  out  of  one  system  of 
teaching  but  not  with  one  and  the  same  address. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Accounts:  Emerton,  Introduction^  pp.  93-109;  Adams, 
Civilization^  Chapter  IX,  pp.  92-113;  B^mont  and  Monod,  pp.  1 15-124. 

Gregory  the  Great : Gibbon,  Vol.  V,  Chapter  XLV,  end,  pp.  25-32 ; 
Oman,  pp.  198-203. 

Newman,  Manual  of  Church  History^  Vol.  I.  Covering  the  whole 
period  before  the  Protestant  Revolt.  The  most  useful  recent  introduc- 
tion to  the  subject,  with  good  bibliographies. ^ 

1 The  innumerable  histories  of  the  Church  are  all  of  them  somewhat  unsatis- 
factory from  the  standpoint  of  the  ordinary  historical  student  who  turns  to  them 
for  an  account  of  the  general  development  of  the  Church  and  the  rise  of  the 
papacy.  He  is  likely  to  be  especially  confused  and  impeded  by  the  frequent  and 
often  highly  technical  discussions  of  heresies  and  doctrinal  controversies  which 
have  always  had  an  irresistible  charm  for  ecclesiastical  writers.  Nevertheless  the 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy 


83 


Milman,  History  of  Latin  Christianity.  First  published  in  1856; 
consequently  rather  old,  but  scholarly,  readable,  and  fair-minded,  so  that 
it  is  still  deservedly  popular  as  a fuller  treatment.  For  Gregory  the 
Great,  see  Book  III,  Chapter  VII. 

Alzog,  Manual  of  Universal  Church  History ^ 3 vols.  The  most 
careful  and  scholarly  general  account  from  a Catholic  standpoint  to  be 
had  in  English. 

Hatch,  Growth  of  Church  Institutions.  A brief  but  excellent 
account  of  the  evolution  of  certain  prominent  features  in  church 
organization. 

SCHAFF,  History  of  the  Christia7i  Churchy  Vols.  I-I V to  Gregory  VII. 
Vol.  V has  never  appeared.  Vols.  VI  and  VII  relate  to  the  Protestant 
Revolt.  A voluminous  but  well-written  treatise,  where  the  student  will 
find  special  topics  fully  and  interestingly  treated.  It  was  written  a 
generation  later  than  Milman’s  volumes  referred  to  above. 

Rivington,  Luke,  • The  Primitive  Church  and  the  See  of  Peter.  A 
discussion  by  a Catholic  of  the  position  of  the  bishops  of  Rome  in  the 
early  Church. 

Mann,  Lives  of  the  Popes  in  the  Early  Middle  Ages,  A.D.  ggo-ygg, 
2 vols.  The  most  careful  and  recent  treatise  on  the  papacy  during  this 
period. 

Barney,  Gregory  the  Great.  A condensed  account  of  Gregory’s 
life  and  times,  followed  by  a summary  of  his  works. 

Schaff-Herzog,  a Religious  E7icyclopcedia,  4 vols.,  1891.  Based 
upon  the  great  German  Realencyklopddie  mentioned  below. 

Addis  and  Arnold,  A Catholic  Dictionary,  containing  some  account 
of  the  doctrine,  discipline,  rites,  ceremonies,  councils,  and  religious  orders 
of  the  Catholic  Church,  2d  ed.,  London,  1884.  These  dictionaries  are  a 
great  aid  to  the  historical  student  in  looking  up  special  topics  and  in 
discovering  the  exact  meaning  of  technical  terms. 


Moeller,  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  Vols.  I and  II.  This  is  a C.  Materials 
rather  poor  English  translation  of  a very  condensed  but  highly  scholarly  for  advanced 
and  valuable  German  manual,  which  takes  careful  account  of  all  the 
recent  discussions,  especially  those  which  have  appeared  in  German 
periodicals  and  monographs.  The  best  work  of  reference  in  this  field. 

Gieseler,  Ecclesiastical  History,  5 vols.  A scanty  outline  accom- 
panied by  voluminous  footnotes  in  which  long  and  important  passages 

church  histories  are  indispensable,  and  by  consulting  the  tables  of  contents  one 
can  easily  discover  the  sections  which  bear  upon  the  matters  in  which  the  reader 
is  interested. 


84 


Readings  in  European  History 


from  the  sources  are  given.  This  renders  it  especially  useful  to  one  who 
has  not  a large  library  at  his  disposal. 

Hergenrother,  Joseph,  Cardinal,  Allgemeine  Kirchengeschichte^ 
3d  ed.,  1884-1886  (4th  ed.,  edited  by  Kirsch,  Vol.  I,  1902,  carrying  the 
history  down  to  the  seventh  century).  The  work  of  a distinguished 
Catholic  authority. 

Realencyklopddie  fur  protestantische  Theologie  und  Kirche.  Begriin- 
det  von  J.  /.  Herzog.  A third  carefully  revised  edition  of  this  all- 
important  ecclesiastical  encyclopedia  is  being  issued  under  the  editor- 
ship of  Hauck.  Vols.  I-XIII,  over  half  the  work,  have  appeared.  Leipzig, 
1896  sqq. 

Kirchenlexikon  oder  Encyklopddie  der  Katholischen  Theologie  und ihre 
Hilfswissenschaften.  Second  edition  edited  by  Hergenrother  and 
Kauler,  12  vols.  and  separately  bound  index,  Freiburg,  1882-1901. 

Both  of  the  above  are  of  the  utmost  value  to  the  student  of  general 
history,  who  should  turn  to  them  for  special  topics  and  bibliographies. 

Mirbt,  Carl,  Quellen  zur  Geschichte  des  Papsthums.,  2d  ed.,  1903* 
A very  useful  selection  of  documents  given  in  the  original  Latin. 

Langen,  Geschichte  der  Rdmischen  Kirche^  4 vols.,  Bonn,  1881-1893. 
Coming  down  to  Innocent  III.  Probably  the  best  detailed  history  of 
the  popes.  It  claims  to  be  written  exclusively  from  the  sources. 

Hefele,  Conciliengeschichte.,  2d  ed.,  1873-1890  : Vols.  I-VI  reach 
the  opening  of  the  fifteenth  chapter  (Vol.  VII  has  not  appeared  in  the 
second  edition;  Vols.  VIII  and  IX  are  a continuation  by  Cardinal 
Hergenrother).  The  classical  history  of  the  Christian  councils,  written 
by  a remarkable  Catholic  scholar. 

Harnack,  History  of  Dogma^  7 vols.  (Boston,  ^17.50) ; original  German 
edition,  under  the  title  Lehrbuchder  Dogmengeschichte^'}^s[o\^..,'}fi%^.y  1894- 
1897,  M.  52.50.  Although  a technical  work  dealing  with  a phase  of  the 
past  in  which  the  historical  student  is  not  commonly  much  interested,  he 
should  have  some  acquaintance,  at  least,  with  this  truly  astounding 
production  of  a great  authority  in  the  field  of  church  history.  The 
breadth  and  scholarship  of  the  treatment  cannot  fail  to  make  a deep 
impression  upon  even  a casual  reader. 

Migne,  Patrologia  Latina.,  221  vols.,  Paris,  1844-1866.  Migne  was 
a Parisian  publisher  who  conceived  the  bold  plan  of  bringing  together 
into  one  great  uniform  series  all  the  writings  relating  to  the  Church, 
its  doctrines  and  history  from  Tertullian  to  Innocent  HI.  While  the 
editions  that  he  used  have  in  some  cases  been  superseded,  the  collection 
nevertheless  contains  a wealth  of  material  which  even  the  best  libraries 
are  hardly  likely  to  have  in  any  other  form.  A list  of  all  the  works 


The  Rise  of  the  Papacy  85 

included  in  the  Patrologia  may  be  found  in  Potthast’s  Wegweiser^ 
pp.  xciv  sqq. 

Corpus  scriptorum  ecclesiasticorum  Latinoruniy  Vienna,  1866  sqq. 
This  series,  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  Vienna  Academy,  is  still 
in  the  course  of  publication,  and  is  only  to  include  the  ecclesiastical 
writers  previous  to  the  seventh  century.  It  naturally  supersedes  the 
older  editions  reprinted  in  Migne’s  Patrologia. 

Ante-Nicene  Fathers.,  10  vols.;  Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers,  two 
series  in  12  vols.  each.  A scholarly  English  translation,  with  excellent 
notes,  of  the  more  important  patristic  writings,  to  the  time  of  Gregory 
the  Great. 


The  chief  sources  for  the  history  of  the  papacy  to  Gregory’s  time  are 
the  lives  of  the  popes  in  the  Liber  pontificalis,  and  their  letters,  espe- 
cially those  of  Leo  the  Great  and  of  Gregory  himself. 

The  Liber  pontificalis  has  given  rise  to  a great  deal  of  discussion 
among  scholars.  It  contains  brief,  fragmentary  accounts  of  all  the 
bishops  of  Rome  from  Peter  down.  Many  of  the  lives  would  hardly 
fill  a page  of  this  volume.  Just  how  the  collection  grew  up,  no  one 
knows.  According  to  Duchesne,  the  earliest  part  was  got  into  its 
present  form  shortly  after  Theodoric’s  death,  and  then  accounts  of  the 
succeeding  popes  were  added  from  time  to  time,  bringing  the  collection 
down  to  the  latter  part  of  the  ninth  century. 

Modern  editions : Duchesne,  Liber  pontificalis,  published  in  the 
Bibliotheque  des  Scales  d^ Athene s et  de  Rome,  1886-1892.  Mommsen 
has  edited  the  most  important  part  of  the  collection,  down  to  715  in  the 
Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica.  An  older  edition  in  Migne,  Patro- 
logia Latina,  CXXVII-CXXIX.  It  is  there  attributed,  as  formerly,  to 
Anastasias  Bibliothecarius,  a writer  of  the  ninth  century. 

As  for  the  letters  of  the  popes,  many  will  be  found  in  Migne  ; those 
of  Leo  I in  Vol.  LIII  and  of  Gregory  I in  Vol.  LXXVII.  The  best  edi- 
tion of  Gregory  I’s  letters  is  in  the  Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica. 

An  invaluable  guide  to  the  history  of  the  papacy  is  Jaffe,  Regesta 
pontificum,  2d  ed.,  edited  by  Wattenbach  and  others,  1885-1888.  This 
is  a register  of  all  the  acts,  edicts,  and  letters  of  the  successive  bishops 
of  Rome.  It  is  as  complete  an  official  diary  as  it  was  possible  to  recon- 
struct. An  analysis  is  usually  given  of  all  the  more  important  papers, 
and  then  a list  is  added  of  the  various  printed  collections  where  the 
documents  may  be  found  in  full.  But  all  the  information  that  it  was 
possible  to  find  for  the  five  centuries  which  elapsed  between  the  times 
of  St.  Peter  and  the  accession  of  Gregory  I fills  but  140  pages,  while 
Gregory’s  own  pontificate  alone  occupies  75  pages. 


The  sources 


The  Liber 
pontificalis. 


Jaffe’s 
Regesta, 
a monu- 
mental work 


CHAPTER  V 


32.  Jerome’s 
plea  for  the 
life  of  soli- 
tude (373). 


Family  ties 
and  obliga- 
tions should 
not  stand  in 
the  way  of 
the  monastic 
life. 


Delights  of 
the  hermit. 


THE  MONKS  AND  THE  CONVERSION  OF  THE  GERMANS 

I.  The  Monastic  Attitude  of  Mind 

One  of  the  earliest  and  most  eloquent  pleas  for  mo- 
nasticism  is  found  in  a well-known  letter  of  St.  Jerome’s, 
who  himself  led  the  life  of  a monk  for  many  years.  He 
thus  urges  on  a friend,  first  the  duty,  then  the  beauty,  of 
a hermit’s  existence. 

Though  your  little  nephew  twine  his  arms  around  your 
neck;  though  your  mother,  with  disheveled  hair  and  tear- 
ing her  robe  asunder,  point  to  the  breast  with  which  she 
nourished  you  ; though  your  father  fall  down  on  the  thresh- 
old before  you,  pass  on  over  your  father^s  body.  Fly  with 
tearful  eyes  to  the  banner  of  the  cross.  In  this  matter 
cruelty  is  the  only  piety.  . . . Your  widowed  sister  may 
throw  her  gentle  arms  around  you.  . . . Your  father  may 
implore  you  to  wait  but  a short  time  to  bury  those  near  to 
you,  who  will  soon  be  no  more.  Your  weeping  mother  may 
recall  your  childish  days,  and  may  point  to  her  shrunken 
breast  and  to  her  wrinkled  brow.  Those  around  you  may 
tell  you  that  all  the  household  rests  upon  you.  Such  chains 
as  these  the  love  of  God  and  the  fear  of  hell  can  easily 
break.  You  say  that  Scripture  orders  you  to  obey  your 
parents,  but  he  who  loves  them  more  than  Christ  loses  his 
soul.  The  enemy  brandishes  a sword  to  slay  me.  Shall  I 
think  of  a mother’s  tears  ? 

[When  once  his  friend  has  cast  oif  the  responsibilities  of 
the  world  he  will  discover  that  the  desert  is  full  of  attrac- 
tions.] O solitude,  whence  are  brought  the  stones  of  the 
city  of  the  Great  King  ! O wilderness  rejoicing  close  to 

86 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  87 


God  ! What  would  you,  brother,  in  the  world,  — you  that 
are  greater  than  the  world?  How  long  are  the  shades  of 
roofs  to  oppress  you  ? How  long  the  dungeon  of  a city’s 
smoke  ? Believe  me,  I see  more  of  light ! How  refreshing 
to  cast  off  the  things  that  oppress  the  body  and  fly  away  into 
the  pure  sparkling  ether ! 

Do  you  fear  poverty  ? Christ  called  the  poor  blessed.” 
Are  you  terrified  at  labor?  No  athlete  without  sweat  is 
crowned.  Do  you  think  of  food?  Faith  fears  not  hunger. 
Do  you  dread  the  naked  ground  for  limbs  consumed  with 
fasts  ? The  Lord  lies  with  you.  Does  the  thought  of 
unkempt  locks  disturb  you?  Your  head  is  Christ.  Does  the 
infinite  vastness  of  the  desert  affright  you  ? In  the  mind 
walk  abroad  in  Paradise.  So  often  as  you  do  this  there  will 
be  no  desert.  Does  your  skin  roughen  without  baths? 
Who  is  once  washed  in  Christ  needs  not  to  wash  again.  In 
a word,  hear  the  apostle  as  he  answers:  “The  sufferings  of 
the  present  time  are  not  worthy  to  be  compared  with  the  glory 
which  shall  be  revealed  in  us  ! ” You  are  too  pleasure-loving, 
brother,  if  you  wish  to  rejoice  in  this  world  and  hereafter  to 
reign  with  Christ ! 


The  spirit  of  rigorous  monasticisrn  is  admirably  ex- 
pressed by  a monk  of  the  sixteenth  century,  as  follows  : 


First  of  all,  carefully  excite  in  yourself  an  habitual  affec- 
tionate will  in  all  things  to  imitate  Jesus  Christ.  If  any- 
thing agreeable  offers  itself  to  your  senses,  yet  does  not  at 
the  same  time  tend  purely  to  the  honor  and  glory  of  God, 
renounce  it  and  separate  yourself  from  it  for  the  love  of 
Christ,  who  all  his  life  long  had  no  other  taste  or  wish  than 
to  do  the  will  of  his  Father,  whom  he  called  his  meat  and 
nourishment.  For  example,  you  take  satisfaction  in  hearing 
of  things  in  which  the  glory  of  God  bears  no  part.  Deny 
yourself  this  satisfaction  : mortify  your  wish  to  listen.  You 
take  pleasure  in  seeing  objects  which  do  not  raise  your  mind 
to  God:  refuse  yourself  this  pleasure,  and  turn  away  your 
eyes.  The  same  with  conversations  and  all  other  things. 


33.  The 
practice  of 
monasticism 
as  described 
by  a Spanish 
monk  of  the 
sixteenth 
century. 


88 


Readings  in  European  History 


Act  similarly,  so  far  as  you  are  able,  with  all  the  operations  of 
the  senses,  striving  to  make  yourself  free  from  their  yokes. 

The  radical  remedy  lies  in  the  mortification  of  the  four 
great  natural  passions,  joy,  hope,  fear,  and  grief.  You  must 
seek  to  deprive  these  of  every  satisfaction  and  leave  them, 
as  it  were,  in  darkness  and  the  void.  Let  your  soul,  therefore, 
turn  always  : 

Not  to  what  is  most  easy,  but  to  what  is  hardest ; 

Not  to  what  tastes  best,  but  to  what  is  most  distasteful; 

Not  to  what  most  pleases,  but  to  what  disgusts ; 

Not  to  matter  of  consolation,  but  to  matter  for  desolation 
rather ; 

Not  to  rest,  but  to  labor ; 

Not  to  despise  the  more,  but  the  less  ; 

Not  to  aspire  to  what  is  highest  and  most  precious,  but 
to  what  is  lowest  and  most  contemptible  ; 

Not  to  will  anything,  but  to  will  nothing; 

Not  to  seek  the  best  in  everything,  but  to  seek  the  worst, 
so  that  you  may  enter  for  the  love  of  Christ  into  a complete 
destitution,  a perfect  poverty  of  spirit,  and  an  absolute 
renunciation  of  everything  in  this  world. 

Embrace  these  practices  with  all  the  energy  of  your  soul 
and  you  will  find  in  a short  time  great  delights  and  unspeak- 
able consolations. 


Professor  William  James  has  set  forth  the  various 
feelings  which  lie  at  the  basis  of  asceticism  in  the  fol- 
lowing remarkable  passages : 


34.  A modern 
psycholo- 
gist’s view 
of  the  ascetic 
spirit.  (From 
James, 
Varieties  of 
Religious 
Experience.) 


Where  to  seek  the  easy  and  the  pleasant  seems  instinctive 
— and  instinctive  it  appears  to  be  in  man  ; any  deliberate 
tendency  to  pursue  the  hard  and  painful  as  such  and  for 
their  own  sakes  might  well  strike  one  as  purely  abnormal. 
Nevertheless,  in  moderate  degrees  it  is  "natural  and  even 
usual  to  human  nature  to  court  the  arduous.  It  is  only  the 
extreme  manifestations  of  the  tendency  that  can  be  regarded 
as  a paradox.  . . . Some  men  and  women,  indeed,  there 
are  who  can  live  on  smiles  and  the  word  “ yes  forever. 


The  Monks  and  the  Convei^sion  of  the  Gej'mans  89 

But  for  others  (indeed  for  most),  this  is  too  tepid  and 
relaxed  a moral  climate.  Passive  happiness  is  slack  and 
insipid,  and  soon  grows  mawkish  and  intolerable.  Some 
austerity  and  wintry  negativity,  some  roughness,  danger, 
stringency,  and  effort,  some  “ no  ! no  ! must  be  mixed  in,  to 
produce  the  sense  of  an  existence  with  character  and  texture 
and  power.  . . . 

Asceticism  may  be  a mere  expression  of  organic  hardihood, 
disgusted  with  too  much  ease. 

Temperance  in  meat  and  drink,  simplicity  of  apparel, 
chastity,  and  non-pampering  of  the  body  generally,  may  be 
fruits  of  the  love  of  purity,  shocked  by  whatever  savors  of 
the  sensual. 

They  may  also  be  fruits  of  love,  that  is,  they  may  appeal 
to  the  subject  in  the  light  of  sacrifices  which  he  is  happy  in 
making  to  the  Deity  whom  he  acknowledges. 

Again,  ascetic  mortification  and  torments  may  be  due  to 
pessimistic  feelings  about  the  self,  combined  with  theo- 
logical beliefs  concerning  expiation.  The  devotee  may  feel 
that  he  is  buying  himself  free,  or  escaping  worse  sufferings 
hereafter  by  doing  penance  now. 

In  psychopathic  persons,  mortifications  may  be  entered 
on  irrationally,  by  a sort  of  obsession  or  fixed  idea  which 
comes  as  a challenge  and  must  be  worked  off,  because  only 
thus  does  the  subject  get  his  interior  consciousness  feeling 
right  again. 

Finally,  ascetic  exercises  may  in  rarer  instances  be 
prompted  by  genuine  perversions  of  the  bodily  sensibility, 
in  consequence  of  which  normally  pain-giving  stimuli  are 
actually  felt  as  pleasures. 


II.  The  Devil  and  his  Wicked  Angels 

The  following  passages  give  some  idea  of  the  religious 
world  in  which  the  monks  and  missionaries  lived,  and  the 
views  of  the  next  world  which  they  inculcated  in  the 
minds  of  the  newly  converted  barbarians. 


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Readings  in  European  History 


35.  The 
pagan  gods 
only  devils 
in  disguise. 
(From  the 
Dialogues 
of  Gregory 
the  Great, 
condensed.) 


Belief  in 
miracles 
and  ever- 
present 
demons. 


36.  St.  Gall 
and  the 
demons. 
(From  the 
Life  of  St.  Gall 
(630)  by  an 
anonymous 
writer.) 


Andrew,  by  God^s  mercy  bishop  of  Fondi,  was  a man  of 
most  holy  life,  but  the  ancient  enemy  of  mankind  sought  to 
tempt  him,  by  causing  him  to  think  evil  thoughts. 

Now  one  day  a certain  Jew  was  coming  to  Rome  from 
Campania,  and  he  traveled  by  the  Appian  Way.  When 
he  reached  the  hill  of  Fondi  he  saw  that  the  day  was  dark- 
ening toward  evening,  and  he  did  not  know  at  all  where 
he  might  sleep.  He  was  near  a temple  of  Apollo,  and  he 
decided  to  stay  there. 

He  feared  the  sacrilegious  character  of  the  place,  so, 
though  he  had  not  the  faith  of  the  cross,  he  took  care  to  pro- 
tect himself  with  the  sign  of  the  cross.  In  the  middle  of  the 
night  he  was  disturbed  by  the  very  fear  of  solitude,  and  lay 
awake.  Suddenly  he  looked  up,  and  saw  a crowd  of  evil 
spirits.  He  who  was  in  authority  over  the  rest  took  his 
place  in  the  midst  of  them  and  began  to  discuss  the  deeds 
of  each  spirit,  and  to  ask  how  much  evil  each  one  had 
accomplished. 

One  of  the  spirits  told  how  he  had  caused  Bishop  Andrew 
to  think  an  unholy  thought.  Then  the  evil  spirit  and  enemy 
of  the  human  race  exhorted  that  spirit  to  carry  out  what  he 
had  begun  in  Andrew^s  soul. 

Then  the  spirit  who  commanded  the  rest  ordered  his  fol- 
lowers to  find  out  who  had  presumed  to  sleep  in  that  temple. 
But  the  Jew  made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  all  the  throng 
of  evil  spirits,  crying  out  ‘‘  Woe,  woe ! ’’  disappeared. 

[St.  Columban  and  St.  Gall  came,  about  the  year  610,  to  a 
village  near  the  Lake  of  Constance  called  Bregenz,  where 
they  had  heard  that  there  might  be  opportunity  to  serve 
God.]  There  the  brethren’s  hands  made  ready  a dwelling, 
and  the  holy  Columban  fervently  prayed  to  Christ  in  behalf 
of  that  place.  The  superstitious  pagans  worshiped  three 
idols  of  gilded  metal,  and  believed  in  returning  thanks  to 
them  rather  than  to  the  creator  of  the  world. 

So  Columban,  the  man  of  God,  wished  to  destroy  that 
superstition,  and  told  Gall  to  talk  to  the  people,  since  he 
himself  excelled  in  Latin,  but  not  in  the  language  of  that 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  91 

tribe.  The  people  gathered  at  the  temple  for  their  wonted 
festival ; but  they  were  attracted  by  the  sight  of  the  stran- 
gers, not,  however,  by  reverence  for  the  divine  religion. 
When  they  were  assembled.  Gall,  the  elect  of  God,  fed  their 
hearts  with  honeyed  words,  exhorting  them  to  turn  to  their 
Creator,  and  to  Jesus  Christ  the  Son  of  God,  who  opened 
the  gate  of  heaven  for  the  human  race,  sunk  in  indifference 
and  uncleanness. 

Then  before  them  all  he  broke  in  pieces  with  stones  the 
enthroned  idols,  and  cast  them  into  the  depths  of  the  lake. 
Then  part  of  the  people  confessed  their  sins  and  believed, 
but  others  were  angry  and  enraged,  and  departed  in  wrath ; 
and  Columban,  the  man  of  God,  blessed  the  water  and  sanc- 
tified the  place,  and  remained  there  with  his  followers  three 
years.  . . . 

Some  time  after,  in  the  silence  of  the  night,  Gall,  the  elect 
of  God,  was  laying  nets  in  the  water,  and  lo ! he  heard  the 
demon  of  the  mountain  top  calling  to  his  fellow  who  dwelt 
in  the  depths  of  the  lake.  The  demon  of  the  lake  answered, 
‘‘I  am  here^’;  he  of  the  mountain  returned:  “Arise,  come 
to  my  aid  ! Behold  the  aliens  come,  and  thrust  me  from 
my  temple.  Come,  come  ! help  me  to  drive  them  from  our 
lands.”  The  demon  of  the  lake  answered  : “ One  of  them 
is  upon  the  lake,  whom  I could  never  harm.  For  I wished 
to  break  his  nets,  but  see,  I am  vanquished  and  mourn. 
The  sign  of  his  prayer  protects  him  always,  and  sleep  never 
overcomes  him.” 

Gall,  the  elect  of  God,  heard  this,  and  fortified  himself 
on  all  sides  with  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  said  to  them  : 
“ In  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  I command  you,  leave  this 
place,  and  do  not  presume  to  harm  any  one  here.”  And  he 
hastened  to  return  to  the  shore,  and  told  his  abbot  what  he 
had  heard. 

When  Columban,  the  man  of  God,  heard  this,  he  called  the 
brethren  together  in  the  church,  and  made  the  accustomed 
sign  (the  cross).  Before  the  brethren  could  raise  their 
voices,  the  voice  of  an  unseen  being  was  heard,  and  wail- 
ing and  lamentation  echoed  from  the  mountain  top.  So  the 


92 


Readings  in  European  History 


malicious  demons  departed  with  mourning,  and  the  prayer  of 
the  brethren  arose  as  they  sent  up  their  supplications  to  God. 


Gregory  the  Great  tells  the  following  tale  in  his 
Dialogues  to  illustrate  the  manner  in  which  the  devil 
was  wont  to  harass  those  who  sought  to  avoid  worldly 
temptations  by  seeking  solitude  : 


37.  Martin, 
a hermit, 
resists  the 
terrors  of 
the  devil. 
(From 
Gregory's 
Dialogues.) 


In  Campania,  upon  Mt.  Marsicus,  a venerable  man  called 
Martin  lived  for  many  years  the  solitary  life,  shut  up  in  a 
very  small  cave.  Many  of  us  knew  him,  and  were  witnesses 
of  his  deeds.  I myself  have  heard  much  of  him  both  from 
Pope  Pelagius,  my  predecessor,  and  from  other  religious 
men  who  related  anecdotes  of  him.  His  first  miracle  was 
this:  hardly  had  he  established  himself  in  the  cleft  of  the 
mountain,  when  from  the  very  rock  which  was  hollowed  out 
to  make  his  narrow  cave  burst  forth  a stream  of  water  just 
sufficient  to  supply  the  daily  need  of  the  servant  of  God,  and 
there  was  never  too  much  or  too  little.  . . . 

But  the  ancient  enemy  of  mankind  envied  the  man’s 
strength,  and  labored  with  his  wonted  skill  to  drive  him 
forth  from  the  cave.  For  he  entered  into  the  beast  that 
is  his  friend  — the  serpent  — and  sought  to  make  the  monk 
afraid,  and  to  drive  him  from  his  dwelling.  He  came  at 
twilight,  and  stretched  himself  out  before  the  holy  man 
when  he  was  praying,  and  lay  down  with  him  when  he  went 
to  rest. 

The  holy  man  was  entirely  unafraid.  He  would  hold  to 
the  serpent’s  mouth  his  hand  or  his  foot,  and  say  to  him, 
“ If  thou  hast  leave  to  smite  me,  I do  not  say  thee  nay.” 
After  these  things  had  taken  place  continually  for  three  years, 
on  a certain  day  the  ancient  enemy  of  mankind,  vanquished 
by  such  great  endurance,  groaned ; and  the  serpent  let  him- 
self glide  over  the  steep  mountain  side  to  a precipice.  And 
the  flame  that  went  out  from  him  burned  all  the  trees  in  that 
place.  Almighty  God  constrained  him  to  burn  the  mountain 
side,  and  so  compelled  him  to  show  forth  the  great  virtue  of 
the  man  from  whom  he  had  departed,  conquered. 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  93 


III.  Purgatory,  Hell,  and  Heaven 


At  this  time  [Bede  writes]  a memorable  miracle,  and  like  to 
those  of  former  days,  was  wrought  in  Britain  ; for,  to  the  end 
that  the  living  might  be  saved  from  the  death  of  the  soul,  a 
certain  person,  who  had  been  some  time  dead,  rose  again  to 
life,  and  related  many  remarkable  things  he  had  seen ; some 
of  which  I have  thought  fit  here  briefly  to  take  notice  of. 

There  was  a master  of  a family  in  that  district  of  the 
Northumbrians  which  is  called  Cunningham,  who  led  a reli- 
gious life,  as  did  also  all  that  belonged  to  him.  This  man 
fell  sick,  and  his  distemper  daily  increasing,  being  brought 
to  extremity,  he  died  in  the  beginning  of  the  night ; but  in 
the  morning  early  he  suddenly  came  to  life  again,  and  sat 
up,  upon  which  all  those  that  sat  about  the  body  weeping 
fled  away  in  a great  fright : only  his  wife,  who  loved  him  best, 
though  in  a great  consternation  and  trembling,  remained  with 
him.  He,  comforting  her,  said,  “ Fear  not,  for  I am  now 
truly  risen  from  death,  and  permitted  again  to  live  among 
men;  however,  I am  not  to  live  hereafter  as  I was  wont,  but 
from  henceforward  after  a very  different  manner.’’ 

Then  rising  immediately,  he  repaired  to  the  oratory  of  the 
little  town  and,  continuing  in  prayer  till  day,  immediately 
divided  all  his  substance  into  three  parts,  one  whereof  he 
gave  to  his  wife,  another  to  his  children,  and  the  third, 
belonging  to  himself,  he  instantly  distributed  among  the  poor. 
Not  long  after  he  repaired  to  the  monastery  of  Melrose,  which 
is  almost  inclosed  by  the  winding  of  the  river  Tweed,  and 
having  been  shaven,  went  into  a private  dwelling  which  the 
abbot  had  provided,  where  he  continued  till  the  day  of  his 
death  in  such  extraordinary  contrition  of  mind  and  body 
that,  though  his  tongue  had  been  silent,  his  life  declared  that 
he  had  seen  many  things,  either  to  be  dreaded  or  coveted, 
which  others  knew  nothing  of. 

Thus  he  related  what  he  had  seen.  “ He  that  led  me  had 
a shining  countenance  and  a bright  garment,  and  we  went 
on  silently,  as  I thought,  towards  the  northeast.  Walking 
on,  we  came  to  a vale  of  great  breadth  and  depth,  but  of 


38.  Descrip- 
tion of 
purgatory, 
hell,  and 
heaven. 
(From  Bede’s 
Ecclesiastical 
Histoiry  of 
England.) 


Vision  of 
purgatory. 


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Readings  in  Europeari  History 


Vision  of  the 
mouth  of  hell. 


infinite  length  ; on  the  left  it  appeared  full  of  dreadful  flames ; 
the  other  side  was  no  less  horrid  for  violent  hail  and  cold 
snow  flying  in  all  directions ; both  places  were  full  of  men’s 
souls,  which  seemed  by  turns  to  be  tossed  from  one  side  to 
the  other,  as  it  were  by  a violent  storm ; for  when  the  wretches 
could  no  longer  endure  the  excess  of  heat,  they  leaped  into 
the  middle  of  the  cutting  cold;  and  finding  no  rest  there, 
they  leaped  back  again  into  the  middle  of  the  unquenchable 
flames. 

“Now  whereas  an  innumerable  multitude  of  deformed 
spirits  were  thus  alternately  tormented  far  and  near,  as  far 
as  could  be  seen,  without  any  intermission,  I began  to  think 
that  this  perhaps  might  be  hell,  of  whose  intolerable  flames 
I had  often  heard  talk.  My  guide,  who  went  before  me, 
answered  to  my  thought,  saying,  ‘Do  not  believe  so,  for  this 
is  not  hell,  as  you  imagine.’ 

“ When  he  had  conducted  me,  much  frightened  with  that 
horrid  spectacle,  by  degrees,  to  the  farther  end,  on  a sudden 
I saw  the  place  begin  to  grow  dusk  and  filled  with  darkness. 
When  I came  into  it,  the  darkness,  by  degrees,  grew  so  thick 
that  I could  see  nothing  besides  it  and  the  shape  and  gar- 
ment of  him  that  led  me.  As  we  went  on  through  the  shades 
of  night,  on  a sudden  there  appeared  before  us  frequent 
globes  of  black  flames,  rising,  as  it  were,  out  of  a great  pit, 
and  falling  back  again  into  the  same. 

“ When  I had  been  conducted  thither,  my  leader  suddenly 
vanished,  and  left  me  alone  in  the  midst  of  darkness  and 
this  horrid  vision,  whilst  those  same  globes  of  fire,  without 
intermission,  at  one  time  flew  up  and  at  another  fell  back 
into  the  bottom  of  the  abyss ; and  I observed  that  all  the 
flames,  as  they  ascended,  were  full  of  human  souls,  which, 
like  sparks  flying  up  with  smoke,  were  sometimes  thrown 
on  high,  and  again,  when  the  vapor  of  the  fire  ceased, 
dropped  down  into  the  depth  below.  Moreover,  an  insuffer- 
able stench  came  forth  with  the  vapors,  and  filled  all  those 
dark  places. 

“ Having  stood  there  a long  time  in  much  dread,  not  know- 
ing what  to  do,  which  way  to  turn,  or  what  end  I might 


The  Monks  arid  the  Conversion  of  the  Germajis  95 

expect,  on  a sudden  I heard  behind  me  the  noise  of  a most 
hideous  and  wretched  lamentation,  and  at  the  same  time  a 
loud  laughing,  as  of  a rude  multitude  insulting  captured 
enemies.  When  that  noise,  growing  plainer,  came  up  to  me, 
I observed  a gang  of  evil  spirits  dragging  the  howling  and 
lamenting  souls  of  men  into  the  midst  of  the  darkness,  whilst 
they  themselves  laughed  and  rejoiced. 

“Among  those  men,  as  I could  discern,  there  was  one  shorn 
like  a clergyman,  also  a layman,  and  a woman.  The  evil 
spirits  that  dragged  them  went  down  into  the  midst  of  the 
burning  pit ; and  as  they  went  down  deeper,  I could  no  longer 
distinguish  between  the  lamentation  of  the  men  and  the  laugh- 
ing of  the  devils,  yet  I still  had  a confused  sound  in  my  ears. 

“ In  the  meantime  some  of  the  dark  spirits  ascended  from 
that  flaming  abyss,  and,  running  forward,  beset  me  on  all 
sides,  and  much  perplexed  me  with  their  glaring  eyes  and 
the  stifling  fire  which  proceeded  from  their  mouths  and 
nostrils  ; and  they  threatened  to  lay  hold  on  me  with  burn- 
ing tongs,  which  they  had  in  their  hands ; yet  they  durst  not 
touch  me,  though  they  frightened  me.  Being  thus  on  all 
sides  inclosed  with  enemies  and  darkness,  and  looking  about 
on  every  side  for  assistance,  there  appeared  behind  me,  on 
the  way  that  I came,  as  it  were,  the  brightness  of  a star  shin- 
ing amidst  the  darkness,  which  increased  by  degrees,  and 
came  rapidly  towards  me  : when  it  drew  near,  all  those  evil 
spirits  that  had  sought  to  carry  me  away  with  their  tongs 
dispersed  and  fled. 

“ He  whose  approach  put  them  to  flight  was  the  same  that 
had  led  me  before ; who,  turning  then  towards  the  right, 
began  to  lead  me,  as  it  were,  towards  the  southeast,  and  hav- 
ing soon  brought  me  out  of  the  darkness,  conducted  me  into 
an  atmosphere  of  clear  light. 

“While  he  thus  led  me  in  open  light,  I saw  a vast  wall 
before  us,  the  length  and  height  of  which,  in  every  direction, 
seemed  to  be  altogether  boundless.  I began  to  wonder  why 
we  went  up  to  the  wall,  seeing  no  door,  window,  or  path 
through  it.  When  we  came  to  the  wall,  we  were  presently, 
1 know  not  by  what  means,  on  the  top  of  it,  and  within  it  was 


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Readings  in  European  History 


Vision  of 
heaven. 


a vast  and  beautiful  field,  so  full  of  fragrant  flowers  that  the 
odor  of  its  delightful  sweetness  immediately  dispelled  the 
stench  of  the  dark  furnace,  which  had  penetrated  me  through 
and  through. 

So  great  was  the  light  in  this  place  that  it  seemed  to 
exceed  the  brightness  of  the  day,  or  of  the  sun  in  its  merid- 
ian height.  In  this  field  were  innumerable  assemblies  of 
men  in  white  and  many  companies  seated  together  rejoicing. 
As  he  led  me  through  the  midst  of  these  happy  people, 
I began  to  think  that  this  might,  perhaps,  be  the  kingdom 
of  heaven,  of  which  I had  often  heard  so  much.  He  an- 
swered to  my  thought,  saying,  ‘ This  is  not  the  kingdom  of 
heaven,  as  you  imagine.’ 

When  we  had  passed  those  mansions  of  blessed  souls 
and  gone  farther  on,  I discovered  before  me  a much  more 
beautiful  light,  and  heard  therein  sweet  voices  of  persons 
singing ; and  so  wonderful  a fragrancy  proceeded  from  the 
place  that  the  other,  which  I had  before  thought  most  deli- 
cious, then  seemed  to  me  but  very  indifferent,  even  as  that 
extraordinary  brightness  of  the  flowery  field,  compared  with 
this,  appeared  mean  and  inconsiderable.  When  I began  to 
hope  we  should  enter  that  delightful  place,  my  guide  on  a 
sudden  stood  still ; and  then,  turning  round,  led  me  back  by 
the  way  we  came. 

‘‘  When  we  returned  to  those  joyful  mansions  of  the  souls 
in  white,  he  said  to  me,  ‘ Do  you  know  what  all  these  things 
are  which  you  have  seen  ? ’ I answered  that  I did  not ; and 
then  he  replied,  ‘ That  vale  you  saw,  so  dreadful  for  its  con- 
suming flames  and  cutting  cold,  is  the  place  in  which  the  souls 
of  those  are  tried  and  punished  who,  delaying  to  confess 
and  amend  their  crimes,  at  length  have  recourse  to  repent- 
ance at  the  point  of  death,  and  so  depart  this  life ; but 
nevertheless  because  they,  even  at  their  death,  confessed  and 
repented,  they  shall  all  be  received  into  the  kingdom  of 
heaven  at  the  day  of  judgment  by  the  prayers,  alms,  and 
fasting  of  the  living,  and  more  especially  by  masses. 

“ ‘ That  fiery  and  stinking  pit  which  you  saw  is  the  mouth 
of  hell,  into  which  whosoever  falls  shall  never  be  delivered 


The  Monks  and  the  Co7iversion  of  the  Gej'mans  97 


to  all  eternity.  This  flowery  place,  in  which  you  see  these 
most  beautiful  young  people,  so  bright  and  gay,  is  that 
into  which  the  souls  of  those  are  received  who  depart  the 
body  in  good  works,  but  who  are  not  so  perfect  as  to  deserve 
to  be  immediately  admitted  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ; 
yet  they  shall  all,  at  the  day  of  judgment,  see  Christ  and 
partake  of  the  joys  of  his  kingdom ; for  whoever  are  perfect 
in  thought,  word,  and  deed,  as  soon  as  they  depart  the  body 
immediately  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven;  in  the  neigh- 
borhood whereof  that  place  is,  where  you  heard  the  sound 
of  sweet  singing,  with  the  fragrant  odor  and  bright  light. 

“ ‘ As  for  you,  who  are  now  to  return  to  your  body  and  live 
among  men  again,  if  you  will  endeavor  nicely  to  watch  your 
actions,  and  to  direct  your  speech  and  behavior  in  right- 
eousness and  simplicity,  you  shall,  after  death,  have  a place 
of  residence  among  these  joyful  troops  of  blessed  souls  ; for 
when  I left  you  for  a while,  it  was  to  know  how  you  were  to 
be  disposed  of.’  When  he  had  said  this  to  me  I much 
abhorred  returning  to  my  body,  being  delighted  with  the 
sweetness  and  beauty  of  the  place  I beheld  and  with  the 
company  of  those  I saw  in  it.  However,  I durst  not  ask 
him  any  questions;  but  in  the  meantime,  on  a sudden,  I 
found  myself  alive  among  men.” 


IV.  The  Conversion  of  England,  as  described 
BY  Bede 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  582,  Maurice,  the  fifty-fourth 
emperor  from  Augustus,  ascended  the  throne  and  reigned 
twenty-one  years.  In  the  tenth  year  of  his  reign,  Gregory, 
a man  renowned  for  learning  and  behavior,  was  promoted 
to  the  apostolic  see  of  Rome,  and  presided  over  it  thirteen 
years,  six  months,  and  ten  days.  He,  being  moved  by 
divine  inspiration,  about  the  one  hundred  and  fiftieth  year 
after  the  coming  of  the  English  into  Britain,  sent  the  servant 
of  God,  Augustine,  and  with  him  several  other  monks  who 
feared  the  Lord,  to  preach  the  word  of  God  to  the  English 
nation.  . . . 


39.  The 
arrival  in 
Kent  of  the 
missionaries 
sent  by- 
Gregory  the 
Great  (597). 
(From 
Bede’s 
Ecclesiastical 
History  of 
England.) 


98 


Readings  in  European  History 


King  Ethel- 
bert  meets 
the  Roman 
missionaries. 


[Augustine,  with  his  companions,  arrived  in  Britain.] 
The  powerful  Ethelbert  was  at  that  time  king  of  Kent ; 
he  had  extended  his  dominions  as  far  as  the  great  river 
Humber,  by  which  the  southern  Saxons  are  divided  from 
the  northern.  On  the  east  of  Kent  is  the  large  Isle  of 
Thanet,  containing,  according  to  the  English  way  of  reckon- 
ing, six  hundred  families,  and  divided  from  the  other  land 
by  the  river  Wantsum,  which  is  about  three  furlongs  across 
and  fordable  only  in  two  places,  for  both  ends  of  it  run  into 
the  sea. 

In  this  island  landed  the  servant  of  our  Lord,  Augustine, 
and  his  companions,  being,  as  is  reported,  nearly  forty  men. 
They  had,  by  order  of  the  blessed  Pope  Gregory,  brought 
interpreters  of  the  nation  of  the  Franks,  and  sending  to 
Ethelbert,  signified  that  they  were  come  from  Rome,  and 
brought  a joyful  message,  which  most  undoubtedly  assured 
to  all  that  took  advantage  of  it  everlasting  joys  in  heaven, 
and  a kingdom  that  would  never  end  with  the  living  and 
true  God. 

The  king,  having  heard  this,  ordered  them  to  stay  in  that 
island  where  they  had  landed  and  that  they  should  be  fur- 
nished with  all  necessaries  till  he  should  consider  what  to  do 
with  them.  For  he  had  heard  of  the  Christian  religion, 
having  a Christian  wife,  of  the  royal  family  of  the  Franks, 
called  Bertha,  whom  he  had  received  from  her  parents  upon 
condition  that  she  should  be  permitted  to  practice  her  reli- 
gion with  the  bishop,  Luidhard,  who  was  sent  with  her  to 
preserve  the  faith. 

Some  days  later  the  king  came  into  the  island  and,  sitting 
in  the  open  air,  ordered  Augustine  and  his  companions  to 
be  brought  into  his  presence.  For  he  had  taken  precaution 
that  they  should  not  come  to  him  in  any  house,  lest,  accord- 
ing to  an  ancient  superstition,  if  they  practiced  any  magical 
arts  they  might  impose  upon  him,  and  so  get  the  better  of 
him.  But  they  came  furnished  with  divine,  not  with  magic, 
power,  bearing  a silver  cross  for  their  banner,  and  the  image 
of  our  Lord  and  Saviour  painted  on  a board ; and  singing 
the  litany,  they  offered  up  their  prayers  to  the  Lord  for  the 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  99 


eternal  salvation  both  of  themselves  and  of  those  to  whom 
they  came. 

When  Augustine  had  sat  down,  pursuant  to  the  king^s  com- 
mands, and  preached  to  him  and  his  attendants  there  present 
the  word  of  life,  the  king  answered  thus  : ‘‘Your  words  and 
promises  are  very  fair,  but  they  are  new  to  us  and  of  uncer- 
tain import,  and  I cannot  approve  of  them  so  far  as  to 
forsake  that  which  I have  so  long  followed  with  the  whole 
English  nation.  But  because  you  are  come  from  far  into 
my  kingdom,  and,  as  I conceive,  are  desirous  to  impart  to  us 
those  things  which  you  believe  to  be  true  and  most  bene- 
ficial, we  will  not  molest  you,  but  give  you  favorable  enter- 
tainment and  take  care  to  supply  you  with  the  necessary 
sustenance ; nor  do  we  forbid  you  to  preach  and  gain  as 
many  as  you  can  to  your  religion.’^ 

Accordingly,  he  permitted  them  to  reside  in  the  city  of 
Canterbury,  which  was  the  metropolis  of  all  his  dominions, 
and  pursuant  of  his  promise,  besides  allowing  them  suste- 
nance, did  not  refuse  them  the  liberty  to  preach.  . . . 

As  soon  as  they  entered  the  dwelling  place  assigned  them, 
they  began  to  imitate  the  course  of  life  practiced  in  the  primi- 
tive church  : applying  themselves  to  frequent  prayer,  watch- 
ing, and  fasting ; preaching  the  word  of  life  to  as  many  as 
they  could ; despising  all  worldly  things,  as  not  belonging  to 
them ; receiving  only  their  necessary  food  from  those  they 
taught ; living  themselves  in  all  respects  conformably  to  what 
they  prescribed  to  others,  and  being  always  disposed  to 
suffer  any  adversity,  and  even  to  die  for  that  truth  which 
they  preached.  In  short,  several  believed  and  were  bap- 
tized, admiring  the  simplicity  of  their  innocent  life  and  the 
sweetness  of  their  heavenly  doctrine. 

There  was  on  the  east  side  of  the  city  a church  dedicated 
to  St.  Martin,  built  whilst  the  Romans  were  still  in  the  island, 
wherein  the  queen,  who,  as  has  been  said  before,  was  a 
Christian,  used  to  pray.  In  this  they  first  began  to  meet,  to 
sing,  to  pray,  to  say  mass,  to  preach,  and  to  baptize,  till  the 
king,  being  converted  to  the  faith,  allowed  them  to  preach 
openly  and  to  build  or  repair  churches  in  all  places. 


Augustine 
founds  a 
monastery  at 
Canterbury. 


Augustine 
preaches  to 
the  king. 


lOO  Readings  in  European  History 

When  he  among  the  rest,  induced  by  the  unspotted  life 
of  these  holy  men  and  their  delightful  promises,  which,  by 
many  miracles,  they  proved  to  be  most  certain,  believed  and 
was  baptized,  greater  numbers  began  daily  to  flock  together 
to  hear  the  word  and,  forsaking  their  heathen  rites,  to  asso- 
ciate themselves,  by  believing,  to  the  unity  of  the  Church 
of  Christ. 


The  great  sagacity  and  practical  good  sense  of 
Gregory  the  Great  are  exhibited  in  his  instructions 
to  the  missionaries. 


40.  Pope 
Gregory’s 
instructions 
to  the  mis- 
sionaries in 
England 
(6oi). 


When  Almighty  God  shall  bring  you  to  the  most  reverend 
Bishop  Augustine,  our  brother,  tell  him  what  I have,  after 
mature  deliberation  on  the  affairs  of  the  English,  determined 
upon,  namely,  that  the  temples  of  the  idols  in  that  nation 
ought  not  to  be  destroyed,  but  let  the  idols  that  are  in  them 
be  destroyed ; let  holy  water  be  made  and  sprinkled  in  the 
said  temples ; let  altars  be  erected,  and  relics  placed.  For 
if  those  temples  are  well  built,  it  is  requisite  that  they  be 
converted  from  the  worship  of  devils  to  the  service  of  the 
true  God;  that  the  nation,  seeing  that  their  temples  are  not 
destroyed,  may  remove  error  from  their  hearts  and,  knowing 
and  adoring  the  true  God,  may  the  more  familiarly  resort  to 
the  places  to  which  they  have  been  accustomed. 

And  because  they  have  been  used  to  slaughter  many  oxen 
in  the  sacrifices  to  devils,  some  solemnity  must  be  substituted 
for  them  on  this  account,  as,  for  instance,  that  on  the  day  of 
the  dedication,  or  of  the  nativities  of  the  holy  martyrs  whose 
relics  are  there  deposited,  they  may  build  themselves  huts  of 
the  boughs  of  trees  about  those  churches  which  have  been 
turned  to  that  use  from  temples,  and  celebrate  the  solemnity 
with  religious  feasting,  no  more  offering  beasts  to  the  devil, 
but  killing  cattle  to  the  praise  of  God  in  their  eating,  and 
returning  thanks  to  the  Giver  of  all  things  for  their  suste- 
nance ; to  the  end  that,  whilst  some  outward  gratifications  are 
permitted  them,  they  may  the  more  easily  consent  to  the 
inward  consolations  of  the  grace  of  God. 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  i o i 

For  there  is  no  doubt  that  it  is  impossible  to  efface  every- 
thing at  once  from  their  obdurate  minds,  because  he  who 
endeavors  to  ascend  to  the  highest  place  rises  by  degrees 
or  steps  and  not  by  leaps.  Thus  the  Lord  made  himself 
known  to  the  people  of  Israel  in  Egypt ; and  yet  he  allowed 
them  to  use  the  sacrifices  which  they  were  wont  to  offer 
to  the  devil  in  his  own  worship,  commanding  them  in 
his  sacrifice  to  kill  beasts  to  the  end  that,  changing  their 
hearts,  they  might  lay  aside  one  part  of  the  sacrifice,  whilst 
they  retained  another;  that  whilst  they  offered  the  same 
beasts  which  they  were  wont  to  offer,  they  should  offer  them 
to  God,  and  not  to  idols,  and  thus  they  would  no  longer 
be  the  same  sacrifices. 

Bede  relates  the  story  of  the  conversion  of  Northum- 
bria to  the  Roman  Catholic  form  of  faith,  as  follows  : 

[Edwin,  king  of  Northumbria,  urged  by  his  Christian 
wife,  Ethelberga,  and  by  the  bishop  Paulinus,]  answered 
that  he  was  both  willing  and  bound  to  receive  the  new  faith 
which  the  bishop  taught,  but  that  he  wished,  nevertheless,  to 
confer  about  it  with  his  principal  friends  and  counselors, 
to  the  end  that,  if  they  also  were  of  his  opinion,  they  might 
all  be  cleansed  together  in  Christ,  the  Fountain  of  Life. 
Paulinus  consenting,  the  king  did  as  he  had  said ; for,  hold- 
ing a council  with  the  wise  men,  he  asked  of  every  one  in 
particular  what  he  thought  of  the  new  doctrine  and  the  new 
worship  that  was  preached. 

To  which  the  chief  of  his  own  priests,  Coifi,  immediately 
answered:  “O  king,  consider  what  this  is  which  is  now 
preached  to  us ; for  I verily  declare  to  you  that  the  religion 
which  we  have  hitherto  professed  has,  as  far  as  I can  learn, 
no  virtue  in  it.  For  none  of  your  people  has  applied  him- 
self more  diligently  to  the  worship  of  our  gods  than  I ; and 
yet  there  are  many  who  receive  greater  favors  from  you,  and 
are  more  preferred  than  I,  and  who  are  more  prosperous  in 
all  their  undertakings.  Now  if  the  gods  were  good  for  any- 
thing, they  would  rather  forward  me,  who  have  been  more 


The  heathen 
should  be 
gently  and 
gradually 
weaned  from 
their  old 
gods. 


41.  Bede’s 
account  of 
the  conver- 
sion of 
Northum- 
bria. 


102  Readings  in  European  History 

careful  to  serve  them.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  if  upon 
examination  you  find  those  new  doctrines  which  are  now 
preached  to  us  better  and  more  efficacious,  we  should  imme- 
diately receive  them  without  any  delay.^^ 

Another  of  the  king’s  chief  men,  approving  of  Coifi’s  words 
and  exhortations,  presently  added : The  present  life  of 
man,  O king,  seems  to  me,  in  comparison  with  that  time 
which  is  unknown  to  us,  like  to  the  swift  flight  of  a sparrow 
through  the  room  wherein  you  sit  at  supper  in  winter  amid 
your  officers  and  ministers,  with  a good  fire  in  the  midst, 
whilst  the  storms  of  rain  and  snow  prevail  abroad;  the  spar- 
row, I say,  flying  in  at  one  door  and  immediately  out  at 
another,  whilst  he  is  within  is  safe  from  the  wintry  storm ; 
but  after  a short  space  of  fair  weather  he  immediately  van- 
ishes out  of  your  sight  into  the  dark  winter  from  which  he 
has  emerged.  So  this  life  of  man  appears  for  a short  space, 
but  of  what  went  before  or  what  is  to  follow  we  are  utterly 
ignorant.  If,  therefore,  this  new  doctrine  contains  some- 
thing more  certain,  it  seems  justly  to  deserve  to  be  followed.” 

The  other  elders  and  king’s  counselors,  by  divine  inspira- 
tion, spoke  to  the  same  effect.  But  Coifi  added  that  he 
wished  more  attentively  to  hear  Paulinus  discourse  concern- 
ing the  God  whom  he  preached.  So  the  bishop  having 
spoken  by  the  king’s  command  at  greater  length,  Coifi,  hear- 
ing his  words,  cried  out : “ I have  long  since  been  sensible 
that  there  was  nothing  in  that  which  we  worshiped,  because 
the  more  diligently  I sought  after  truth  in  that  worship,  the 
less  I found  it.  But  now  I freely  confess  that  such  evident 
truth  appears  in  this  preaching  as  can  confer  on  us  the  gifts 
of  life,  of  salvation,  and  of  eternal  happiness.  For  which 
reason  I advise,  O king,  that  we  instantly  abjure  and  set  fire 
to  those  temples  and  altars  which  we  have  consecrated  with- 
out reaping  any  benefits  from  them.” 

In  short,  the  king  publicly  gave  his  permission  to  Paulinus 
to  preach  the  gospel,  and,  renouncing  idolatry,  declared  that 
he  received  the  faith  of  Christ : and  when  he  inquired  of  the 
high  priest  who  should  first  profane  the  altars  and  temples 
of  their  idols,  with  the  inclosures  that  were  about  them,  the 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  103 

high  priest  answered,  “ I ; for  who  can  more  properly  than 
myself  destroy  those  things  which  I worshiped  through  igno- 
rance, for  an  example  to  all  others,  through  the  wisdom  which 
has  been  given  me  by  the  true  God  ? ” 

Then  immediately,  in  contempt  of  his  former  superstitions, 
he  desired  the  king  to  furnish  him  with  arms  and  a stallion, 
and  mounting  the  latter,  he  set  out  to  destroy  the  idols ; for 
it  was  not  lawful  before  for  the  high  priest  either  to  carry 
arms  or  to  ride  on  any  beast  but  a mare.  Having,  therefore, 
girt  on  a sword  and  carrying  a spear  in  his  hand,  he  mounted 
the  king’s  stallion  and  proceeded  to  the  idols.  The  multitude, 
beholding  him,  concluded  he  was  distracted ; but  he  lost  no 
time,  for  as  soon  as  he  drew  near  the  temple  he  profaned  the 
same,  casting  into  it  the  spear  which  he  held.  And  rejoicing 
in  the  knowledge  of  the  worship  of  the  true  God,  he  com- 
manded his  companions  to  destroy  the  temple,  with  all  its 
inclosures,  by  fire. 

This  place  where  the  idols  were  is  still  shown,  not  far 
from  York,  to  the  eastward,  beyond  the  river  Derwent,  and 
is  now  called  Godmundingham  ; where  the  high  priest,  by 
the  inspiration  of  the  true  God,  profaned  and  destroyed  the 
altars  which  he  had  himself  consecrated. 

The  Roman  monks,  sent  by  Gregory  the  Great,  found 
that  the  Christian  missionaries  from  Ireland  observed 
Easter  at  a different  time  from  that  appointed  by  the 
Roman  church.  After  years  of  controversy  it  was  agreed 
that  a synod  should  be  held  where  the  difficulty  might  be 
settled.  Bede  thus  describes  the  arguments  advanced 
by  both  sides  and  the  victory  of  the  Roman  party: 

[Bishop  Colman  spoke  for  the  Scots  (i.e.  Irish)  and  said:] 
“ The  Easter  which  I keep  I received  from  my  elders,  who 
sent  me  hither  as  bishop  ; all  our  forefathers,  men  beloved 
of  God,  are  known  to  have  kept  it  after  the  same  manner; 
and  that  this  may  not  seem  to  any  contemptible  or  worthy  to 
be  rejected,  it  is  the  same  which  St.  John  the  Evangelist,  the 


42.  The  con- 
troversy 
between  the 
Roman 
and  Irish 
missionaries 
in  regard  to 
the  time  of 
Easter. 


The  king’s 
decision  in 
favor  of  the 
Roman 
Church. 


104  Readings  in  European  History 

disciple  beloved  of  our  Lord,  with  all  the  churches  over  which 
he  presided,  is  recorded  to  have  observed.”  . . . 

Then  Wilfrid  was  ordered  by  the  king  to  speak  for  the 
Roman  practice  : ‘‘  The  Easter  which  we  observe  we  saw 
celebrated  by  all  at  Rome,  where  the  blessed  apostles,  Peter 
and  Paul,  lived,  taught,  suffered,  and  were  buried ; we  saw 
the  same  done  in  Italy  and  in  France,  when  we  traveled 
through  those  countries  for  pilgrimage  and  prayer.  We 
found  that  Easter  was  celebrated  at  one  and  the  same  time 
in  Africa,  Asia,  Egypt,  Greece,  and  all  the  world,  wherever 
the  Church  of  Christ  is  spread  abroad,  through  the  various 
nations  and  tongues  ; except  only  among  these  and  their 
accomplices  in  obstinacy,  I mean  the  Piets  and  the  Britons, 
who  foolishly,  in  these  two  remote  islands  of  the  world,  and 
only  in  part  even  of  them,  oppose  all  the  rest  of  the  uni- 
verse. . . . 

‘‘  You  certainly  sin  if,  having  heard  the  decree  of  the  apos- 
tolic see,  and  of  the  universal  Church,  and  that  the  same  is 
confirmed  by  Holy  Writ,  you  refuse  to  follow  them  ; for, 
though  your  fathers  were  holy,  do  you  think  that  their  small 
number,  in  a corner  of  the  remotest  island,  is  to  be  preferred 
before  the  universal  Church  of  Christ  throughout  the  world? 
And  though  that  Columba^  of  yours  (and,  I may  say,  ours 
also,  if  he  was  Christ’s  servant)  was  a holy  man  and  power- 
ful in  miracles,  yet  should  he  be  preferred  before  the  most 
blessed  prince  of  the  apostles,  to  whom  our  Lord  said,  ‘Thou 
art  Peter,  and  upon  this  rock  I will  build  my  church;  and 
the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  And  I will 
give  unto  thee  the  keys  of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  ’ ? ” 

When  Wilfrid  had  spoken  thus,  the  king  said,  “ Is  it  true, 
Colman,  that  these  words  were  spoken  to  Peter  by  our  Lord?  ” 
He  answered,  “ It  is  true,  O king  ! ” Then  said  he,  “ Can 
you  show  any  such  power  given  to  your  Columba  ? ” Colman 
answered,  “ None.”  Then  added  the  king,  “ Do  both  of  you 
agree  that  these  words  were  principally  directed  to  Peter, 

1 An  Irish  missionary  (d.  597) ; not  to  be  confused  with  St.  Columban, 
who  carried  the  gospel  to  the  Franks. 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germafis  105 


and  that  the  keys  of  heaven  were  given  to  him  by  our  Lord?’’ 

They  both  answered,  We  do.”  Then  the  king  concluded, 

“And  I also  say  unto  you,  that  he  is  the  doorkeeper,  whom 
I will  not  contradict,  but  will,  as  far  as  I know  and  am  able, 
in  all  things  obey  his  decrees,  lest  when  I come  to  the  gates 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven  there  should  be  none  to  open  them, 
he  being  my  adversary  who  is  proved  to  have  the  keys.” 

The  king  having  said  this,  all  present,  both  great  and  small, 
gave  their  assent  and,  renouncing  the  more  imperfect  insti- 
tution, resolved  to  conform  to  that  which  they  found  to  be 
better.  ^ 


V.  Boniface  and  the  Conversion  of  Germany 

The  following  documents  make  clear  the  close  relations 
between  Boniface  and  the  papacy. 

Gregory^  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to  the  devout  priest 
Boniface : 

Knowing  that  thou  hast  from  childhood  been  devoted  to 
sacred  letters,  and  that  thou  hast  labored  to  reveal  to  un- 
believing people  the  mystery  of  faith,  ...  we  decree  in 
the  name  of  the  indivisible  Trinity,  through  the  unshaken 
authority  of  Peter,  chief  of  the  apostles,  whose  doctrine  it 
is  our  charge  to  teach,  and  whose  holy  see  is  in  our  keeping, 
that,  since  thou  seemest  to  glow  with  the  salvation-bringing 
fire  which  our  Lord  came  to  send  upon  the  earth,  thou 
shalt  hasten  to  whatsoever  tribes  are  lingering  in  the  error 
of  unbelief,  and  shalt  institute  the  rites  of  the  kingdom  of 
God.  . . . And  we  desire  thee  to  establish  the  discipline 
of  the  sacraments,  according  to  the  observance  of  our  holy 
apostolic  see. 

Gregory,  pope,  to  our  well-heloved  bishops  established  in  Bavaria 
and  Alemannia : 

...  It  is  fitting  that  ye  recognize  our  brother  and  fellow- 
bishop,  Boniface,  as  our  representative,  and  that  ye  receive 
him  with  due  honor  in  the  name  of  Christ.  And  ye  shall 
maintain  the  ministry  of  the  Church  with  the  Catholic  faith 


43.  Boniface 
commis- 
sioned by 
Pope  Greg- 
ory II  to 
preach  the 
gospel  to 
the  heathen 
tribes  (719) 
(condensed). 


44.  Gregory 
II  appoints 
Boniface  the 
presiding 
bishop  in 
Germany 
(722). 


Readings  in  Eiiropean  History 


45.  Oath 
taken  by 
Boniface  to 
the  pope 
(722). 


46.  How 
Boniface 
destroyed 
the  oak  of 
Thor.  (From 
Willibald’s 
Life  of 
Boniface, 
written 
before  786.) 


106 

according  to  the  custom  and  precepts  of  the  holy  Catholic 
Apostolic  Church ; . . . And  ye  shall  abhor  the  rites  of  the 
heathen,  and  the  teaching  of  those  coming  from  Britain  and 
of  false  heretical  priests.  . . . 

I,  Boniface,  bishop  by  the  grace  of  God,  promise  to  you, 
the  blessed  Peter,  chief  of  the  apostles,  and  to  thy  vicar, 
the  blessed  Pope  Gregory,  and  to  his  successors,  by  the 
Father  and  the  Son  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  the  indivisible 
Trinity,  and  by  this  thy  most  holy  body,  that,  God  helping 
me,  I will  maintain  all  the  belief  and  the  purity  of  the  holy 
Catholic  faith,  and  I will  remain  steadfast  in  the  unity  of  this 
faith  in  which  the  whole  salvation  of  Christians  lies,  as  is 
established  without  doubt. 

I will  in  no  wise  oppose  the  unity  of  the  one  universal 
Church,  no  matter  who  may  seek  to  persuade  me.  But  as  I 
have  said,  I will  maintain  my  faith  and  purity  and  union  with 
thee  and  the  benefits  of  thy  Church,  to  whom  God  has  given 
the  power  to  loose  and  to  bind,  and  with  thy  vicar  and  his 
successors,  in  all  things.  And  if  it  comes  to  my  knowledge 
that  priests  have  turned  from  the  ancient  practices  of  the 
holy  fathers,  I will  have  no  intercourse  nor  connection  with 
them  ; but  rather,  if  I can  restrain  them,  I will.  If  I cannot, 
I will  at  once  faithfully  make  known  the  whole  matter  to  my 
apostolic  lord.^ 

Many  of  the  people  of  Hesse  were  converted  [by  Boniface] 
to  the  Catholic  faith  and  confirmed  by  the  grace  of  the  spirit : 
and  they  received  the  laying  on  of  hands.  But  some  there 
were,  not  yet  strong  of  soul,  who  refused  to  accept  wholly  the 
teachings  of  the  true  faith.  Some  men  sacrificed  secretly, 
some  even  openly,  to  trees  and  springs.  Some  secretly 
practiced  divining,  soothsaying,  and  incantations,  and  some 
openly.  But  others,  who  were  of  sounder  mind,  cast  aside 
all  heathen  profanation  and  did  none  of  these  things  ; and  it 

1 This  oath  follows  almost  word  for  word  that  taken  to  the  pope  by 
the  bishops  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Rome,  who  were  under  his 
special  control. 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  1 07 


was  with  the  advice  and  consent  of  these  men  that  Boniface 
sought  to  fell  a certain  tree  of  great  size,  at  Geismar,  and 
called,  in  the  ancient  speech  of  the  region,  the  oak  of  Jove 
[i.e.  Thor]. 

The  man  of  God  was  surrounded  by  the  servants  of  God. 
When  he  would  cut  down  the  tree,  behold  a great  throng  of 
pagans  who  were  there  cursed  him  bitterly  among  themselves 
because  he  was  the  enemy  of  their  gods.  And  when  he  had 
cut  into  the  trunk  a little  way,  a breeze  sent  by  God  stirred 
overhead,  and  suddenly  the  branching  top  of  the  tree  was 
broken  off,  and  the  oak  in  all  its  huge  bulk  fell  to  the  ground. 
And  it  was  broken  into  four  parts,  as  if  by  the  divine  will, 
so  that  the  trunk  was  divided  into  four  huge  sections  without 
any  effort  of  the  brethren  who  stood  by.  When  the  pagans 
who  had  cursed  did  see  this,  they  left  off  cursing  and,  believ- 
ing, blessed  God.  Then  the  most  holy  priest  took  counsel 
with  the  brethren : and  he  built  from  the  wood  of  the  tree 
an  oratory,  and  dedicated  it  to  the  holy  apostle  Peter. 


The  following  account  of  the  founding  of  the  famous 
monastery  of  Fulda  was  written  by  Sturmi’s  disciple  Eigil, 
who  was  abbot  of  Fulda  during  the  years  818  to  822. 


[The  holy  and  venerable  archbishop  Boniface  came  to 
Bavaria,  and  turned  many  people  to  the  gospel  of  Christ. 
Among  them  a certain  boy,  Sturmi,  son  of  noble  and  Chris- 
tian parents,  followed  the  teaching  of  Boniface  and  was 
ordained  priest.]  For  almost  three  years  he  fulfilled  the 
duties  of  the  priesthood,  preaching  and  baptizing  among  the 
people.  Then  by  the  inspiration  of  God  the  purpose  came 
into  his  soul  to  chasten  himself  by  the  straiter  life  and  the 
hardships  of  the  wilderness.  He  sought  counsel  thereupon 
from  Boniface,  — his  master  in  the  spirit, — who,  when  he 
understood  Sturmi,  knew  that  this  purpose  was  inspired  of 
God  and  rejoiced  that  God  had  designed  to  lead  him  by  his 
grace.  He  gave  Sturmi  two  companions,  and  when  he  had 
prayed  and  blessed  them  all  he  said:  ‘‘Go  forth  into  that 
solitude  which  is  called  Bochonia  and  seek  a place  meet  for 


47.  How  the 
monastery 
of  Fulda 
was  founded 
in  the  Ger- 
man forest. 
(From  the 
Life  of  St. 
Sturmi.) 


io8 


Readings  in  European  History 


[Somewhat 

condensed.] 


Sturmi  starts 
forth  alone 
to  discover 
a proper 
site  for  the 
monastery. 


the  servants  of  God  to  dwell  in.  For  God  is  able  to  prepare 
for  his  servants  a place  in  the  wilderness.” 

And  so  those  three  went  forth  into  the  wilderness  and 
entered  into  places  solitary  and  rough,  and  saw  almost  noth- 
ing but  heaven  and  earth  and  great  trees;  and  they  prayed 
Christ  fervently  that  he  would  direct  their  feet  in  the  path 
of  peace.  On  the  third  day  they  came  to  the  place  which 
even  to  this  day  is  called  Hersfeld  ; and  when  they  had  seen 
and  explored  the  region  round  about,  they  asked  Christ  that 
the  place  might  be  blest  to  the  dwellers  therein.  On  the 
very  spot  where  the  monastery  now  stands  they  built  poor 
huts  of  the  bark  of  trees.  There  they  tarried  many  days, 
serving  God  with  holy  fasts  and  watching  and  prayer.  . . . 

Then  after  some  time  spent  in  holy  meditation  Sturmi 
returned  to  the  bishop,  and  described  the  lay  of  the  land  and 
the  course  of  the  streams,  and  the  hills  and  valleys.  . . . 
Boniface  heard  him  attentively,  and  answered  : I fear  to 
have  you  dwell  in  this  place  which  ye  have  found  because 
a barbarous  race  lives  close  by,  for,  as  thou  knowest,  the  fell 
Saxons  are  near  at  hand.  Wherefore  seek  a dwelling  in  the 
wilderness  farther  away  and  higher  up  the  stream,  where  ye 
may  remain  without  danger.” 

Then  the  holy  man  Sturmi  returned  to  his  companions. 
With  two  brethren  he  entered  a boat  and  traveled  along  the 
river  Fulda,  spying  out  the  land,  but  they  found  no  place 
which  pleased  them.  So  Sturmi  went  again  to  Boniface  and 
said,  “For  many  days  did  we  sail  along  the  river  Fulda, 
but  we  found  nothing  that  we  would  dare  to  praise  to  you.” 
And  the  holy  bishop  saw  that  God  had  not  yet  revealed  the 
place  which  he  had  chosen. 

Sturmi  returned  to  the  cell  which  had  now  been  built  in 
a place  above  Hersfeld.  Here  he  saluted  the  brethren  and 
reported  to  them  what  the  holy  bishop  had  counseled.  Then 
after  resting  a little  he  mounted  his  ass  and  set  forth  alone, 
commending  his  journey  to  Christ,  who  is  the  way,  the  truth, 
and  the  life.  All  alone,  sitting  upon  his  ass,  he  began  his 
journey  through  the  vast  places  of  the  wilderness.  He 
eagerly  explored  the  region  and  observed  with  quick  eye  the 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germa^is  109 

mountains  and  the  hills  and  the  plains,  the  springs  and  tor- 
rents and  rivers.  With  psalms  always  upon  his  lips,  he 
prayed  to  God  with  groaning,  his  soul  lifted  up  to  heaven. 
And  wherever  night  found  him,  there  he  rested;  and  he 
hewed  wood  with  the  sword  which  he  bore  in  his  hand,  and 
laid  it  in  a circle,  and  set  it  on  fire  to  protect  his  ass,  lest  the 
wild  beasts  which  were  there  in  great  numbers  might  devour 
him.  For  himself,  he  made  on  his  forehead  the  sign  of  the 
cross  of  Christ,  in  the  name  of  God,  and  rested  in  safety.  . . . 

Once  as  he  had  paused  at  sunset,  and  was  busied  with 
preparing  for  the  night,  he  heard  a sound  as  of  a living  crea- 
ture, but  whether  it  was  man  or  beast  he  knew  not.  . . . Then 
because  the  man  of  God  did  not  wish  to  cry  out,  he  struck 
a hollow  tree  with  the  sword  he  bore  in  his  hand.  And 
verily  when  the  man  had  heard  the  sound  of  the  blow  he 
came  thither,  and  spoke  to  Sturmi.  And  when  the  man  of 
God  asked  him  whence  he  came,  he  answered  that  he  came 
from  Wetteran  and  led  in  his  hand  the  horse  of  Ortis,  his 
lord.  So  they  talked  together  and  stayed  there  together 
that- night.  Now  the  man  had  a full  acquaintance  with  the 
solitudes  of  the  forest,  and  when  the  man  of  God  made  known 
to  him  what  was  in  his  mind  and  what  he  would  fain  do,  he 
began  to  tell  him  the  names  of  the  places,  and  to  show  him 
how  the  torrents  and  springs  did  flow.  ...  At  sunrise  they 
blessed  each  the  other,  and  straightway  the  secular  man  went 
upon  his  way  to  Grapfelt.  . . . 

[And  Sturmi  also  went  on  his.  way  till  he  reached  the  tor-, 
rent  that  even  to  this  day  is  called  Grezzibach.]  He  saw 
how  the  land  lay,  and  what  was  the  nature  of  the  soil,  and  he 
tarried  there  a little  space.  And  then  he  went  back  a little 
way  and  came  to  the  place  already  made  ready  and  blessed 
by  God,  even  the  place  where  the  holy  monastery  [of  Fulda] 
now  stands.  When  he  had  come  thither  straightway  the  holy 
man  Sturmi  was  filled  with  exceeding  great  joy,  for  he  knew 
that  through  the  merits  and  prayers  of  the  holy  bishop  Boni- 
face the  place  had  been  revealed  to  him  by  God. 

Then  on  the  second  day  the  man  of  God  came  again  to 
Hersfeld  and  found  his  brethren  there  calling  upon  God  with 


I lO 


Readings  in  European  History 


[This  para- 
graph is 
condensed.] 


Boniface 
procures  a 
charter 
from  King 
Carloman 
for  Fulda. 


The  building 
of  the 
monastery. 


fervent  prayers.  He  told  them  of  the  place  he  had  found 
and  bade  them  make  ready  to  go  thither  with  him.  But 
Sturmi  went  straightway  to  the  holy  bishop  Boniface  to  tell 
him  how  he  had  found  a place  for  the  brethren  to  dwell  in. 
Together  they  rejoiced  and  gave  God  thanks  and  held  sweet 
converse  about  the  life  and  conversation  of  monks.  Then 
did  the  bishop  let  Sturmi  go  back  to  his  wilderness,  while  he 
went  to  the  palace  of  Carloman,  the  king,  to  gain  from  him 
a grant  of  the  place  Sturmi  had  chosen. 

When  Boniface  came  before  the  king,  he  said  to  him: 
‘‘We  have  found  in  the  wilderness  called  Bochonia,  beside 
the  river  named  Fulda,  a place  meet  for  the  servants  of  God 
to  dwell  in,  where  before  us  no  man  has  dwelt.  It  is  under 
your  sway,  and  we  do  beg  of  your  beneficence  to  give  us 
this  place,  so  that  we  may  be  enabled  to  serve  God  under 
your  protection.’’  . . . Then  did  the  king  before  all  the  lords 
of  his  palace  give  over  to  the  bishop  the  place  he  had  asked* 
for,  saying,  “ This  place  which  thou  seekest  on  the  bank  of 
the  river  Fulda  I give  over  whole  and  entire  from  my  law  to 
the  law  of  God  — from  that  place  in  all  directions  in  a circle 
four  thousand  paces  toward  east  and  west  and  north  and 
south,  ye  shall  hold  the  region.” 

Then  the  king  gave  command  that  a charter  be  written  to 
this  end,  and  he  sealed  it  with  his  own  hand. 

In  the  year  of  the  incarnation  of  Christ  744,  in  the  first 
month,  the  twelfth  day  of  the  month,  while  the  brothers  Car- 
loman and  Pippin  were  reigning  over  the  Frankish  people, 
did  Sturmi  arise,  in  the  name  of  God,  and  with  seven  breth- 
ren he  did  go  to  the  place  where  now  the  monastery  stands. 
They  prayed  to  the  Lord  Christ  that  he  would  ever  protect  and 
defend  them  by  his  power;  and,  serving  God  in  sacred  psalms 
and  in  fasts,  vigils,  and  prayers  by  day  and  by  night,  they  did 
busy  themselves  cutting  down  the  forests  and  clearing  the 
ground  by  their  own  labor  so  far  as  strength  was  given  them. 

When  two  months  had  passed  by,  and  a multitude  of  men 
were  gathered  together,  the  reverend  archbishop  Boniface 
came  unto  them ; and  when  he  looked  and  saw  the  conven- 
ience and  great  resources  of  the  place,  he  exulted  in  the 


The  Monks  and  the  Conversion  of  the  Germans  in 


Holy  Spirit,  giving  thanks  and  praising  Christ  because  he 
had  deigned  to  bestow  upon  his  servants  such  a lodge  in  the 
wilderness.  . . . 

And  the  brethren  decided  to  follow  the  rule  of  the  holy 
father  Benedict.  They  spent  many  years  in  holy  pursuits ; 
and  the  number  of  brethren  in  the  monastery  grew  greater, 
for  many  men  gave  themselves  and  all  that  they  had  to  serve 
God  there.  And  the  holy  bishop  was  zealous  to  visit  them 
from  time  to  time ; and  he  had  compassion  upon  their 
poverty,  and  gave  them  some  lands  to  furnish  them  neces- 
sary food. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Monks:  Adams,  Civilization^ 131-136;  Emerton,  Introduc- 
tion, Chapter  XI,  pp.  135-149;  Gibbon,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter  XXXVII, 
PP-  57-75* 

The  Benedictine  Rule : Selections  in  Fling,  European  History 
Studies,  Vol.  II,  No.  6,  pp.  94-99.  The  most  complete  translation  is 
in  Henderson,  Select  Documents,  pp.  274-314.  Monastery  Charters: 
Fling,  pp.  91-94;  Henderson,  pp.  329-333. 

The  Conversion  of  the  Saxons  : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  1 24-1 32  ; 
Gardiner,  Student's  History  of  Englaitd,  pp.  37-52 ; Green,  Short 
History  of  the  English  People  (larger  edition).  Chapter  I,  section  3,  pp.  17- 
36 ; Terry,  History  of  England,  pp.  34-49  ; Gee  and  Hardy,  Documents 
of  English  Church  History,  pp.  2-15;  Old  South  Leaflets,  No.  113;  Ken- 
dall, Source  Book  of  English  History,  pp.  14-16;  Green,  pp.  38-41. 

Missionaries  to  the  Continent : Life  of  St.  Columban,  written  in  the 
seventh  century.  Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  H,  No.  7.  Very  valu- 
able and  interesting.  

Montalembert,  The  Monks  of  the  West,  6 vols.  The  best  and 
fullest  discussion  of  the  subject,  attractive  on  account  of  the  writer’s 
enthusiasm  and  literary  style.  See  especially  Introduction,  Chapters  H, 
III,  and  IV,  on  the  nature  of  monasticism  and  its  services  to  Christen- 
dom ; Books  H and  HI  on  the  precursors  of  Benedict  in  the  East  and 
West;  Book  IV  on  Benedict;  Book  VII  on  St.  Columban ; and  Books 
VHI-XIV  on  the  establishment  of  the  Church  in  Britain. 

Smith,  T.  G.,  Christian  Monasticism  from  the  Eourth  to  the  Ninth 
Centuries.  A brief  survey  of  the  same  field. 

Harnack,  Monasticism.  An  admirable  philosophical  comparison  of 
the  spirit  of  eastern  and  western  monasticism. 


[Condensed.] 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


I 12 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Taylor,  The  Classical  Heritage  of  the  Middle  Agesj  Chapter  VII.  An 
eloquent  description  of  the  character  of  monasticism  and  its  founders. 

Good  general  chapters  on  the  origin  and  spread  of  monastic  institu- 
tions are  to  be  found  in  works  already  mentioned.  Newman,  Manual 
of  Church  His  lory  j Chapter  111^  sections  loand  ii;  Schaff,  History  of 
the  Christian  Church.,  Vol.  IV,  Chapter  II;  Milman,  History  of  Latin 
Christianity.,  Book  III,  Chapter  VI,  on  Western  Monasticism  in  Gen- 
eral ; Book  IV,  Chapters  III  and  IV,  Conversion  of  England;  Book  IV, 
Chapter  V,  Conversion  of  the  Germans. 

Heron,  The  Celtic  Church  in  Ireland.  The  story  of  the  work  of 
St.  Patrick,  with  an  account  of  the  sources  of  his  life. 

Poole,  Illustrations  of  the  History  of  Mediceval  Thought^  Introduc- 
tion. A valuable  summary  of  the  work  of  the  Irish  schools. 

The  Fathers  for  English  Readers.  This  series  contains  reliable,  short, 
and  convenient  biographies  of  St.  Jerome  and  St.  Boniface. 

CuTTS,  Augustine  of  Canterbury.,  and  Mason,  The  Mission  of  St. 
Augustine  according  to  the  Original  Documents.,  furnish  and  discuss  the 
material  for  the  life  of  the  missionary  to  England. 

Cooke,  The  Life  and  Work  of  St.  Cohi7nba.,  an  interesting  narrative 
of  the  labors  of  the  “Apostle  of  Caledonia’^  (d.  598),  who  planted  the 
Celtic  church  on  the  shores  of  Scotland. 

Adamnanus,  Vita  S.  Columbae^  edited  with  a translation  by  Fowler. 
An  excellent  edition  of  one  of  the  very  few  absolutely  contemporary 
lives  of  an  early  mediaeval  saint.  One  of  the  few  sources  for  conditions 
in  Ireland  and  Scotland  during  this  period. 

Bede,  Ecclesiastical  History ^ translated  by  Giles  (Latin  and  English 
on  opposite  pages).  The  great  authority  for  the  beginnings  of  the 
English  Church.  A type  of  the  best  early  mediaeval  historian.  (For 
recent  edition,  see  below,  section  C.) 


ZocKLER,  Askese  und  Monchthum.,  Frankfurt,  1897.  Well  arranged 
and  contains  full  references  to  the  whole  literature  of  asceticism. 

Hauck,  Kirchengeschichte  Deutschlandsy  3 vols.,  Leipzig,  1896-1898  ; 
coming  down  to  1 122.  Vol.  I gives  the  most  detailed  and  careful  account 
of  the  Christian  missions  in  Germany  to  the  death  of  Boniface. 

Benedicti  Regula^  edited  by  Woelfilin  (Teubner).  A critical  edition 
of  the  text. 

Bede,  Opera  Historica.,  edited  by  Plummer,  2 vols..  Clarendon  Press, 
1896.  The  most  elaborate  and  scholarly  edition  of  this  important 
source.  A cheaper  edition  is  edited  by  Holder,  Freiburg,  1890,  M.  4.50. 


.The  Mofiks  ct7id  the  CouveTsiofi  of  the  Cjevificius  113 


The  chief  sources  for  the  monastic  life  and  the  missions  are  the 
Lives  of  the  Saints.  These  are  usually  very  unsatisfactory,  for  they 
were  in  most  cases  written,  or  rewritten,  long  after  the  death  of  those 
whose  history  they  tell.  Moreover,  their  authors  did  not  write  with  a 
view  of  describing  in  detail  the  situation  and  conduct  of  their  heroes. 
The  main  object  was  to  edify  the  reader,  or  to  glorify  the  founder  of  a 
monastery  by  reciting  the  miracles  he  performed.  Every  saint  must, 
like  Elijah,  raise  the  dead  or,  like  Jesus,  heal  the  sick,  walk  on  the 
waves,  quiet  tempests,  and  predict  future  events.  (See  Molinier,  94  sqq., 
and  Wattenbach,  7th  ed.,  124  sqq) 

The  greatest  collection  of  the  Lives  of  the  Saints  is  the  vast  Acta 
Sanctorufn,  begun  by  the  Jesuit,  Bolland,  in  1643.  Although  no  less  than 
sixty-two  folio  volumes  have  appeared  in  the  past  two  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  years,  the  series  is  not  completed,  and  is  now  carried  on  with  con- 
scientious care  by  a group  of  Jesuit  scholars,  commonly  known  as  the 
Bollandists,  from  the  father  of  their  enterprise. 

The  lives  are  not  arranged  historically,  that  is,  in  the  order  in  which 
the  saints  lived,  but  follow  the  order  of  the  saints’  “ days  ” as  they 
appear  in  the  church  calendar.^  Hence  under  January  5,  for  example,  we 
find  men  as  widely  separated  in  time  as  St.  Telesphorus  (d.  about  139), 
Simeon  Stylites  (d.  460),  Edward  the  Confessor  (d.  1066),  and  a certain 
St.  Gerlach  (d.  about  1570). 

A new  and  perhaps  overcritical  edition  of  the  more  important  lives 
for  the  history  of  the  Merovingian  period,  is  in  the  course  of  publication 
in  the  Monumenta. 

Of  the  Lives  of  the  Saints  for  our  period,  the  following  in  the  Monu- 
menta may  be  especially  noted : That  of  St.  Caesarius  of  Arles  (d.  542) 
was  written  almost  immediately  after  his  death  ; Life  of  St.  Columba  by 
Adamnanus,  a contemporary  (see  above,  section  Life  of  St.  Colum- 
ban  by  the  monk  Jonas  (see  above,  section  B)\  Life  of  St.  Gall,  written 
in  its  original  form  before  the  end  of  the  eighth  century;  Willibald, 
IJfe  of  St.  Boniface,  written  before  786;  Life  of  St.  Sturmi,  abbot  of 
Fulda  (d.  779),  by  a succeeding  abbot,  Eigil  (d.  822)  (see  extracts  given 
above,  pp.  107  sqq.).  German  translations  of  the  Lives  of  St.  Gall,  Boni- 
face, Sturmi,  and  others  of  this  period  may  be  found  in  the  Geschicht- 
schreiber  der  deutschen  Vorzeit. 

A very  remarkable  and  weighty  source  is  a collection  of  the  letters 
Df  Boniface  and  his  successor.  Lull,  in  the  Monumenta. 

I 1 The  festival  or  “natal”  day  of  a saint  is  usually  the  anniversary  of  his 
I ieath,  — his  true  birthday  into  eternal  life. 


The  Lives  of 
the  Saints. 


Acta  Sanc- 
torum, 


CHAPTER  VI 


Singular 
origin  of  the 
Koran,  the 
Bible  of  the 
Mohamme- 
dans. 


CHARLES  MARTEL  AND  PIPPIN 
I.  The  Koran 

Mohammed  apparently  suffered  from  a certain  nervous 
disorder  which  is  often  accompanied  by  hallucinations. 
When  about  forty  years  of  age,  as  he  was  engaged  in 
meditation  upon  a solitary  mountain  near  Mecca,  the 
angel  Gabriel  appeared  to  him  and  uttered  five  verses, 

the  first  of  the  revelations  from  heaven  which  were 

to  compose  the  Koran.  Similar  messages  came  to  him 
from  time  to  time  during  his  periods  of  nervous  excite- 
ment. These  he  revealed  to  his  friends  and  converts, 
who  committed  them  to  memory  and,  in  some  cases, 
wrote  them  down.  It  is  probable  that  the  prophet  him- 
self could  neither  read  nor  write. 

At  the  time  of  his  death  no  collection  had  as  yet  been 
made  of  these  inspired  utterances ; they  had  only  been 
recorded  piecemeal  on  palm  leaves,  skins,  shoulder  blades 
of  animals,  and,  above  all,  in  the  hearts  of  his  followers. 
The  early  caliphs,  realizing  that  the  Book  of  God  might 
otherwise  be  speedily  lost,  ordered  that  a man  who  had 
acted  as  Mohammed’s  amanuensis  should  collect  and 
arrange  the  text.  A second  and  more  careful  edition, 
made  in  660,  was  sent  to  all  the  chief  cities  in  the 
Mohammedan  empire  and  has  remained  the  authorita- 
tive text  among  all  Mohammedans  down  to  the  present 
day. 

114 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin  1 1 5 

The  revelations  were  strung  together  without  regard 
to  the  order  in  which  Mohammed  received  them  and 
with  little  or  no  attention  to  their  contents.  The  longer 
surahs  or  chapters  come  first  and  then  the  short  ones, 
although  chronologically  the  shorter  were  the  earlier. 
It  is  therefore  not  unnatural  that  the  Koran  should  be 
confused  and  often  obscure,  and  in  an  English  version 
it  is  hard  to  perceive  much  of  the  marvelous  eloquence 
which  recommends  it  to  the  Arab  mind. 

It  is  chiefly  made  up  of  repeated  assertions  of  God’s 
unity  and  greatness  and  of  the  futility  and  wickedness 
of  the  worship  of  idols.  There  are  frequent  references 
to  the  last  judgment,  to  heaven  and  its  delights,  to  hell 
and  the  fate  of  those  who  stubbornly  refuse  to  accept  the 
Koran  as  the  word  of  God,  and  Mohammed  as  his  prophet. 
Many  episodes  from  the  Old  and  New  Testaments  are 
given  here  and  there,  such  as  the  stories  of  Abraham,  of 
Joseph,  of  Moses,  of  the  birth  of  Jesus.  Mohammed 
could  hardly  have  been  acquainted  with  the  Bible  at 
first  hand,  but  must  have  gathered  his  knowledge  of  it 
from  the  Jews  and  Christians  settled  in  Arabia.  The 
Koran  also  embodies  popular  sayings  and  favorite 
legends  current  among  the  desert  tribes  long  before  the 
time  of  Mohammed.  Some  important  rules  of  conduct 
are  also  laid  down. 

Mohammed  had  not  lived  among  the  sheepfolds  in 
vain,  and  spent  long  solitary  nights  gazing  at  the  silent 
heaven  and  watching  the  dawn  break  over  the  mountains. 
.This  earliest  portion  of  the  Koran  is  one  long  blazonry 
^of  nature’s  beauty.  How  can  you  believe  in  aught  but 
ijthe  One  omnipotent  God  when  you  see  this  glorious  world 
around  you  and  this  wondrous  tent  of  heaven  above  you  ? 


Lane-Poole’s 
view  of 
Mohammed’s 
character. 


Readings  in  Etiropean  History 


1 16 

is  Mohammed’s  frequent  question  to  his  countrymen. 
‘All  things  in  heaven  and  earth  supplicate  him;  then 
which  of  the  bounties  of  the  Lord  will  ye  deny.?’  . . . 

“ In  conclusion,  let  us  banish  from  bur  minds  any  con- 
ception of  the  Koran  as  a code  of  laws,  or  a systematic 
exposition  of  a creed.  It  is  neither  of  these.  Let  us 
only  think  of  a simple  enthusiast  confronted  with  many 
and  varied  difficulties,  and  trying  to  meet  them  as  best 
he  could  by  the  inward  light  that  guided  him.  The 
guidance  was  not  perfect,  we  know,  and  there  is  much 
that  is  blameworthy  in  Mohammed;  but  whatever  we 
believe'  of  him,  let  it  be  granted  that  his  errors  were 
not  the  result  of  premeditated  imposition,  but  were  the 
mistakes  of  an  ignorant,  impressible,  superstitious,  but 
nevertheless  noble  and  great  man.” 


In  the  Name  of  God,  the  Compassionate,  the  Merciful 


48.  Passages 
from  the 
Koran.  The 
opening 
prayer. 


Praise  be  to  God,  the  Lord  of  the  Worlds ! 

The  Compassionate,  the  Merciful ! 

King  of  the  day  of  judgment ! 

Thee  we  worship,  and  Thee  we  ask  for  help. 

Guide  us  in  the  straight  way, 

The  way  of  those  to  whom  Thou  art  gracious ; 

Not  of  those  upon  whom  is  Thy  wrath,  nor  of  the  erring. 


The  angel 
Gabriel 
extols  the 
divineWord, 
which  he 
reveals  to 
Mohammed, 
and  de- 
nounces 
unbelievers. 


In  the  name  of  the  merciful  and  compassionate  God. 
That  is  the  bookM  there  is  no  doubt  therein;  a guide  to 
the  pious,  who  believe  in  the  unseen,  and  are  steadfast  in 
prayer,  and  of  what  we  have  given  them  expend  in  alms ; 
who  believe  in  what  is  revealed  to  thee,  and  what  was 
revealed  before  thee,  and  of  the  hereafter  they  are  sure. 
These  are  in  guidance  from  their  Lord,  and  these  are  the 
prosperous. 


1 Namely,  the  book  which  Gabriel,  the  speaker,  is  revealing. 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin  1 1 7 

Verily,  those  who  misbelieve,  it  is  the  same  to  them  if  ye 
warn  them  or  if  ye  warn  them  not,  they  will  not  believe. 

God  has  set  a seal  upon  their  hearts  and  on  their  hearing ; 
and  on  their  eyes  is  dimness,  and  for  them  is  grievous  woe. 

There  are,  indeed,  those  among  men  who  say,  “ We  believe 
in  God  and  in  the  last  day’’;  but  they  do  not  believe.  They 
would  deceive  God  and  those  who  do  believe ; but  they 
deceive  only  themselves  and  they  do  not  perceive.  In  their 
hearts  is  a sickness,  and  God  has  made  them  still  more 
sick,  and  for  them  is  grievous  woe  because  they  lied.  . . . 

And  if  ye  are  in  doubt  of  what  we  have  revealed  unto  our 
servant,  then  bring  a chapter  like  it,  and  call  your  witnesses 
other  than  God  if  ye  tell  truth.  But  if  ye  do  it  not,  and  ye 
shall  surely  do  it  not,  then  fear  the  fire,  whose  fuel  is  men 
and  stones,  prepared  for  misbelievers.  But  bear  the  glad 
tidings  to  those  who  believe  and  work  righteousness,  that 
for  them  are  gardens  beneath  which  rivers  flow.  Whenever 
they  are  provided  with  fruit  therefrom  they  say,  This  is 
what  we  were  provided  with  before,  and  they  shall  be  pro- 
vided with  the  like ; and  there  are  pure  wives  for  them 
therein,  and  they  shall  dwell  therein  for  aye.”  . . . 

In  the  Name  of  God,  th^Cojnpassionate,  the  Merciful 

Have  we  not  made  the  earth  as  a bed  ? God’s  beau- 

And  the  mountains  as  tent-pegs  ? tiful  world. 

And  created  you  in  pairs. 

And  made  you  sleep  for  rest. 

And  made  the  night  for  a mantle. 

And  made  the  day  for  bread-winning. 

And  built  above  you  seven  firmaments. 

And  put  therein  a burning  lamp. 

And  sent  down  water  pouring  from  the  squeezed  clouds 
To  bring  forth  grain  and  herb  withal. 

And  gardens  thick  with  trees  ? 

Lo  ! the  Day  of  Decision  is  appointed  — 

The  day  when  there  shall  be  a blowing  of  the  trumpet,  and 

ye  shall  come  in  troops. 


1 1 8 Readings  in  European  History 

And  the  heavens  shall  be  opened,  and  be  full  of  gates, 
And  the  mountains  shall  be  removed,  and  turn  into  mist. 
Verily  hell  lieth  in  wait. 

The  goal  for  rebels. 

To  abide  therein  for  ages ; 

They  shall  not  taste  therein  coolness  nor  drink. 

Save  scalding  water  and  running  sores,  — 

A meet  reward ! 

Verily  they  did  not  expect  the  reckoning. 

And  they  denied  our  signs  with  lies ; 

But  everything  have  we  recorded  in  a book : — 


Description 
of  the  bliss 
of  heaven 
and  the 
pains  of  hell. 


When  the  earth  shall  be  shaken  in  a shock. 

And  the  mountains  shall  be  powdered  in  powder. 
And  become  like  flying  dust. 

And  ye  shall  be  three  kinds. 


Then  the  people  of  the  right  hand  — what  people  of  good 
omen ! 

And  the  people  of  the  left  hand  — what  people  of  ill  omen! 
And  the  outstrippers,  still  outstripping  : — 

These  are  the  nearest  [to  God], 

In  gardens  of  delight ; 

A crowd  of  the  men  of  yore. 

And  a few  of  the  latter  days ; 

Upon  inwrought  couches. 

Reclining  thereon  face  to  face. 

Youths  ever  young  shall  go  unto  them  round  about 
With  goblets  and  ewers  and  a cup  of  flowing  wine,  — 

Their  heads  shall  not  ache  with  it,  neither  shall  they  be 
confused  ; 

And  fruits  of  their  choice. 

And  flesh  of  birds  to  their  desire  ; 

And  damsels  with  bright  eyes  like  hidden  pearls,  — 

A reward  for  what  they  have  wrought. 

They  shall  hear  no  folly  therein,  nor  any  sin. 

But  only  the  greeting,  ‘‘  Peace  I peace  I ’’ 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin  1 19 

And  the  people  of  the  right  hand  — what  people  of  good 
omen ! 

Amid  thornless  lote-trees, 

And  bananas  laden  with  fruit, 

And  shade  outspread, 

And  water  flowing, 

And  fruit  abundant. 

Never  failing,  nor  forbidden,  . . . 

But  the  people  of  the  left  hand  — what  people  of  ill  omen  ! — 
Amid  burning  wind  and  scalding  water. 

And  a shade  of  black  smoke. 

Not  cool  or  grateful ! 

Verily  before  that  they  were  prosperous; 

But  they  persisted  in  the  most  grievous  sin. 

And  used  to  say, 

‘‘  When  we  have  died,  and  become  dust  and  bones,  shall  we 
indeed  be  raised  again,  ^ 

And  our  fathers,  the  men  of  yore,’^ 

Say  : Verily  those  of  yore  and  of  the  latter  days 
Shall  surely  be  gathered  to  the  trysting-place  of  a day  which 
is  known. 

Then  ye,  O ye  who  err  and  call  it  a lie. 

Shall  surely  eat  of  the  tree  of  Zakkum, 

And  fill  your  bellies  with  it. 

And  drink  upon  it  scalding  water,  — 

Drink  like  the  thirsty  camel : — 

This  shall  be  their  entertainment  on  the  Day  of  Judgment! 

We  came  out  with  the  prophet,  with  a part  of  the  army, 
and  a man  passed  by  a cavern  in  which  was  water  and  ver- 
dure, and  he  said  in  his  heart,  ‘‘  I shall  stay  here,  and  retire 
from  the  world.”  Then  he  asked  the  prophet’s  permission 
to  live  in  the  cavern;  but  he  said,  “Verily  I have  not  been 
sent  on  the  Jewish  religion,  nor  the  Christian,  to  quit  the 
delights  of  society ; but  I have  been  sent  on  the  religion 
inclining  to  truth,  and  that  which  is  easy,  wherein  is  no  diffi- 
culty or  austerity,  I swear  by  God,  in  whose  hand  is  my  life, 
that  marching  about  morning  and  evening  to  fight  for  religion 


Fighting  for 
the  faith 
better  than 
prayers. 
(From  the 
traditional 
sayings  of 
Mohammed 
not  included 
in  the 
Koran.) 


120 


Readmgs  in  European  History 


is  better  than  the  world  and  everything  that  is  in  it : and 
verily  the  standing  of  one  of  you  in  the  line  of  battle  is  better 
than  supererogatory  prayers  performed  in  your  house  for 
sixty  years. 


II.  How  Pippin,  the  First  of  the  Carolingian  Line, 
BECAME  King  of  France 


49.  The 
weakness 
of  the  later 
Merovingian 
kings. 

(From  Ein- 
hard’s 
Life  of  the 
Emperor 
Charles.) 


The  Franks  in  olden  times  were  wont  to  choose  their  kings 
from  the  family  of  the  Merovingians.  This  royal  line  is  con- 
sidered to  have  come  to  an  end  in  the  person  of  Childeric  III, 
who  was  deposed  from  the  throne  by  command  of  Stephen, 
the  Roman  pontiff;  his  long  hair  was  cut  off  and  he  was 
thrust  into  a monastery. 

Although  the  line  of  the  Merovingians  actually  ended  with 
Childeric,  it  had  nevertheless  for  some  time  previously  been 
so  utterly  wanting  in  power  that  it  had  displayed  no  mark  of 
royalty  except  the  empty  kingly  title. 

All  the  resources  and  power  of  the  kingdom  had  passed 
into  the  control  of  the  prefects  of  the  palace,  who  were  called 
the  ‘‘mayors  of  the  palace,”  ^ and  who  employed  the  supreme 
authority.  Nothing  was  left  to  the  king.  He  had  to  con- 
tent himself  with  his  royal  title,  his  flowing  locks,  and  long 
beard.  Seated  in  a chair  of  state,  he  was  wont  to  display  an 
appearance  of  power  by  receiving  foreign  ambassadors  on 
their  arrival,  and,  on  their  departure,  giving  them,  as  if  on 
his  own  authority,  those  answers  which  he  had  been  taught 
or  commanded  to  give. 

Thus,  except  for  his  empty  title,  and  an  uncertain  allow- 
ance for  his  subsistence,  which  the  prefect  of  the  palace  used 
to  furnish  at  his  pleasure,  there  was  nothing  that  the  king 
could  call  his  own,  unless  it  were  the  income  from  a single 
farm,  and  that  a very  small  one,  where  he  made  his  home, 
and  where  such  servants  as  were  needful  to  wait  on  him  con- 
stituted his  scanty  household.  When  he  went  anywhere  he 
traveled  in  a wagon  drawn  by  a yoke  of  oxen,  with  a rustic 


1 Maiores  domus. 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin 


I2I 


oxherd  for  charioteer.  In  this  manner  he  proceeded  to  the 
palace,  and  to  the  public  assemblies  of  the  people  held  every 
year  for  the  dispatch  of  the  business  of  the  kingdom,  and  he 
returned  home  again  in  the  same  sort  of  state.  The  admin- 
istration of  the  kingdom,  and  every  matter  which  had  to  be 
undertaken  and  carried  through,  both  at  home  and  abroad, 
was  managed  by  the  mayor  of  the  palace. 

In  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord,  750,^  Pippin 
sent  ambassadors  to  Pope  Zacharias  to  ask  his  opinion  in 
the  matter  of  the  kings  of  the  Franks,  who,  though  of  the 
royal  line,  and  called  kings,  enjoyed  in  truth  no  power  in  the 
realm  except  that  official  documents  were  issued  in  their 
name.  Otherwise  they  were  destitute  of  power,  and  did  only 
what  the  mayor  of  the  palace  told  them. 

Only  upon  the  day  when  the  people,  according  to  ancient 
usage,  wer.e  wont  to  bring  gifts  to  their  sovereign  on  the 
March  Field,  did  the  king,  surrounded  by  the  army,  sit  in 
his  chair,  the  mayor  of  the  palace  standing  before  him,  and 
proclaim  such  laws  as  had  been  established  by  the  Franks. 
The  next  day  he  returned  home,  and  stayed  there  during  the 
remainder  of  the  year. 

Pope  Zacharias,  therefore,  in  virtue  of  apostolic  authority, 
told  the  ambassadors  that  he  judged  it  better  and  more 
advantageous  that  he  should  be  king  and  be  called  king 
who  had  the  power  rather  than  he  who  was  falsely  called 
king. 

The  said  pontiff  accordingly  enjoined  the  king  and  the 
people  of  the  Franks  that  Pippin,  who  already  exercised 
the  regal  power,  should  be  called  king  and  raised  to  the 
throne. 

And  this  was  done  by  St.  Boniface,  the  archbishop,  who 
anointed  him  king  in  the  city  of  Soissons.  And  so  it  came 
about  that  Pippin  was  called  king,  while  Childeric,  falsely 
called  king,  was  shaven  and  sent  to  the  monastery. 

1 It  appears  from  other  sources  that  it  was  in  752  — not  750  — that 
Pippin  received  the  kingly  crown  from  the  hand  of  Boniface, 


50.  Pope 
Zacharius 
authorizes 
the  corona- 
tion of 
Pippin. 
(From  The 
Lesser  Annals 
of  Lorsch.) 


122 


Readings  in  European  History 


51.  The 
coronation 
of  Pippin  by 
the  pope. 
(From 
Einhard^  s 
Annals.) 


52.  A letter 
of  Pope 
Stephen  III 
describing 
the  atroci- 
ties of  the 
Lombards 

(756). 


(753)  . . • In  this  year  Pope  Stephen  [the  successor  of 
Zacharias]  came  to  King  Pippin  in  the  town  which  is  called 
Kiersey,  to  beg  protection  for  himself  and  the  Roman  church 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Lombards.  . . . 

(754)  Pope  Stephen,  after  King  Pippin  had  assured  him 
that  he  would  defend  the  Roman  church,  consecrated  him  to 
the  honor  of  the  royal  dignity,  and  with  him  his  two  sons,  Karl 
and  Carloman ; and  the  pope  spent  that  winter  in  Francia. 


III.  The  Lombards,  Pope  Stephen,  and  King  Pippin 

Pope  Stephen  was  driven,  as  we  have  seen,  by  the 
threatening  attitude  of  the  Lombards  to  visit  the  court 
of  Pippin  in  search  of  help.  The  Frankish  king,  with 
the  approbation  of  his  councilors,  made  an  expedition  to 
Italy  in  755,  defeated  the  Lombards,  and  forced  Aistulf, 
their  king,  to  promise  that  he  would  return  all  the  terri- 
tory about  Rome  and  never  invade  the  region  again.  Yet 
Pippin  had  hardly  recrossed  the  Alps  when  Aistulf  broke 
his  treaty  and  attacked  Rome.  The  pope  then  appealed 
to  Pippin,  in  successive  letters,  describing  the  devastation 
wrought  by  the  Lombards  and  the  desperate  plight  of 
the  city.  Of  these  letters  the  following  is  a sample: 

Pope  Stephen  to  the  most  excellent  lord.,  Pippin,  our  son  and 
kinsman  in  the  spirit,  King  of  the  Franks  and  Patrician 
of  the  Romans : 

Woeful  and  bitter  is  the  distress  in  which  we  find  our- 
selves ; our  difficulties  and  anxieties  are  constantly  increas- 
ing and  call  forth  floods  of  tears.  “ Who  could  witness  such 
tribulations  and  not  mourn  ? Who  could  listen  to  our  calam- 
ities and  not  bewail  ? . . . 

We  must  believe,  however,  most  Christian  and  excellent 
son,  that  all  our  sorrows  are  known  to  your  Highness:  how 
the  treaties  of  peace  have  been  broken  by  the  accursed  King 
Aistulf,  how  none  of  the  stipulations  have  been  observed  even 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin 


123 


when  confirmed  by  the  most  solemn  oath,  how  the  Lombards 
have  desolated  all  our  lands  and  committed  many  murders. 
And  now  thou  knowest,  O most  excellent  son  and  spiritual 
kinsman,  thou  knowest  what  we  would  say  with  many  tears 
and  much  sorrow  of  heart. 

The  very  first  of  January  all  the  army  of  this  same  Aistulf, 
king  of  the  Lombards,  gathered  from  the  confines  of  Tuscany, 
against  the  city  of  Rome,  and  encamped  close  to  the  gate 
of  the  blessed  apostle  Peter  and  the  gate  of  St.  Pancratius 
and  the  Ostian  gate.  Then  Aistulf  himself  joined  his  army, 
with  further  reenforcements,  and  pitched  his  tents  beside 
the  Salarian  gate  and  other  gates.  And  he  drew  up  his 
army  and  said  to  us  Romans  : “ Open  to  me  the  Salarian  gate 
that  I may  enter  the  city ; and  deliver  your  pontiff  into  my 
hands.  Then  I will  have  mercy  upon  you.  If  you  do  not 
these  things,  I will  destroy  your  walls,  and  put  you  to  the 
sword.  And  I will  see  who  can  deliver  you  out  of  my 
hands.’’  . . . 

They  have  wasted  with  fire  and  sword,  far  and  wide,  all 
the  lands  outside  the  city,  and  have  burned  the  churches  of 
God,  and  have  cast  the  most  holy  images  of  the  saints  into 
the  fire,  and  destroyed  them.  And  they  have  put  that  holy 
treasure,  the  body  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  into  their  own 
polluted  vessels  and,  sated  with  abundance  of  meat,  they  ate 
this  blessed  treasure.  The  altar  cloths  and  other  ornaments 
of  the  churches  of  God  — oh,  too  infamous  to  tell!  — they 
bore  away  and  used  for  their  own  purposes. 

The  monks,  servants  of  God,  who  dwelt  in  mountains  for 
the  praise  of  God,  they  beat  with  many  blows,  and  many  of 
them  they  cut  to  pieces.  And  they  seized  nuns  and  recluses 
dedicated  from  their  earliest  years  to  the  cloister,  and  sub- 
jected them  to  the  most  cruel  abuses,  so  that  some  of  them 
were  seen  to  perish.  They  have  cut  off  vines  well-nigh  to 
the  roots,  and  have  altogether  destroyed  the  harvests.  There 
is  no  chance  of  safety  for  the  household  of  our  holy  church, 
nor  for  any  one  indeed  who  remains  in  the  city  of  Rome.  . . . 

Now  for  five  and  fifty  days  they  have  besieged  and  sur- 
rounded on  every  side  this  afflicted  city  of  Rome  ; and  this 


124 


Readings  in  Etiropean  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
htg  in 
English. 


wicked  Aistulf  will  kill  us  all  with  one  sword.  For  so  he 
has  sworn  with  rage,  and  has  cast  this  in  our  teeth  : ‘‘Behold, 
you  were  surrounded  by  us  and  could  not  escape  out  of  our 
clutches.  Now  let  the  Franks  come  and  wrest  you  from  our 
grasp.’’  . . . Therefore  hear  me,  O son  — hear  and  help  us. 
Behold,  now  is  the  time  to  save  us.  Save  us  lest  we  perish, 
O most  Christian  king! 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Discussion  of  the  Work  of  Charles  Martel  and  Pippin: 

Adams,  Civilization.,  pp.  146-154. 

Charles  Martel:  Emerton,  Introduction.,  Chapter  X,  pp.  1 14-134; 
Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  40-46 ; Oman,  Chap- 
ter XVH,  pp.  289-299. 

The  Ar/tbs  — their  Original  Character : Gibbon,  Vol.  V,  Chapter  L, 
first  part,  pp.  31 1-332. 

Mohammed:  Bemont  and  Monod,  Chapter  X,  pp.  135-147  ; Gib- 
bon, Vol.  V,  Chapter  L,  latter  part,  pp.  333-396. 

Arab  Conquests  and  Civilization  : Gibbon,  Vol.  V,  Chapter  LI, 
pp.  397-494;  Munro,  History  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Chapter  IX,  pp. 
86-94. 

Pippin:  Emerton,  Chapter  XH,  pp.  1 50-1 79;  Henderson,  pp. 
46-56;  Oman,  Chapter  XIX,  pp.  322-334. 


Gilman,  The  Saracens  (with  an  excellent  bibliography  at  the  end) ; 
Ameer  Ali,  The  Life  and  Teachings  of  Mohammed  and  A Short  His- 
tory of  the  Saracens.  Two  recent  and  interesting  studies  from  the  point 
of  view  of  an  enlightened  Oriental  writer.  Muir,  Life  of  Mahomet  and 
Annals  of  the  Early  Caliphate.  The  former  is  the  most  thorough  treat- 
ment in  English  ; the  latter  deals  with  the  fifty  years  following  Moham- 
med’s death. 

Milman,  Book  IV,  Chapters  I-H. 

The  whole  Koran  has  been  carefully  translated  by  E.  H.  Palmer, 
2 vols.,  1880;  but  most  readers  will  derive  far  more  pleasure  and  profit 
from  the  extracts  given  in  Stanley  Lane-Poole,  Speeches  and  Table 
Talk  of  the  Prophet  Mohammad,  — a most  charming  little  book,  which 
helps  one  to  feel  the  beauty  of  the  poetical  passages  of  the  Koran. 

Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  Vol.  VH,  Book  VHI,  Chapters 
HI-XI. 


Charles  Martel  and  Pippin 


125 


Gregorovius,  Vol.  II,  Book  IV,  Chapters  I- III. 

Kitchin,  History  of  France^  Vol.  I,  Book  II,  Part  I,  Chapters  I-II. 


The  history  of  Mohammed  and  the  movements  of  the  Arabs  hardly 
belong  to  the  field  of  European  history,  and  the  sources  are  in  general 
available  only  for  those  who  read  Arabic.  Three  recent  foreign  works 
may  be  added  to  the  list  given  above. 

Muller,  A.,  Der  Islam  im  Morgen-  und  Abendland,  2 vols.,  Berlin, 
1885-1887  (Oncken  Series). 

Oelsner,  Kbnig Pippin  in  Jahrbiicher  der  deutschen  Geschichte^  1882. 

Guyard,  Stanislas,  La  Civilisation  Musulmane. 

For  the  sources  of  the  history  of  the  early  Carolingian  rulers,  see 
bibliography  at  the  close  of  the  following  chapter. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


CHAPTER  VII 


53.  Charle- 
magne’s 
personal 
appearance 
and  habits. 
(From  Ein- 
hard’s Life 
of  Charles.) 


CHARLEMAGNE 

I.  Charlemagne,  the  Man 

Charles  was  large  and  robust,  of  commanding  stature  and 
excellent  proportions,  for  it  appears  that  he  measured  in 
height  seven  times  the  length  of  his  own  foot.  The  top  of 
his  head  was  round,  his  eyes  large  and  animated,  his  nose 
somewhat  long.  He  had  a fine  head  of  gray  hair,  and  his 
face  was  bright  and  pleasant ; so  that,  whether  standing  or 
sitting,  he  showed  great  presence  and  dignity.  Although 
his  neck  was  thick  and  rather  short,  and  his  belly  too  promi- 
nent, still  the  good  proportions  of  his  limbs  concealed  these 
defects.  His  walk  was  firm,  and  the  whole  carriage  of  his 
body  was  manly.  His  voice  was  clear,  but  not  so  strong  as 
his  frame  would  have  led  one  to  expect. 

His  health  was  good  until  the  last  four  years  of  his  life, 
when  he  was  attacked  with  frequent  fevers,  and  latterly 
walked  lame  on  one  foot.  Even  then  he  relied  more  on  his 
own  judgment  than  on  the  advice  of  physicians,  whom  he 
almost  hated  because  they  used  to  recommend  him  to  leave 
off  roasted  meats,  which  he  preferred,  and  to  accustom 
himself  to  boiled. 

He  took  constant  exercise  in  riding  and  hunting,  which 
was  natural  for  a Frank,  since  scarcely  any  nation  can  be 
found  to  equal  them  in  these  pursuits.  He  also  delighted 
in  the  natural  warm  baths,  frequently  exercising  himself  by 
swimming,  in  which  he  was  very  skillful,  no  one  being  able 
to  outstrip  him.  It  was  on  account  of  the  warm  baths  at 
Aix-la-Chapelle  that  he  built  his  f>alace  there  and  lived  there 
constantly  during  the  last  years  of  his  life  and  until  his 
death.  . . . 


126 


Charlemagne 


127 


He  wore  the  dress  of  his  native  country,  that  is,  the 
Frankish;  next  his  body  a linen  shirt  and  linen  drawers; 
then  a tunic  with  a silken  border,  and  stockings.  He  bound 
his  legs  with  garters  and  wore  shoes  on  his  feet.  In  the 
winter  he  protected  his  shoulders  and  chest  with  a vest  made 
of  the  skins  of  otters  and  sable.  He  wore  a blue  cloak,  and 
was  always  girt  with  his  sword,  the  hilt  and  belt  being  of 
gold  and  silver.  Sometimes  he  wore  a jeweled  sword,  but 
he  did  so  only  on  great  festivals  or  when  receiving  foreign 
ambassadors. 

He  thoroughly  disliked  the  dress  of  foreigners,  however 
fine;  and  he  never  put  it  on  except  at  Rome  — once  at  the 
request  of  Pope  Adrian,  and  again,  a second  time,  to  please 
Adrianas  successor.  Pope  Leo.  He  then  wore  a long  tunic, 
chlamys,  and  shoes  made  after  the  Roman  fashion.  On 
festivals  he  used  to  walk  in  processions  clad  in  a garment 
woven  with  gold,  and  shoes  studded  with  jewels,  his  cloak 
fastened  with  a golden  clasp,  and  wearing  a crown  of  gold 
set  with  precious  stones.  At  other  times  his  dress  differed 
little  from  that  of  a private  person. 

In  his  eating  and  drinking  he  was  temperate ; more  par- 
ticularly so  in  his  drinking,  for  he  had  the  greatest  abhor- 
rence of  drunkenness  in  anybody,  but  more  especially  in 
himself  and  his  companions.  He  was  unable  to  abstain 
from  food  for  any  length  of  time,  and  often  complained  that 
fasting  was  injurious  to  him.  On  the  other  hand,  he  very 
rarely  feasted,  only  on  great  festive  occasions,  when  there 
were  very  large  gatherings.  The  daily  service  of  his  table 
consisted  of  only  four  dishes  in  addition  to  the  roast  meat, 
which  the  hunters  used  to  bring  in  on  spits,  and  of  which  he 
partook  more  freely  than  of  any  other  food. 

While  he  was  dining  he  listened  to  music  or  reading. 
History  and  the  deeds  of  men  of  old  were  most  often  read. 
He  derived  much  pleasure  from  the  works  of  St.  Augustine, 
especially  from  his  book  called  The  City  of  God,  He  par- 
took very  sparingly  of  wine^  and  other  drinks,  rarely  taking 
at  meals  more  than  three  draughts.  In  summer,  after  the 
midday  repast,  he  would  take  some  fruit  and  one  draught, 


Charle- 
magne’s 
preference 
in  dress. 


Tastes  and 
habits. 


128 


Readings  in  European  History 


Charle- 
magne’s 
Icnowledge  of 
the  ancient 
languages. 


Alcuin. 


Charle- 
magne never 
learned  to 
write. 


and  then,  throwing  aside  his  clothes  and  shoes  as  at  night, 
he  would  repose  for  two  or  three  hours.  He  slept  at  night 
so  lightly  that  he  would  break  his  rest  four  or  five  times,  not 
merely  by  awaking,  but  even  getting  up. 

While  he  was  dressing  and  binding  on  his  sandals,  he 
would  receive  his  friends ; and  also,  if  the  count  of  the  pal- 
ace announced  that  there  was  any  case  which  could  only  be 
settled  by  his  decision,  the  suitors  were  immediately  ordered 
into  his  presence,  and  he  heard  the  case  and  gave  judgment 
as  if  sitting  in  court.  And  this  was  not  the  only  business 
that  he  used  to  arrange  at  that  time,  for  he  also  gave  orders 
for  whatever  had  to  be  done  on  that  day  by  any  officer  or 
servant. 

He  was  ready  and  fluent  in  speaking,  and  able  to  express 
himself  with  great  clearness.  He  did  not  confine  himself  to 
his  native  tongue,  but  took  pains  to  learn  foreign  languages, 
acquiring  such  knowledge  of  Latin  that  he  could  make  an 
address  in  that  language  as  well  as  in  his  own.  Greek  he 
could  better  understand  than  speak.  Indeed,  he  was  so  pol- 
ished in  speech  that  he  might  have  passed  for  a learned 
man. 

He  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  the  liberal  arts,  and  greatly 
revered  their  professors,  whom  he  promoted  to  high  honors. 
In  order  to  learn  grammar,  he  attended  the  lectures  of 
the  aged  Peter  of  Pisa,  a deacon  ; and  for  other  branches 
he  chose  as  his  preceptor  Albinus,  otherwise  called  Alcuin, 
also  a deacon,  — a Saxon  by  race,  from  Britain,  the  most 
learned  man  of  the  day,  with  whom  the  king  spent  much 
time  in  learning  rhetoric  and  logic,  and  more  especially 
astronomy.  He  learned  the  art  of  determining  the  dates 
upon  which  the  movable  festivals  of  the  Church  fall,  and  with 
deep  thought  and  skill  most  carefully  calculated  the  courses 
of  the  planets. 

Charles  also  tried  to  learn  to  write,  and  used  to  keep  his 
tablets  and  writing  book  under  the  pillow  of  his  couch,  that 
when  he  had  leisure  he  might  practice  his  hand  in  forming 
letters ; but  he  made  little  progress  in  this  task,  too  long 
deferred  and  begun  too  late  in  life. 


Charlemagne 


129 


II.  Charlemagne  and  the  Saxons 

Now  the  Saxon  race  was  cruel  and  very  dangerous  to  all, 
and  was  much  given  over  to  pagan  observances.  But  King 
Charles,  always  faithful  to  God,  because  he  was  most  Chris- 
tian, began  to  take  thought  how  he  might  seek  to  win  this 
people  for  Christ.  He  took  counsel  with  the  servants  of 
God  and  besought  their  prayers  that  they  might  obtain  their 
desire  from  God.  Then  he  gathered  a great  army,  and  after 
he  had  called  upon  the  name  of  Christ,  he  marched  into 
Saxony.  He  took  with  him  a host  of  priests  and  abbots,  so 
that  this  race  which,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world,  had 
been  bound  by  the  chains  of  demons  might  bow  to  the  yoke 
of  the  sweet  and  gentle  Christ  by  believing  in  the  holy 
doctrines. 

When  the  king  had  come  into  the  land  of  the  Saxons,  he 
succeeded,  partly  by  war,  partly  by  persuasions,  partly  even 
by  gifts,  in  turning  great  numbers  of  the  people  to  the  faith 
of  Christ.  And  before  long  he  divided  the  whole  province 
into  episcopal  dioceses,  and  gave  the  servants  of ’God 
authority  to  teach  and  to  baptize. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  year  [782],  when  supplies  were 
plentiful  and  the  army  could  be  led  into  the  field,  the  king 
decided  to  go  into  Saxony  and  to  hold  there  a general  assem- 
bly, as  he  was  used  to  do  every  year  in  Francia.  He  crossed 
the  Rhine  at  Cologne,  and  with  the  whole  Frankish  army 
came  to  the  source  of  the  Lippe,  where  he  made  a camp  and 
remained  for  many  days.  He  there  heard  and  dismissed  the 
ambassadors  sent  by  Sigfried,  king  of  the  Danes,  and  those 
who  had  come  from  Caganus  and  Juggurus,  chiefs  of  the 
Huns,  to  seek  peace. 

When  the  assembly  was  dissolved,  and  he  had  betaken 
.himself  across  the  Rhine  into  Gallia,  Widukind,  who  had 
fled  to  the  Northmen,  returned  to  his  fatherland,  and  with 
vain  hop^s  aroused  the  Saxons  to  rebellion.  In  the  mean- 
time it  was  reported  to  the  king  that  the  Sorabi  Slavs,  who 

1 See  above  p.  107. 


54.  The 
abbot  of 
Fulda  de- 
clares that 
Charle- 
magne con- 
quered the 
Saxons  in 
order  to 
bring  them 
to  Christ. 
(From  the 
Life  of  St. 
Sturmi.^) 


55.  There* 
bellion  of 
Widukind  c 
(From  the 
so-called 
Annals  of 
Einhard.) 


130  Readings  in  European  History 

inhabit  the  region  between  the  Elbe  and  the  Saale,  had 
invaded  the  lands  of  the  Thuringians  and  Saxons,  their 
neighbors,  on  a plundering  expedition  and  had  sacked  and 
burned  several  places.  He  immediately  summoned  his  three 
ministers, — Adalgis,  his  chamberlain;  Geilo,  his  constable; 
and  Woradus,  the  head  of  the  palace, — ordered  that  they 
should  take  with  them  East  Franks  and  Saxons  and  chastise 
forthwith  the  audacity  of  the  unruly  Slavs. 

When  the  leaders  of  this  force  learned,  upon  entering  the 
Saxon  territory,  that  the  Saxons,  by  Widukind’s  advice,  were 
about  to ‘Wage  war  on  the  Franks,  they  abandoned  the  cam- 
paign against  the  Slavs,  and  with  the  forces  of  the  East 
Franks  pushed  forward  to  the  place  where  they  had  heard 
the  Saxons  were  massed.  Count  Theodoric,  a kinsman  of 
the  king,  hastened  to  join  them  in  Saxony  with  all  the  forces 
he  could  collect  hurriedly  in  Ripuaria  after  news  reached 
him  of  the  Saxon  revolt.  . . . 

Then  they  all  pushed  forward  to  a mountain  [situated  on 
the  southern  bank  of  the  river  Weser],  called  Suntal.  The 
camp  of  the  Saxons  lay  on  the  northern  side  of  this  moun- 
tain. In  this  place  Theodoric  pitched  his  camp,  while  the 
leaders  of  the  East  Franks  crossed  the  Weser  and  encamped 
on  the  river  bank,  to  the  end  that  they  might  easily  join 
the  forces  of  Theodoric  and  so  surround  the  mountain. 

Then  did  the  leaders  of  the  East  Franks  take  counsel 
together:  for  they  feared  that  the  glory  of  victory  might  be 
given  to  Theodoric,  if  they  had  him  with  them  in  this  battle. 
So  they  decided  to  attack  the  Saxons  without  him.  They 
accordingly  armed  themselves,  and  each  man  rushed  forward 
with  his  utmost  speed,  as  fast  as  his  horse  could  carry  him, 
as  if  they  were  pursuing  and  plundering  a fleeing  foe  rather 
than  attacking  an  enemy  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle. 

But  the  Saxons  stood  before  their  camp  ready  to  meet 
the  onslaught ; and  because  the  attack  was  ill  planned  it 
was  ill  fought.  When  they  gave  battle  the  Franks  were  sur- 
rounded by  the  Saxons  and  almost  all  of  them  were  slain. 
Those  who  made  good  their  escape  fled  for  refuge,  not  to 
the  camp  whence  they  had  gone  forth,  but  to  the  camp  of 


Charlemagne  1 3 1 

Theodoric,  which  was  on  the  other  side  of  the  mountain. 
The  Frankish  loss  was  greater  than  mere  numbers,  for  two 
of  the  ambassadors,  Adalgis  and  Geilo,  were  killed,  also 
four  counts,  and  twenty  other  noble  and  distinguished  men, 
together  with  those  who  followed  them,  because  they  would 
rather  die  with  them  than  live  after  them. 

When  the  king  heard  of  this  disaster  he  decided  not  to 
delay,  but  made  haste  to  gather  an  army,  and  marched  into 
Saxony.  There  he  called  to  his  presence  the  chiefs  of  the 
Saxons,  and  inquired  who  had  induced  the  people  to  rebel. 
They  all  declared  that  Widukind  was  the  author  of  the  trea- 
son, but  said  that  they  could  not  produce  him  because  after 
the  deed  was  done  he  had  fled  to  the  Northmen. 

But  the  others  who  had  carried  out  his  will  and  committed 
the  crime  they  delivered  up  to  the  king  to  the  number  of  four 
thousand  and  five  hundred  ; and  by  the  king^s  command  they 
were  all  beheaded  in  one  day  upon  the  river  Aller  in  the  place 
called  Verden.  When  he  had  wreaked  vengeance  after  this 
fashion,  the  king  withdrew  to  the  town  of  Diedenhofen  for 
winter  quarters,  and  there  he  celebrated  the  Nativity  of  our 
Lord  and  Easter  as  he  was  wont  to  do. 


III.  How  Charlemagne  was  made  Emperor 
A.D.  799 

As  Pope  Leo  [HI]  was  riding  from  the  Lateran  in  Rome 
to  service  in  the  church  of  St.  Lawrence,  called  “ the  Grid- 
iron,’’ he  fell  into  an  ambush  which  the  Romans  had  set 
for  him  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  church.  He  was 
dragged  from  off  his  horse  and,  as  some  would  have  it,  his 
eyes  put  out,  his  tongue  cut  off,  and  he  was  then  left  lying 
in  the  street,  naked  and  half  dead.  Afterward  the  insti- 
gators of  this  deed  ordered  that  he  should  be  taken  into  the 
monastery  of  the  holy  martyr  Erasmus  to  be  cared  for. 
His  chamberlain  Albinus  succeeded,  however,  in  letting  him 
down  over  the  wall  at  night,  whereupon  Duke  Winigis  of 
Spoleto,  who  had  hurried  to  Rome  on  hearing  of  this  deed 


The  mas- 
sacre of 
Verden  (782). 


56.  Circum- 
stances 
of  Charle- 
magne’s 
coronation 
as  emperor. 
(From  the 
so-called 
Annals  of 
Einhard.) 

Maltreat- 
ment of  Pope 
Leo  by  the 
Romans. 


Charlemagne 
reinstates 
Pope  Leo. 


132  Readings  in  E2Lropca7i  History 

of  sacrilege,  took  him  into  his  charge  and  carried  him  to 
Spoleto. 

When  the  king  [Charlemagne]  received  news  of  this  occur- 
rence, he  gave  orders  that  the  Roman  pope,  the  successor  of 
St.  Peter,  should  be  brought  to  him,  with  all  due  honor.  He 
did  not,  however,  give  up  on  this  account  the  expedition  into 
Saxony  which  he  had  undertaken.  He  held  a general  assem- 
bly at  a place  called  Lippeham,  on  the  Rhine  ; he  then  crossed 
the  river  and  pushed  on  with  his  entire  army  to  Paderborn, 
where  he  set  up  his  camp  and  awaited  the  pope.  In  the 
meantime  he  sent  his  son  Charles,  with  a part  of  the  army, 
to  the  Elbe  to  settle  certain  matters  with  the  Wilzer  and 
Abodrites  and  to  receive  into  his  charge  certain  of  the  North 
Saxons. 

While  he  was  awaiting  his  son’s  return,  the  pope  arrived, 
was  honorably  received,  and  remained  several  days  with  him. 
After  he  had  laid  before  the  king  all  the  reasons  for  his 
coming,  he  was  accompanied  back  to  Rome  by  the  king’s 
ambassadors  and  reinstated  in  his  authority  there. 

After  the  pope’s  departure,  the  king  remained  several  days 
longer  and  finished  his  business  with  Daniel,  ambassador  of 
the  Patrician  Michael  of  Sicily.  He  received  also  the  sad 
news  of  the  undoing  of  Gerold  and  Eric  ; the  one,  Gerold, 
governor  of  Bavaria,  lost  his  life  in  a battle  with  the  Huns 
and  was  buried  in  Reichenau;  the  other,  Eric,  after  many 
battles  and  brilliant  victories,  met  his  death  through  the 
treachery  of  the  inhabitants  of  Tersat,^  a town  of  Liburnia. 
When  affairs  in  Saxony  had  been  as  well  ordered  as  time 
would  permit,  the  king  returned  again  to  Francia. 

In  the  winter,  which  was  spent  in  Aix-la-Chapelle,  came 
Count  Wido,  count  and  governor  of  the  border  land  of 
Brittany,  who,  during  this  year,  and  in  alliance  with  other 
counts,  had  traversed  the  whole  territory  of  the  Bretons,  and 
now  brought  to  the  king  the  arms  of  the  dukes  who  had 
submitted  themselves,  with  their  several  names  inscribed 
thereon.  It  appeared  at  that  time  as  if  that  whole  country 


1 Near  Fiume. 


133 


Charlemagne 

was  completely  subjugated;  and  so  it  would  have  been  had 
not  the  fickleness  of  its  faithless  people  soon  changed  all 
this,  as  usual. 

Trophies  of  victory  were  also  brought  which  had  been 
taken  from  Moorish  robbers  killed  on  the  island  of  Majorca. 
The  Saracen,  Azan,  governor  of  Oska,  sent  to  the  king  the 
keys  of  that  city,  together  with  other  gifts,  and  promised  to 
give  the  town  over  to  him  whenever  opportunity  should  offer. 
Moreover,  a monk  came  from  Jerusalem,  bringing  to  the 
king  the  blessing  of  the  Patriarch  and  certain  relics  from 
the  place  of  the  resurrection  of  our  Lord.  The  king  spent 
Christmas  in  his  palace  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  When  the  monk 
desired  to  return  home,  he  gave  him,  as  a companion, 
Zacharias,  a priest  of  his  palace,  and  sent,  besides,  pious 
gifts  to  the  holy  places. 

A.D.  800 

When  spring  came  again,  about  the  middle  of  March,  the 
king  left  Aix-la-Chapelle  and  journeyed  toward  the  coast  of 
Gaul.  Off  this  coast,  which  was  being  devastated  by  the 
piratical  Northmen,  he  built  and  manned  a fleet.  Easter  he 
celebrated  in  St.  Riquier  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Richard.  From 
here  he  traveled  along  the  coast  to  the  city  of  Rouen, 
where  he  crossed  the  Seine  and  betook  himself  to  Tours  in 
order  to  perform  his  devotions  at  the  shrine  of  St.  Martin. 
On  account  of  the  illness  of  his  wife,  Luitgarda,  who  died 
and  was  buried  here,  he  was  forced  to  remain  some  days  in 
this  place;  she  died  on  the  4th  of  June.  From  here  he  re- 
turned, by  way  of  Orleans  and  Paris,  to  Aix-la-Chapelle  ; 
early  in  August  he  reached  Mayence,  where  he  held  a diet 
and  announced  his  intended  journey  to  Italy. 

From  Mayence  he  went  with  his  army  to  Ravenna,  where 
he  stayed  only  seven  days  and  whence  he  dispatched  his 
son  Pippin,  with  the  army,  into  the  country  of  Beneventum. 
He  and  his  son  left  Ravenna  together,  but  at  Ancona  they 
parted  company  and  he  betook  himself  to  Rome. 

On  the  very  day  of  his  arrival  Pope  Leo  went  to  meet  him 
at  Momentum.  He  received  the  pope  with  great  reverence. 


134 


Readings  in  European  History 


and  they  dined  together.  Then  he  remained  behind  while  the 
pope  returned  to  the  city  in  order  that  he  might  be  waiting 
to  receive  him  the  next  morning  on  the  steps  of  St.  Peter’s, 
together  with  the  bishops  and  all  the  clergy. 

When  he  appeared  and  dismounted  from  his  horse,  the 
pope  received  him  with  gratitude  and  thanksgiving  and  con- 
ducted him  into  the  church,  while  all  the  people  glorified 
God  in  hymns  of  praise.  This  was  on  the  24th  day  of 
November.  Seven  days  later,  the  king  publicly  proclaimed, 
in  an  assembly  which  he  had  called  together,  all  the  reasons 
why  he  had  come  to  Rome,  and  thenceforth  he  labored 
daily  to  carry  out  all  that  he  had  come  to  do. 

He  began  with  the  most  serious  and  difficult  matter, 
namely,  the  investigation  into  the  offenses  of  which  the  pope 
had  been  accused.  But  since  no  one  could  be  found  who  was 
willing  to  substantiate  the  charges,  the  pope,  carrying  the 
Gospels  in  his  hand,  mounted  the  pulpit  in  St.  Peter’s  and 
before  all  the  people,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Holy  Trinity, 
took  an  oath  to  clear  himself  from  the  crimes  imputed  to  him. 

On  the  same  day  Zacharias,  the  priest  whom  the  king  had 
dispatched  to  Jerusalem,  arrived  at  Rome  with  two  monks 
sent  to  the  king  by  the  Patriarch.  By  way  of  a blessing, 
they  brought  with  them  the  keys  to  the  sepulcher  of  our  Lord 
and  to  the  place  of  Calvary,  together  with  an  ensign.  The 
king  received  them  graciously,  kept  them  as  his  guests  for 
some  days,  and  when  they  were  ready  to  return,  dismissed 
them  with  gifts. 


A.D.  801 

On  the  most  holy  day  of  the  birth  of  our  Lord,  the  king 
went  to  mass  at  St.  Peter’s,  and  as  he  knelt  in  prayer  before 
the  altar  Pope  Leo  set  a crown  upon  his  head,  while  all  the 
Roman  populace  cried  aloud,  “ Long  life  and  victory  to 
the  mighty  Charles,  the  great  and  pacific  Emperor  of  the 
Romans,  crowned  of  God  ! After  he  had  been  thus 
acclaimed,  the  pope  did  homage  to  him,  as  had  been  the 
custom  with  the  early  rulers,  and  henceforth  he  dropped  the 
title  of  Patrician  and  was  called  Emperor  and  Augustus.  . . . 


Charlemagne 


135 


IV.  Charlemagne’s  Way  of  raising  Troops 

The  following  provisions  are  taken  from  three  differ- 
ent capitularies  issued  after  Charlemagne  became 
emperor. 

If  any  free  man,  out  of  contempt  for  our  command,  shall 
have  presumed  to  remain  at  home  when  the  others  go  to 
war,  let  him  know  that  he  ought  to  pay  the  full  hari  bannum 
according  to  the  law  of  the  Franks,  — that  is,  sixty  solidu 
Likewise,  also,  for  contempt  of  single  capitularies  which  we 
have  promulgated  by  our  royal  authority,  — that  is,  any  one 
who  shall  have  broken  the  peace  decreed  for  the  churches 
of  God,  widows,  orphans,  wards,  and  the  weak  shall  pay  the 
fine  of  sixty  solidi. 

If  any  one  shall  have  shown  himself  so  contumacious  or 
haughty  as  to  leave  the  army  and  return  home  without  the 
command  or  permission  of  the  king,  — that  is,  if  he  is  guilty 
of  what  we  call  in  the  German  language  herisliz^ — he  him- 
self, as  a criminal,  shall  incur  the  peril  of  losing  his  life,  and 
his  property  shall  be  confiscated  for  our  treasury. 

Every  free  man  who  has  four  mansi^^  of  his  own  property, 
or  as  a benefice  from  any  one,  shall  equip  himself  and  go 
to  the  army,  either  with  his  lord,  if  the  lord  goes,  or  with  his 
count.  He  who  has  three  mansi  of  his  own  property  shall 
be  joined  to  a man  who  has  one  mansus^  and  shall  aid  him 
so  that  he  may  serve  for  both.  He  who  has  only  two  mansi 
of  his  own  property  shall  be  joined  to  another  who  likewise 
has  two  ma7isi^  and  one  of  them,  with  the  aid  of  the  other, 
shall  go  to  the  army.  He  who  has  only  one  mansus  of  his 
own  shall  be  joined  to  one  of  three  men  who  have  the  same 
and  shall  aid  him,  and  the  latter  shall  go  alone;  the  three 
who  have  aided  him  shall  remain  at  home. 

Concerning  going  to  the  army  : the  count  in  his  county 
under  penalty  of  the  ban,  and  each  man  under  penalty  of 

1 This  capitulary  was  addressed  to  Charlemagne’s  officials  in  Italy. 

2 A mansus  contained  about  135  acres. 


57.  The 

Heerbann, 
or  fine  for 
refusing  to 
join  the 
army  (801). 


Concerning 

deserters. 


58.  The 
wealthier 
landholders 
are  'required 
to  go  to  the 
army  in 
person;  the 
poorer,  to 
help  equip  a 
soldier  (808). 


59.  Nature 
of  the  sup- 
plies for 
the  army. 


136 


Readings  in  European  History 


sixty  solidi,  shall  go  to  the  army,  so  that  they  come  to  the 
appointed  muster  at  that  place  where  it  is  ordered.  And  the 
count  himself  shall  see  in  what  manner  they  are  prepared ; 
that  is,  each  one  shall  have  a lance,  shield,  bow  with  two 
strings,  and  twelve  arrows.  And  the  bishops,  counts,  and 
abbots  shall  oversee  their  own  men  and  shall  come  on  the 
day  of  the  appointed  muster  and  there  show  how  they  are 
prepared. 

The  equipments  of  the  king  shall  be  carried  in  carts,  also 
the  equipments  of  the  bishops,  counts,  abbots,  and  nobles  of 
the  king ; flour,  wine,  pork,  and  victuals  in  abundance,  mills, 
adzes,  axes,  augers,  slings,  and  men  who  know  how  to  use 
these  well.  And  the  marshals  of  the  king  shall  add  stones 
for  these  on  twenty  beasts  of  burden,  if  there  is  need.  And 
each  one  shall  be  prepared  for  the  army  and  shall  have  plenty 
of  all  utensils.  And  each  count  shall  save  two  parts  of  the 
fodder  in  his  county  for  the  army’s  use,  and  he  shall  main- 
tain good  bridges  and  good  boats. 


60.  Charle- 
magne’s 
letter  to 
Abbot  Ful- 
rad,  sum- 
moning him 
to  join  the 
muster. 


In  the  name  of  the  Father^  Son^  and  Holy  Spirit^  Charles^ 
serene  and  august^  crowned  by  God  great  and  pacific  Em- 
peror^ and  by  God^s  mercy  King  of  the  F^'a^tks  and  the  Lom- 
bards^ to  Fulrad  the  Abbot : 

Be  it  known  to  you  that  we  have  decided  to  hold  our 
general  assembly  for  this  year  in  the  eastern  part  of  Saxony, 
on  the  river  Bode,  at  the  place  which  is  called  Strassfurt. 
Wherefore  we  do  command  thee  that  thou  come  to  this 
place  with  thy  full  quota  of  men,  well  armed  and  equipped, 
on  the  fifteenth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  July,  which  is 
seven  days  before  the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  Then 
shalt  thou  come  to  the  aforesaid  place,  with  thy  men  ready, 
so  that  thou  canst  go  in  military  array  in  any  direction 
whither  our  command  shall  send  thee. 

Thou  shalt  have  arms  and  gear,  and  warlike  instruments, 
and  food  and  clothing.  Each  horseman  shall  have  a shield, 
lance,  sword,  dagger,  bow,  and  quivers  with  arrows.  In  the 
carts  ye  shall  have  implements  of  divers  kinds:  axes,  planes, 
augers,  boards,  spades,  iron  shovels,  and  other  tools  of  which 


Charlemagne 


137 


an  army  has  need.  In  the  carts  you  must  also  have  sup- 
plies of  food  for  three  months,  dating  from  the  time  of  the 
assembly,  and  arms  and  clothing  for  a half  year.  We  order 
you  to  attend  carefully  to  all  these  things  so  that  you  may 
proceed  peacefully  to  the  aforesaid  place.  For  through 
whatever  part  of  our  realm  your  journey  shall  take  you,  you 
shall  not  presume  to  take  anything  but  fodder,  food,  and 
water.  Let  the  men  of  each  one  of  your  vassals  march 
along  with  the  carts  and  horsemen,  and  let  the  leader  always 
be  with  them  until  they  reach  the  aforesaid  place,  so  that 
the  absence  of  a lord  may  not  give  to  his  men  an  opportunity 
of  doing  evil.  . . . 


V.  Charlemagne’s  Income  from  his  Farms 


We  desire  that  each  steward  shall  make  an  annual  state- 
ment of  all  our  income,  giving  an  account  of  our  lands  culti- 
vated by  the  oxen  which  our  own  plowmen  drive  and  of  our 
lands  which  the  tenants  of  farms  ought  to  plow  ; of  the  pigs, 
of  the  rents,  of  the  obligations  and  fines;  of  the  game  taken 
in  our  forests  without  our  permission ; of  the  various  composi- 
tions ; of  the  mills,  of  the  forest,  of  the  fields,  of  the  bridges 
and  ships  ; of  the  free  men  and  the  districts  under  obligations 
to  our  treasury;  of  markets,  vineyards,  and  those  who  owe 
wine  to  us;  of  the  hay,  firewood,  torches,  planks,  and  other 
kinds  of  lumber;  of  the  waste  lands;  of  the  vegetables,  mil- 
let, panic;  of  the  wool,  flax,  and  hemp;  of  the  fruits  of  the 
trees ; of  the  nut  trees,  larger  and  smaller ; of  the  grafted 
trees  of  all  kinds ; of  the  gardens  ; of  the  turnips ; of  the 
fish  ponds ; of  the  hides,  skins,  and  horns  ; of  the  honey 
and  wax  ; of  the  fat,  tallow,  and  soap  ; of  the  mulberry  wine, 
cooked  wine,  mead,  vinegar,  beer,  and  wine,  new  and  old;  of 
the  new  grain  and  the  old ; of  the  hens  and  eggs ; of  the 
geese ; of  the  number  of  fishermen,  workers  in  metal,  sword 
makers,  and  shoemakers  ; of  the  bins  and  boxes  ; of  the  turn- 
ers and  saddlers;  of  the  forges  and  mines,  — that  is,  of  iron, 
lead,  or  other  substances ; of  the  colts  and  fillies.  They 
shall  make  all  these  known  to  us,  set  forth  separately  and  in 


61.  Extracts 
from  the 
Capitulary 
de  Villis, 
issued  in 
the  year  800 
or  earlier. 


138  Readings  in  Eicropean  History 

order,  at  Christmas,  so  that, we  may  know  what  and  how 
much  of  each  thing  we  have. 

The  greatest  care  must  be  taken  that  whatever  is  prepared 
or  made  with  the  hands,  — that  is,  bacon,  smoked  meat,  sau- 
sage,^ partially  salted  meat,  wine,  vinegar,  mulberry  wine, 
cooked  wine,  garum,^  mustard,  cheese,  butter,  malt,  beer, 
mead,  honey,  wax,  flour,  — all  should  be  prepared  and  made 
with  the  greatest  cleanliness. 

Each  steward  on  each  of  our  domains  shall  always  have, 
for  the  sake  of  ornament,  peacocks,  pheasants,  ducks,  pig- 
eons, partridges,  and  turtle-doves. 

In  each  of  our  estates  the  chambers  shall  be  provided 
with  counterpanes,  cushions,  pillows,  bedclothes,  coverings 
for  the  tables  and  benches;  vessels  of  brass,  lead,  iron,  and 
wood;  andirons,  chains,  pothooks,  adzes  axes,  augers,  cut- 
lasses, and  all  other  kinds  of  tools,  so  that  it  shall  never  be 
necessary  to  go  elsewhere  for  them,  or  to  borrow  them.  And 
the  weapons  which  are  carried  against  the  enemy  shall  be 
well  cared  for,  so  as  to  keep  them  in  good  condition;  and 
when  they  are  brought  back  they  shall  be  placed  in  the 
chamber. 

For  our  women’s  work  they  are  to  give  at  the  proper  time, 
as  has  been  ordered,  the  materials,  — that  is,  the  linen,  wool, 
woad,  vermilion,  madder,  wool  combs,  teasels,  soap,  grease, 
vessels,  and  the  other  objects  which  are  necessary. 

Of  the  kinds  of  food  not  forbidden  on  fast  days,  two  thirds 
shall  be  sent  each  year  for  our  own  use,  — that  is,  of  the  vege- 
tables, fish,  cheese,  butter,  honey,  mustard,  vinegar,  millet, 
panic,  dried  and  green  herbs,  radishes,  and,  in  addition,  of 
the  wax,  soap,  and  other  small  products ; and  let  it  be  re- 
ported to  us,  by  a statement,  how  much  is  left,  as  we  have 
said  above;  and  this  statement  must  not  be  omitted  as  in 
the  past,  because  after  those  two  thirds  we  wish  to  know 
how  much  remains. 

1 Some  of  the  many  names  of  products  here  given  are  of  uncertain 
meaning. 

2 A kind  of  drink  made  of  salt  fish. 


Charlemagfie  13^ 

Each  steward  shall  have  in  his  district  good  workmen, 
namely,  blacksmiths,  a goldsmith,  a silversmith,  shoemakers, 
turners,  carpenters,  sword  makers,  fishermen,  toilers,  soap 
makers,  men  who  know  how  to  make  beer,  cider,  perry,  or 
other  kind  of  liquor  good  to  drink,  bakers  to  make  pastry 
for  our  table,  net  makers  who  know  how  to  make  nets  for 
hunting,  fishing,  and  fowling,  and  other  sorts  of  workmen  too 
numerous  to  be  designated. 

VI.  Charlemagne’s  Ideals  of  Government 

In  the  elaborate  instructions  for  the  missi  we  have 
the  fullest  statemept  of  the  tasks  of  government  which 
devolved  upon  Charlemagne,  and  of  the  various  offenses 
which  he  foresaw  and  for  which  he  deemed  it  especially 
necessary  to  provide. 

The  most  serene  and  most  Christian  lord  emperor  Charles 
has  chosen  from  his  nobles  the  wisest  and  most  prudent  men, 
archbishops  and  some  of  the  other  bishops  also,  together 
with  venerable  abbots  and  pious  laymen,  and  has  sent  them 
throughout  his  whole  kingdom;  through  them  he  would  have 
all  the  various  classes  of  persons  mentioned  in  the  following 
sections  live  strictly  in  accordance  with  the  law.  Moreover, 
where  anything  which  is  not  right  and  just  has  been  enacted 
in  the  law,  he  has  ordered  them  to  inquire  into  this  most 
diligently  and  to  inform  him  of  it ; he  desires,  God  granting, 
to  reform  it. 

And  let  no  one,  through  cunning  craft,  dare  to  oppose  or 
thwart  the  written  law,  as  many  are  wont  to  do,  or  the  judi- 
cial sentence  passed  upon  him ; or  to  do  injury  to  the 
churches  of  God,  or  the  poor,  or  the  widows,  or  the  wards, 
cr  any  Christian.  But  all  shall  live  entirely  in  accordance 
>vith  God’s  precept,  justly  and  under  a just  rule,  and  each 
:>ne  shall  be  admonished  to  live  in  harmony  with  his  fellows 
n his  business  or  profession.  The  canonical  clergy  ought 
0 observe  in  every  respect  a canonical  life  without  heeding 


62.  Extracts 
from  the 
general 
capitulary 
for  the  missi 
(802). 


General 
duties  of 
the  77iissi, 


All  required 
to  take  an 
oath  of  fidel- 
ity to  Charle- 
magne as 
emperor. 


What  the 
oath  to  the 
emperor 
included. 


140  Readings  in  European  History 

base  gain ; nuns  ought  to  keep  diligent  watch  over  their 
lives  ; laymen  and  the  secular  clergy  ought  rightly  to  observe 
their  laws  without  malicious  fraud ; and  all  ought  to  live  in 
mutual  charity  and  perfect  peace. 

And  let  the  missi  themselves  make  a diligent  investigation 
whenever  any  man  claims  that  an  injustice  has  been  done  to 
him  by  any  one,  just  as  they  desire  to  deserve  the  grace  of 
omnipotent  God  and  to  keep  their  fidelity  pledged  to  him,  so 
that  in  all  cases,  everywhere,  they  shall,  in  accordance  with 
the  will  and  fear  of  God,  administer  the  law  fully  and  justly 
in  the  case  of  the  holy  churches  of  God  and  of  the  poor,  of 
wards  and  widows,  and  of  the  whole  people.  And  if  there 
shall  be  anything  of  such  a nature  that  they,  together  with 
the  provincial  counts,  are  not  able  of  themselves  to  correct  it 
and  to  do  justice  concerning  it,  they  shall,  without  any  reser- 
vations, refer  this,  together  with  their  reports,  to  the  judgment 
of  the  emperor.  The  straight  path  of  justice  shall  not  be 
impeded  by  any  one  on  account  of  flattery  or  gifts,  or  on 
account  of  any  relationship,  or  from  fear  of  the  powerful. 

Concerning  the  fidelity  to  be  promised  to  the  lord  emperor: 
he  has  commanded  that  every  man  in  his  whole  kingdom, 
whether  ecclesiastic  or  layman,  each  according  to  his  vow 
and  occupation,  shall  now  pledge  to  him  as  emperor  the 
fidelity  which  he  has  previously  promised  to  him  as  king; 
and  all  of  those  who  have  not  yet  taken  any  oath  shall  do 
likewise,  down  to  those  who  are  twelve  years  old. 

And  that  it  shall  be  announced  to  all  in  public,  so  that 
each  one  may  know,  how  great  and  how  many  things  are  com- 
prehended in  that  oath;  not  merely,  as  many  have  thought 
hitherto,  fidelity  to  the  lord  emperor  as  regards  his  life,  and 
not  introducing  any  enemy  into  his  kingdom  out  of  enmity, 
and  not  consenting  to,  or  concealing  another’s  faithlessness 
to  him;  but  that  all  may  know  that  this  oath  contains  in  itself 
the  following  meaning: 

First,  that  each  one  voluntarily  shall  strive,  in  accordance 
with  his  knowledge  and  ability,  to  live  entirely  in  the  holy 
service  of  God  in  accordance  with  the  precept  of  God  and  in 


Cha  rlemagne  1 4 1 

accordance  with  his  own  promise,  because  the  lord  emperor 
is  unable  to  give  to  all  individually  the  necessary  care  and 
discipline. 

Secondly,  that  no  man,  either  through  perjury  or  any  other 
wile  or  fraud,  or  on  account  of  the  flattery  or  gift  of  any 
one,  shall  refuse  to  give  back  or  dare  to  abstract  or  conceal 
a serf  of  the  lord  emperor,  or  a district,  or  land,  or  anything 
that  belongs  to  him ; and  that  no  one  shall  presume,  through 
perjury  or  other  wile,  to  conceal  or  abstract  his  fugitive  serfs 
belonging  to  the  fisc,  who  wrongly  and  fraudulently  claim 
that  they  are  free. 

That  no  one  shall  presume  to  rob  or  in  any  way  do 
injury  fraudulently  to  the  churches  of  God,  or  to  widows  or 
orphans  or  pilgrims;  for  the  lord  emperor  himself,  after 
God  and  his  saints,  has  constituted  himself  their  protector 
and  defender. 

That  no  one  shall  dare  to  lay  waste  a benefice  of  the  lord 
emperor,  or  to  make  it  his  own  property. 

That  no  one  shall  presume  to  neglect  a summons  to  war 
from  the  lord  emperor;  and  that  no  one  of  the  counts  shall 
be  so  presumptuous  as  to  dare  to  excuse  any  one  of  those 
who  owe  military  service,  either  on  account  of  relationship, 
or  flattery,  or  gifts  from  any  one. 

That  no  one  shall  presume  to  impede  in  any  way  a ban 
or  command  of  the  lord  emperor,  or  to  dally  with  his  work, 
or  to  impede  or  to  lessen  or  in  any  way  to  act  contrary  to  his 
will  or  commands.  And  that  no  one  shall  dare  to  neglect  to 
pay  his  dues  or  tax. 

That  no  one,  for  any  reason,  shall  make  a practice  in 
court  of  defending  another  unjustly,  either  from  any  desire 
of  gain  when  the  cause  is  weak,  or  by  impeding  a just  judg- 
ment by  his  skill  in  reasoning,  or  by  a desire  of  oppressing 
when  the  cause  is  weak.  . . . 

The  oath  to  the  emperor  should  include  the  observance  of 
all  those  things  mentioned  above. 

Bishops  and  priests  shall  live  according  to  the  canons  and 
shall  teach  others  to  do  the  same. 


Duties  of 
prelates. 


142 


Readings  in  Europea7i  History 


Duties  of 
the  monks 


The  clergy 
shall  not 
hunt. 


Bishops,  abbots,  and  abbesses,  who  are  in  charge  of  others, 
shall  strive  with  the  greatest  devotion  to  surpass  those  sub- 
ject to  them  in  this  diligence  and  shall  not  oppress  those 
subject  to  them  with  a harsh  rule  of  tyranny,  but  with  sincere 
love  shall  carefully  guard  the  flock  committed  to  them  with 
mercy  and  charity  and  by  the  examples  of  good  works.  . . . 

The  monks  shall  live  sincerely  and  strictly  in  accordance 
with  the  rule,  because  we  know  that  any  one  whose  good 
will  is  lukewarm  is  displeasing  to  God,  as  John  bears  wit- 
ness in  the  Apocalypse : ‘‘  I would  thou  wert  cold  or  hot. 
So  then  because  thou  art  lukewarm,  and  neither  cold  nor 
hot,  I will  spew  thee  out  of  my  mouth.”  Let  them  in  no 
way  usurp  to  themselves  secular  business.  They  shall  not 
have  leave  to  go  outside  of  their  monastery  at  all,  unless 
compelled  by  a very  great  necessity;  but  the  bishop  in  whose 
diocese  they  are  shall  take  care  in  every  way  that  they  do 
not  get  accustomed  to  wandering  outside  of  the  monastery. 
But  if  it  shall  be  necessary  for  a monk  to  go  outside  in  obe- 
dience to  a command,  this  shall  be  done  with  the  counsel 
and  consent  of  the  bishop.  Such  persons  shall  be  sent  out 
with  a certificate,  that  there  may  be  no  suspicion  of  evil  in 
them  and  that  no  evil  report  may  arise  from  them. 

To  manage  the  property  and  business  outside  of  the  mon- 
astery, the  abbot,  with  the  permission  and  counsel  of  the 
bishop,  shall  appoint  some  person  who  is  not  a monk,  but 
another  of  the  faithful.  Let  the  monks  wholly  shun  secular 
gain  or  a desire  for  worldly  affairs  ; for  avarice  or  a desire  for 
this  world  ought  to  be  avoided  by  all  Christians,  but  espe- 
cially by  those  who  claim  to  have  renounced  the  world  and 
its  lusts.  Let  no  one  presume  in  any  way  to  incite  strife  or 
controversies,  either  within  or  without  the  monastery.  But 
if  any  one  shall  have  presumed  to  do  so,  he  shall  be  cor- 
rected by  the  most  severe  discipline  of  the  rule,  and  in  such 
a manner  that  others  shall  fear  to  commit  such  actions.  Let 
them  entirely  shun  drunkenness  and  feasting,  because  it  is 
known  to  all  that  these  give  rise  to  lust.  . . . 

Let  no  bishops,  abbots,  priests,  deacons,  or  other  mem- 
bers of  the  clergy  presume  to  keep  dogs  for  hunting,  or 


Charlemagne 


143 


hawks,  falcons,  and  sparrow  hawks,  but  each  shall  observe 
fully  the  canons  or  rule  of  his  order.  If  any  one  shall  pre- 
sume to  violate  this  order,  let  him  know  that  he  shall  lose  his 
office ; and  in  addition  he  shall  suffer  such  punishment  for 
his  offense  that  the  others  will  be  afraid  to  appropriate  such 
things  for  themselves.  . . . 

And  we  command  that  no  one  in  our  whole  kingdom  shall 
dare  to  deny  hospitality  either  to  rich  or  poor,  or  to  pil- 
grims ; that  is,  no  one  shall  deny  shelter  and  fire  and  water 
to  pilgrims  traversing  our  country  in  God’s  name,  or  to  any 
one  traveling  for  the  love  of  God  or  for  the  safety  of  his 
own  soul.  If,  moreover,  any  one  shall  wish  to  serve  them 
farther,  let  him  expect  the  best  reward  from  God,  who  him- 
self said,  “And  whoso  shall  receive  one  such  little  child  in 
my  name  receiveth  me”;  and  elsewhere,  “ I was  a stranger, 
and  ye  took  me  in.” 


All  shall  pro- 
vide for  the 
stranger. 


Concerning  messengers  coming  from  the  lord  emperor  : 
the  counts  and  centena7‘ii  shall  provide  most  carefully,  as 
they  desire  the  grace  of  the  lord  emperor,  for  the  missi  who 
are  sent  out,  so  that  they  may  go  through  their  provinces 
without  any  delay.  The  emperor  commands  all,  everywhere, 
to  see  to  it  that  the  missi  are  not  hindered  anywhere,  but  are 
sent  forward  with  the  utmost  dispatch  and  provided  with 
such  things  as  they  may  require.  . . . 

In  our  forests  no  one  shall  dare  to  steal  our  game.  This 
has  already  been  many  times  forbidden;  we  now  again  strictly 
forbid  it  for  the  future.  If  one  would  keep  his  fidelity  pledged 
to  us,  let  him  take  heed  to  his  conduct.  . . . 

Finally,  we  desire  that  all  our  commands  should  be  made 
known  throughout  our  whole  realm  by  means  of  the  missi 
now  sent  forth,  whether  these  commands  be  directed  to  those 
connected  with  the  Church  — bishops,  abbots,  priests,  dea- 
cons, canons,  monks  or  nuns  — with  a view  of  securing  the 
observance  of  our  ban  or  decrees,  or  whether  we  would  duly 
thank  the  citizens  for  their  good  will,  or  request  them  to 
furnish  aid,  or  to  correct  some  matter.  . . . 


The  counts 
to  aid  the 
7nissi, 


No  one  to 
disturb  the 
royal  game. 


Various  pur- 
poses of  the 
orders  sent 
out  by  the 
missi. 


63.  Charle- 
magne’s 
letter  on  the 
dangers  of 
ignorance. 


144  Readings  in  European  History 

VII.  Charlemagne’s  Anxiety  to  improve  Education 

Charlemagne's  attitude  toward  the  ignorance  of  many 
of  the  churchmen  of  his  time  and  his  appreciation  of 
the  advantages  of  elementary  education  are  most  fully 
expressed  in  a famous  letter  written  some  time  between 
780  and  800. 

Charles^  by  the  grace  of  God,  King  of  the  Franks  and  Lombards 
and  Patrician  of  the  Romans,  to  Abbot  Baugulf,  and  to  all 
the  congregation,  also  to  the  faithful  committed  to  you,  we 
have  directed  a loving  greeting  by  our  messengers  in  the  name 
of  omnipote7it  God : 

Be  it  known,  therefore,  to  your  Devotion  pleasing  to  God, 
that  we,  together  with  our  faithful,  have  considered  it  to  be 
expedient  that  the  bishoprics  and  monasteries  intrusted  by 
the  favor  of  Christ  to  our  government,  in  addition  to  the  rule 
of  monastic  life  and  the  intercourse  of  holy  religion,  ought  to 
be  zealous  also  in  the  culture  of  letters,  teaching  those  who 
by  the  gift  of  God  are  able  to  learn,  according  to  the  capacity 
of  each  individual;  so  that  just  as  the  observance  of  the 
monastic  rule  imparts  order  and  grace  to  moral  conduct, 
so  also  zeal  in  teaching  and  learning  may  do  the  same  for 
the  use  of  words,  so  that  those  who  desire  to  please  God 
by  living  rightly  should  not  neglect  to  please  him  also  by 
speaking  correctly.  For  it  is  written,  ‘‘  Either  from  thy 
words  thou  shalt  be  justified,  or  from  thy  words  thou  shalt 
be  condemned.” 

Although  it  is  better  to  do  the  right  than  know  it,  neverthe- 
less knowledge  should  precede  action.  Therefore,  each  one 
ought  to  study  what  he  would  accomplish,  so  that  the  mind 
may  the  better  know  what  ought  to  be  done,  if  the  tongue 
utters  the  praises  of  omnipotent  God  without  the  hindrances 
of  errors.  For  if  errors  should  be  shunned  by  all  men,  so 
much  the  more  ought  they  to  be  avoided,  as  far  as  possible, 
by  those  who  are  chosen  for  the  very  purpose  that  they  may 
be  the  servants  of  truth. 


Charlemagne 


145 


Yet,  in  recent  years,  when  letters  have  been  written  to  us 
from  various  monasteries  to  inform  us  that  the  brethren  who 
dwelt  there  were  offering  up  in  our  behalf  holy  and  pious 
prayers,  we  noted  in  most  of  these  letters  correct  thoughts 
but  uncouth  expressions  ; for  what  pious  devotion  dictated 
faithfully  to  the  mind,  the  tongue,  uneducated  on  account  of 
the  neglect  of  study,  was  not  able  to  express  without  error. 
We,  therefore,  began  to  fear  lest  perchance,  as  the  skill  in 
writing  was  wanting,  so  also  the  wisdom  for  understand- 
ing the  Holy  Scriptures  might  be  much  less  than  it  rightly 
ought  to  be.  And  we  all  know  well  that,  although  errors  of 
speech  are  dangerous,  far  more  dangerous  are  errors  of  the 
understanding. 

Therefore,  we  exhort  you  not  only  not  to  neglect  the 
study  of  letters,  but  also  with  most  humble  mind,  pleasing 
to  God,  to  pursue  it  earnestly  in  order  that  you  may  be 
able  more  easily  and  more  correctly  to  penetrate  the  mys- 
teries of  the  divine  Scriptures.  Since,  moreover,  figures  of 
speech,  tropes,  and  the  like  are  found  in  the  sacred  pages,  it 
cannot  be  doubted  that  in  reading  these  one  will  understand 
the  spiritual  sense  more  quickly  if  previously  he  shall  have 
been  fully  instructed  in  the  mastery  of  letters.  Such  men 
truly  are  to  be  chosen  for  this  work  as  have  both  the  will  and 
the  ability  to  learn  and  a desire  to  instruct  others.  And 
may  this  be  done  with  a zeal  as  great  as  the  earnestness 
with  which  we  command  it. 

One  of  the  chapters  addressed  to  the  clergy  in  a 
general  ‘‘admonition’'  issued  in  789  supplements  the 
preceding  letter  as  follows  : 

. . . Let  the  ministers  of  the  altar  of  God  adorn  their 
[j  ministry  by  good  manners,  and  likewise  the  other  orders 
who  observe  a rule,  and  the  congregations  of  monks.  We 
! implore  them  to  lead  a just  and  fitting  life,  just  as  God 
:|  himself  commanded  in  the  gospel.  “ Let  your  light  so 
j-  shine  before  men,  that  they  may  see  your  good  works,  and 
I glorify  your  Father  which  is  in  heaven/’  so  that  by  our 


64.  Charle- 
magne com- 
mands that 
schools  be 
established 
by  the 
bishops 
and  in  the 
monasteries. 


146 


Readings  in  European  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


example  many  may  be  led  to  serve  God.  Let  them  join  and 
associate  to  themselves  not  only  children  of  servile  condi- 
tion, but  also  sons  of  freemen.  And  let  schools  be  estab- 
lished in  which  boys  may  learn  to  read.  Correct  carefully 
the  Psalms,  the  signs  in  writing,  the  songs,  the  calendar, 
the  grammar,  in  each  monastery  or  bishopric,  and  the 
Catholic  books ; because  often  men  desire  to  pray  to  God 
properly,  but  they  pray  badly  because  of  the  incorrect  books. 
And  do  not  permit  mere  boys  to  corrupt  them  in  reading 
or  writing.  If  there  is  need  of  writing  the  Gospel,  Psalter, 
and  Missal,  let  men  of  mature  age  do  the  writing  with  all 
diligence. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Summary  of  the  Work  of  Charlemagne : Adams,  Civiliza- 
tion, pp.  154-169. 

The  Conquests:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  179;  Emerton,  Intro- 
duction, Chapter  XIII,  pp.  180-213  and  232-235;  Henderson,  Germany 
ht  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  56-70 ; Short  History  of  Germa^ty,  pp.  26-30  ; 
Oman,  Chapters  XX-XXI,  pp.  335-368. 

Capitulary  for  the  Saxons : Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  VI, 
No.  5,  pp.  2-5. 

The  Revival  of  the  Empire  : Bemont  and  Monod,  p.  203  ; Bryce, 
Holy  Roman  Empire,  Chapters  IV-V,  pp.  34-75;  Emerton,  pp.  214- 
227  ; Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  71-79  ; Short  His- 
tory of  Germany,  pp.  30-35  ; Munro,  History  of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  9- 
18;  Oman,  pp.  369-379. 

Division  of  the  Empire  in  806  : Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  VI, 
No.  5,  pp.  27-33. 

The  Revival  of  Culture  : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  203-206  ; Emer- 
ton, pp.  227-232 ; Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  79- 
81  ; Short  History  of  Germany,  pp.  35-38;  Oman,  pp.  379-382. 

Letter  of  Alcuin  on  Education  : Sources  of  Ettglish  History, 

pp.  16-19. 

Davis,  Charlemagne,  1900. 

Mombert,  a History  of  Cha7‘les  the  Great.  A scholarly  and  inter- 
esting work,  with  a good  discussion  of  the  sources. 

Hodgkin,  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  Vol.  VH,  Book  VHI,  Chapters 
XHI-XIV,  and  Vol.  VIH.  A short  account  by  the  same  author  may 
be  found  in  his  Charles  the  Great. 


Charlemagne 


147 


The  intellectual  conditions  are  discussed  in  Mullinger,  Schools  of 
Charles  the  Greats  and  West,  Alctein. 

Life  of  Charlemagne,  translated  by  Turner.  An  inexpen- 
sive English  version  of  this  extraordinary  little  work. 

Kitchin,  History  of  France,  Book  II,  Part  II,  Chapter  III. 

Gregorovius,  Rome  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Vol.  II,  Book  IV,  Chapters 
IV-VII,  and  Vol.  Ill,  Book  V,  Chapter  I. 

Morley,  MedicEval  Tales,  Parts  I and  II,  furnishes  examples  of  the 
romances  which  in  later  years  wove  themselves  about  the  name  of 
the  great  emperor. 


Ebert  (see  above,  p.  34),  Vol.  II,  Book  IV,  gives  an  excellent 
account  of  the  literary  activity  of  Charlemagne’s  time. 

Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France,  Vol.  II,  Part  I. 

Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  Vol.  II,  Book  V,  Chapters  I-II. 

Gebhardt  (see  above,  p.  57),  where  the  reader  will  find  references 
to  the  abundant  literature  on  this  subject  in  German. 

Abel  and  Simson,  faJirbiicher  der  deutschen  Geschichte,  “ Unter  Karl 
dem  Grossen,”  2 vols.,  1866-1883.  The  most  exhaustive  technical  treat- 
ment (see  below,  pp.  261  sq^. 

Richter,  Annalen  der  deutsche^i  Geschichte  im  Mittelalter,  Vol.  II, 
“The  Carolingian  Period,”  1885-1887  (see  below,  p.  262). 

Mathews,  Select  Mediceval  Documents  (1892),  pp.  9-14,  gives  brief 
extracts  from  the  Latin  text  of  documents  important  for  the  history  of 
the  Church  and  the  Empire. 

In  the  times  of  Charles  Martel  and  Pippin  a new  kind  of  histori- 
cal source  makes  its  appearance,  — the  aftnals.  These  had  a peculiar 
origin. 

The  day  upon  which  the  great  Christian  festival  of  Easter  fell  each 
year  was  a matter  of  the  utmost  importance  to  all  the  monasteries  and 
churches ; but  the  time  varies  in  such  a way  that  it  is  little  w^onder  that 
the  monks  and  churchmen  of  the  eighth  century  were  commonly  unable  to 
master  the  rules  for  determining  the  recurrence  of  the  festival.  Tables 
of  the  dates  of  Easter  were  therefore  prepared  and  were  welcomed  every- 
where. The  wide  margins  invited  a brief  record  opposite  each  year,  of 
some  occurrence  which  had  made  the  year  memorable  in  the  particular 
abbey  or  the  neighboring  region. 

Rude  and  trivial  as  these  entries  often  w^ere,  they  tended  to  grow 
fuller  as  the  eighth  century  advanced,  and  now  serve  to  establish  the 
dates  of  many  important  events.  These  scanty  histories  were,  however, 


C.  Materiah 
for  advanced 
study. 


The  sources. 


Origin  of  the 
annals. 


148 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  Royal 
Annals. 


Annals  of 
Einhard. 


The  capitu- 
laries. 


often  taken  from  monastery  to  monastery,  copied,  combined,  and  con- 
tinued in  such  a way  that  errors  and  inconsistencies  crept  in  which  have 
greatly  puzzled  scholars  in  our  own  day. 

The  annals  are  sometimes  named  from  the  abbey  where  a copy  was 
found,  although,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Gi'eater  Annals  of  Lorsch^  they 
may  not  have  originated  there ; or  they  may  be  named  for  the  person 
who  discovered  a copy,  or  from  the  region  to  which  they  oftenest  refer 
and  where  it  is  assumed  that  they  were  written. 

By  far  the  most  important  of  the  annals  for  Charlemagne’s  time  are 
the  so-called  Royal  A^tnals.  These  were  apparently  drawn  up  by  per- 
sons who  resided  at  the  king’s  court ; for  the  writers  were  evidently 
devoted  to  the  interests  of  the  reigning  family,  and  were  in  a position 
to  follow  closely  the  course  of  public  events.  The  Royal  Annals  cover 
the  period  from  741  to  829  and  are  the  work  of  several  chroniclers.  In 
the  first  place,  some  unknown  ecclesiastic  undertook,  apparently  about 
787,  to  bring  together  as  full  an  account  as  he  could  of  the  deeds  of 
Charlemagne’s  house  since  the  death  of  Charles  Martel  (741).  This 
was  the  origin  of  the  so-called  Greater  Annals  of  Lor sch.  These  were 
later  brought  down  to  801.  The  work  was  then  rewritten  in  better 
Latin  and  considerably  modified,  and  a continuation  was  added,  bring- 
ing the  history  down  to  829. 

This  revision,  together  with  the  continuation,  was  long  attributed  to 
Einhard,  Charlemagne’s  secretary,  but  many  scholars  now  agree  in 
thinking  that  if  Einhard  had  a hand  in  the  work  at  all  he  was  only 
one  of  several  writers. 

See  a discussion  of  the  annals  in  general  in  Wattenbach,  pp.  154 
sqq.  ; for  the  Royal  Annals^  pp.  210  sqq.  See  also  Molinier,  pp.  21 1- 
215  and  224  sqq.  (The  text  of  the  various  early  annals  including  the  Royal 
is  in  Monumeitia  Germaniae  Historic  a.  A better  edition  of  the  Royal 
Annals  in  octavo  edition  (1895);  translation  in  the  Geschicktschreiber.) 

The  laws,  the  so-called  capitularies.,  issued  by  Charlemagne,  are  of 
great  importance  to  one  who  wishes  to  form  an  idea  of  his  government 
and  the  conditions  within  his  empire.  There  is  a recent  edition  of  the 
capitularies  in  the  Mo7tuinenta,  edited  by  Boretius,  1883 

Einhard’s  Vita  Caroli  may  be  found  in  the  octavo  edition  of  the 
Monumenta  ; also  edited  by  Holder,  Freiburg,  1882  (60  Pf.).  For  Eng- 
lish translation,  see  above,  section  B.  “ Einhard,”  says  Ranke,  “ enjoyed 
singular  good  fortune  in  finding  in  his  great  contemporary  the  most 
worthy  subject  for  an  historical  work.  Out  of  gratitude  he  erected  a 
monument  to  one  to  whom  he  was  peculiarly  indebted  for  his  early 
education,  and  thereby  provided  that  he  himself  should  be  remembered 
for  all  time.’* 


Charlemagne  149 

The  Codex  Carolinus  is  a collection,  made  by  Charlemagne’s  orders, 
of  the  letters  addressed  to  him  and  his  father  by  the  popes.  (It  may  be 
found  in  Jaffe,  Bibliotheca  rertim  Germanicarum  and  better  in  the 
Monumental) 

From  the  diverting  tales  of  Charlemagne,  told  by  the  Monk  of 
St.  Gall,  seventy  years  after  the  emperor’s  death,  we  can  form  an  idea 
of  the  fabulous  proportions  which  that  hero  had  already  assumed  in 
the  minds  of  posterity.  (In  the  Monnmenta ; newer  edition  in  Jaffe, 
Bibliotheca  rerum  Ger7nanicarum ^ Vol.'  IV  ; translated  in  the  Geschicht- 
schreiber  and  in  Guizot’s  Collection^) 

Gaston  Paris,  Histoire  poetique  de  Charlemagne^  gives  a scientific 
analysis  of  the  origin  and  development  of  the  mediaeval  Carolingian 
legend. 

The  best  source  for  Alcuin’s  life  and  work  is  his  correspondence, 
edited  by  Jaffe,  Bibliotheca  reru7n  Germanicarum^  Vol.  VI. 


The  Monk 
of  St.  Gall. 


CHAPTER  VIII 


65.  Apolli- 
naris  Sido- 
nius  de- 
scribes the 
Saxon 
pirates  of 
the  fifth 
century. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  CHARLEMAGNE'S  EMPIRE 

I.  The  Northmen 

For  centuries  the  German  peoples  of  the  North  har- 
assed the  coasts  of  the  North  Sea  and  often  extended 
their  invasions  far  inland.  In  one  of  the  letters  of 
Apollinaris  Sidonius  ^ we  have  a vivid  picture  of  the 
Saxons  about  the  time  that  they  were  getting  their 
foothold  in  England  in  the  middle  of  the  fifth  century. 
At  the  end  of  a long  letter  to  a friend,  Sidonius  says  : 

Behold,  when  I was  on  the  point  of  concluding  this  epistle, 
in  which  I have  already  chattered  on  too  long,  a messenger 
suddenly  arrived  from  Saintonge  with  whom  I have  spent 
some  hours  in  conversing  about  you  and  your  doings.  He 
affirms  that  you  have  just  sounded  your  trumpet  on  board 
the  fleet,  and  that,  combining  the  duties  of  a sailor  and  a 
soldier,  you  are  roaming  along  the  winding  shores  of  the 
ocean,  looking  out  for  the  curved  pinnaces  of  the  Saxons. 
When  you  see  the  rowers  of  that  nation  you  may  at  once 
make  up  your  mind  that  every  one  of  them  is  an  arch-pirate  ; 
with  such  wonderful  unanimity  do  all  at  once  command,  obey, 
teach,  and  learn  their  one  chosen  business  of  brigandage. 
For  this  reason  I ought  to  warn  you  to  be  more  than  ever 
on  your  guard  in  this  warfare. 

Our  enemy  is  the  most  truculent  of  all  enemies.  Unex- 
pectedly he  attacks  ; when  expected  he  escapes  ; he  despises 
those  who  seek  to  block  his  path,  he  overthrows  those  who 
are  off  their  guard  ; he  always  succeeds  in  cutting  off  the 


^ See  above,  pp.  58  sq. 
150 


The  Disruption  of  Chaidemagne' s Empire  i 5 i 


enemy  whom  he  follows,  while  he  never  fails  when  he 
desires  to  effect  his  own  escape.  Moreover,  to  these  men 
a shipwreck  is  capital  practice  rather  than  an  object  of 
terror.  The  dangers  of  the  deep  are  to  them  not  casual 
acquaintances  but  intimate  friends.  For  since  a tempest 
throws  the  invaded  off  their  guard  and  prevents  the  invaders 
from  being  descried  from  afar,  they  hail  with  joy  the  crash 
of  waves  on  the  rocks,  which  gives  them  their  best  chance  of 
escaping  from  other  enemies  than  the  elements. 

The  Monk  of  St.  Gall  ^ gives  us  some  idea  of  the  atti- 
tude of  the  Northmen  toward  the  rites  of  the  Christian 
religion.  ^ 


Speaking  of  the  Northmen,  I will  illustrate  their  esteem 
for  the  faith,  and  for  baptism,  by  telling  an  anecdote  of  the 
days  of  our  grandfathers.  This  terrible  people,  who  had 
stood  in  awe  of  the  great  Emperor  Charles  and  paid  him 
tribute,  continued  after  his  death  to  exhibit  to  his  son  Louis 
[the  Pious]  the  respect  they  had  shown  his  father.  After  a 
time  the  pious  emperor  had  compassion  upon  their  ambas- 
sadors, and  asked  them  whether  they  would  accept  the 
Christian  faith.  They  answered  that  they  were  ready  to 
obey  him  in  all  things,  always  and  everywhere.  He  then 
commanded  that  they  be  baptized  in  his  name  of  whom  the 
learned  Augustine  said  : If  there  were  no  Trinity,  the 
Truth  itself  would  not  have  said,  ‘Go  ye  therefore,  and 
teach  all  nations,  baptizing  them  in  the  name  of  the  Father, 
and  of  the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.’  ” 

The  Northmen  were  treated  like  adopted  sons  by  the 
chief  lords  of  the  court.  They  received  from  the  king’s 
closet  the  white  baptismal  robe,  and  from  their  sponsors 
the  Frankish  dress  — costly  garments,  and  weapons,  and 
ornaments. 

This  custom  was  followed  for  a long  time.  The  North- 
men came  year  after  year  in  even  greater  numbers,  not  for 
Christ’s  sake,  but  for  worldly  gain.  They  did  not  come  now 


66.  A North- 
man’s bap- 
tism. (From 
the  Monk 
of  St.  Gall’s 
Deeds  of 
Charles  the 
Great.) 


1 See  above,  p.  149. 


152 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  Norse 
sagas  give 
us  the  North- 
man’s idea 
of  himself 
and  his 
people. 


67.  Opening 
of  The  Story 
of  Burnt  Njat. 


as  ambassadors ; but  as  submissive  vassals  they  hastened  at 
the  holy  Eastertide  to  do  homage  to  the  emperor.  Finally 
one  year  they  came  fifty  strong.  The  emperor  asked  them 
whether  they  would  be  baptized.  They  assented,  and  he 
commanded  that  they  be  straightway  sprinkled  with  holy 
water.  There  were  not  enough  linen  robes,  so  the  emperor 
had  more  garments  cut  out  and  sewed  up  roughly  like  a bag 
or  towel. 

One  of  these  robes  was  suddenly  put  upon  one  of  the 
oldest  of  the  Northmen.  He  looked  at  it  awhile  with  crit- 
ical eyes,  and  grew  not  a little  angry.  Then  he  said  to  the 
emperor : I have  been  baptized  here  twenty  times  before, 

and  every  time  I was  clad  in  the  best  and  whitest  garments; 
and  now  you  give  me  a sack  which  befits  a swineherd  rather 
than  a warrior.  I have  given  up  my  own  garments  and  would 
be  ashamed  of  my  nakedness  if  I cast  aside  this  one  also, 
else  I would  leave  thy  robe  to  thee  and  thy  Christ.’^ 

In  the  extracts  from  the  Annals  given  below  there  are 
plenty  of  sad  pictures  of  the  Northmen  as  pirates  and 
cruel  invaders,  but  to  gain  an  idea  of  how  they  viewed 
themselves,  we  must  turn  to  the  Norse  sagas.  About 
the  time  that  Charles  the  Fat  was  bargaining  with  the 
Northmen  in  France,  many  belonging  to  the  same  race 
were  streaming  over  from  Norway  to  Iceland.  Here 
it  was  that  the  Norse  literature  sprang  up  — the  sagas, 
or  tales,  which  still  delight  the  reader  in  something 
the  same  way  that  Homer  does.  Of  these  sagas  the 
finest  is  perhaps  The  Story  of  Burnt  Njal,  who  lived 
in  the  time  of  Otto  the  Great.  The  famous  tale  opens 
as  follows  : 

There  was  a man  named  Mord  whose  surname  was  Fiddle; 
he  was  the  son  of  Sigvat  the  Red,  and  he  dwelt  at  the 
“Vale^’  in  the  Rangrivervales.  He  was  a mighty  chief, 
and  a great  taker  up  of  suits,  and  so  great  a lawyer  that  no 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne  s Empire  i 53 


judgments  were  thought  lawful  unless  he  had  a hand  in 
them.  He  had  an  only  daughter  named  Unna.  She  was  a 
fair,  courteous,  and  gifted  woman,  and  was  thought  the  best 
match  in  all  the  Rangrivervales. 

Now  the  story  turns  westward  to  the  Broadfirth  dales, 
where,  at  Hauskuldstede,  in  Laxriverdale,  dwelt  a man 
named  Hauskuld,  who  was  Dalakolks  son,  and  his  mother’s 
name  was  Thorgerda.  He  had  a brother  named  Hrut,  who 
dwelt  at  Hrutstede  ; he  was  of  the  same  mother  as  Hauskuld, 
but  his  father’s  name  was  Heriolf.  Hrut  was  handsome, 
tall  and  strong,  well  skilled  in  arms,  and  mild  of  temper; 
he  was  one  of  the  wisest  of  men  — stern  towards  his  foes, 
but  a good  counselor  on  great  matters. 

It  happened  once  that  Hauskuld  bade  his  friends  to  a 
feast,  and  his  brother  Hrut  was  there,  and  sat  next  him. 
Hauskuld  had  a daughter  named  Hallgerda,  who  was  play- 
ing on  the  floor  with  some  other  girls.  She  was  fair  of  face 
and  tall  of  growth,  and  her  hair  was  as  soft  as  silk  ; it  was 
so  long,  too,  that  it  came  down  to  her  waist.  Hauskuld 
called  out  to  her,  ‘‘  Come  hither  to  me,  daughter.”  So  she 
went  up  to  him,  and  he  took  her  by  the  chin,  and  kissed 
her ; and  after  that  she  went  away. 

Then  Hauskuld  said  to  Hrut,  ‘‘What  dost  thou  think  of 
this  maiden?  Is  she  not  fair?”  Hrut  held  his  peace. 
Hauskuld  said  the  same  thing  to  him  a second  time,  and 
then  Hrut  answered,  “ Fair  enough  is  this  maid,  and  many 
will  smart  for  it,  but  this  I know  not,  whence  thief’s  eyes 
have  come  into  our  race.”  Then  Hauskuld  was  wroth,  and 
for  a time  the  brothers  saw  little  of  each  other. 

[Gunnar,  who  is  one  of  the  chief  personages  in  the  story, 
has  been  on  a successful  sea-roving  expedition,  during  which 
he  has  shown  much  prowess  and  won  much  booty.  Before 
returning  home  he  visits  Denmark,  where  the  fame  of  his 
deeds  has  preceded  him.  He  is  summoned  to  the  court  of 
King  Harold,  Gorm’s  son,  who  offers  to  get  him  a wife  and 
to  raise  him  to  great  power  if  he  will  settle  down  there.] 
Gunnar  thanked  the  king  for  his  offer  and  said,  “ I will  first 
of  all  sail  back  to  Iceland  to  see  my  friends  and  kinsfolk.” 


Gunnar 

visits 

Denmark. 


154 


Readings  in  Enr'opean  History 


Gunnar  woos 
Hallgerda. 


“ Then  thou  wilt  never  come  back  to  us/’  says  the  king. 
“ Fate  will  settle  that,  Lord,”  says  Gunnar. 

Gunnar  gave  the  king  a good  long-ship,  and  much  goods 
besides,  and  the  king  gave  him  a robe  of  honor  and  golden- 
seamed  gloves,  and  a fillet  with  a knot  of  gold  on  it,  and  a 
Russian  hat. 

[On  his  return  to  Iceland  Gunnar  visited  the  Althing^  the 
annual  general  assembly  of  the  people.]  It  happened  one 
day  that  Gunnar  went  away  from  the  Hill  of  Laws  and 
passed  by  the  booths  of  the  men  from  Mossfell;  then  he 
saw  a woman  coming  to  meet  him,  and  she  was  in  goodly 
attire ; but  when  they  met  she  spoke  to  Gunnar  at  once. 
He  took  her  greeting  well,  and  asked  what  woman  she  might 
be.  She  told  him  that  her  name  was  Hallgerda,  and  said 
that  she  was  the  daughter  of  Hauskuld,  Dalakoll’s  son.  She 
spoke  up  boldly  to  him,  and  bade  him  tell  her  of  his  voyages  ; 
and  he  said  that  he  would  not  gainsay  her  a talk.  Then 
they  sat  them  down  and  talked.  She  was  so  clad  that  she 
had  on  a red  kirtle,  and  had  thrown  over  her  a scarlet  cloak 
trimmed  with  needlework  down  to  the  waist.  Her  hair  came 
down  to  her  bosom,  and  was  both  fair  and  full.  Gunnar  was 
clad  in  the  scarlet  clothes  which  King  Harold,  Gorm’s  son, 
had  given  him ; he  had  also  the  golden  ring  on  his  arm 
which  Earl  Hacon  had  given  him. 

So  they  talked  long  out  loud,  and  at  last  it  came  about 
that  he  asked  whether  she  were  unmarried.  She  said,  so 
it  was,  “ and  there  are  not  manj^  tfiat-wauld  run  the  risk  of 
that.”  Thinkest  tho<rJi!^e*’‘gbod  enough  for  thee  } ” “ Not 
that,”  she  says,  “but  I am  saidT©"bne"‘hard"to  please  in  hus- 
bands.” “ How  wouldst^thou  answer  were  I to  ask  for  thee  } ” 
“That  cannot  be  in  thy  mind,”  she  says.  “It  is,  though,” 
says  he.  “ If  thou  hast  any  mind  that  way,  go  and  see  my 
father.”  After  that  they  broke  off  their  talk.^ 

1 Hallgerda  proved  to  be  a wicked  and  altogether  heartless  woman, 
who  finally  brought  Gunnar,  whom  she  marries,  to  his  death  by  refus- 
ing to  give  him  a lock  of  her  beautiful  hair  to  replace  his  bowstring 
when  he  was  hard  beset  by  his  enemies. 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne  s Empire  155 


II.  Struggles  between  the  Sons  of  Louis  the  Pious 

(840)  Louis  [the  German],  the  emperor’s  son,  took  pos- 
session of  the  part  of  the  Empire  lying  beyond  the  Rhine 
as  if  it  were  his  by  right.  He  won  the  support  of  many 
East  Franks  by  his  prudent  conduct,  and  marched  through 
Alemannia  to  Frankfort.  The  emperor,  learning  this,  was 
forced  to  return  from  Aquitaine,  leaving  his  business  there 
unfinished.  He  sent  his  brother  Druogo,  the  archchaplain. 
Count  Albert,  and  many  others  before  him  to  guard  the  west 
bank  of  the  Rhine;  then  he  himself  followed  and  celebrated 
Easter  at  Aix-la-Chapelle.  About  this  time,  night  after  night, 
a strange  glow  appeared  in  the  air,  in  fashion  like  a beam,  in 
the  southeast,  and  another  arising  from  the  northwest.  The 
two  joined  together  and  formed  a cone  and  presented  an 
appearance  like  clotted  blood  at  the  "zenith. 

After  Easter  the  emperor  gathered  an  army  and  pursued 
his  son  through  Thuringia  up  to  the  frontiers  of  the  bar- 
barians. He  drove  him  out  of  the  imperial  territory  and 
forced  him  to  make  a difficult  march  homeward  to  Bavaria 
through  the  land  of  the  Slavs.  The  emperor  himself  set 
all  things  in  order  in  that  region,  and  then  returned  fo  the 
royal  town  of  Salz,  and  celebrated  there  the  Rogation  Days 
and  the  festival  of  our  Lord’s  Ascension.  On  the  very  day 
before  the  Ascension  of  our  Lord,  i.e.  on  the  twelfth  of 
May,  there  was  an  eclipse  of  the  sun  at  about  the  seventh 
and  eighth  hour  — so  completely  was  the  sun  obscured  that 
the  stars  were  seen  and  the  color  of  things  on  earth  was 
changed. 

In  these  days  the  emperor  fell  ill  and  began  to  waste 
away.  He  was  taken  on  a ship  down  the  Main  to  Frank- 
fort,  and  from  there  after  a few  days  to  an  island  in  the 
Rhine  near  Ingilenheim.  His  illness  steadily  increased 
upon  him,  and  on  the  twentieth  of  June  he  ended  his  life. 
His  body  was  brought  to  the  city  of  Metz  and  buried  with 
all  due  honor  in  the  basilica  of  St.  Arnulf  the  Confessor. 

Lothaire,  who  came  from  Italy  too  late  [to  see  his  father], 
was  accepted  by  the  Franks  to  rule  over  them  in  his  father’s 


68.  The 
death  of 
Louis  the 
Pious  and 
the  strife 
between  his 
sons.  (From 
the  Annals 
of  Fulda.) 


Lothaire 
accepted  by 
the  Franks  3S 
their  ruler. 


Battle  of 
Fontenay 
(841). 


156  Readings  in  European  History 

stead.  For  men  say  the  dying  emperor  had  designated  him 
as  the  one  who  should  hold  after  him  the  helm  of  the  state, 
and  had  sent  him  the  royal  insignia  — the  scepter  of  the 
Empire  and  the  crown. 

Lothaire’s  brothers  did  not  agree,  however,  to  this  arrange- 
ment, and  they  made  ready  to  rebel  against  him.  He  went 
with  his  army  to  the  precincts  of  Mayence,  and  there  his 
brother  Louis  marched  to  meet  him  with  a strong  follow- 
ing of  East  Franks.  They,  however,  agreed  together  to 
postpone  decisive  action  until  another  time ; and  Lothaire 
marched  northward  to  meet  Charles  [the  Bald].  Meantime 
Louis  bound  to  his  cause  by  an  oath  of  fidelity  the  East 
Franks,  the  Alemannians,  the  Saxons,  and  the  Thuringians. 

(841)  Meanwhile  Lothaire  placed  garrisons  along  the 
Rhine  and  prepared  to  secure  the  east  bank  against  an  inva- 
sion from  the  west.  He  heard,  through  a messenger,  of 
Louis’  hostile  measures,  and,  giving  up  pursuing  Charles, 
he  turned  about,  and  at  the  beginning  of  the  month  of  April 
crossed  the  Rhine  secretly  at  Worms  with  all  his  army. 
Louis  was  betrayed  by  some  of  his  followers  and,  almost 
surrounded  by  the  army  of  Lothaire,  he  was  forced  to  retreat 
to  Bavaria. 

The  emperor  placed  guards  whom  he  believed  he  could 
trust  in  those  regions,  and  then  turned  his  energy  and  his 
forces  once  more  against  Charles,  who  had  already  planned 
to  establish  a camp  beyond  the  Maas.  Louis  was  sum- 
moned to  aid  Charles  and  came  by  way  of  Alemannia. 
There  the  counts  to  whom  Lothaire  had  intrusted  thev  de- 
fense of  that  region  met  Louis  with  an  army.  They  gave 
battle  on  the  thirteenth  of  May.  Count  Adalbert,  who  had 
stirred  up  the  strife,  was  killed ; and  with  him  a countless 
number  of  men  were  laid  low. 

Louis,  victor  in  this  encounter,  crossed  the  Rhine  and 
hastened  toward  Gaul  to  aid  his  brother  Charles.  The  three 
brothers  met  in  Auxerre,  near  Fontenay.  They  could  not 
agree  to  divide  the  Empire  because  Lothaire,  who  wished  to 
be  sole  monarch,  was  opposed  to  it.  So  they  agreed  that 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne' s Empire 


157 


the  case  should  be  decided  by  the  power  of  the  sword  and  so 
proved  by  the  judgment  of  God.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  June 
a great  battle  was  fought  between  them,  and  the  blood  shed 
on  both  sides  was  so  great  that  the  present  age  remembers 
no  such  carnage  among  the  Frankish  people  before.  On  the 
same  day  Lothaire  began  a retreat  to  his  city  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  Louis  and  Charles  seized,  his  camp  and  collected 
and  buried  the  bodies  of  their  slain.  They  then  parted ; 
Charles  remained  in  the  west  and  Louis  went  in  the  month 
of  August  to  the  royal  town  Salz. 

Lothaire  again  collected  his  forces  from  all  sides.  He 
went  to  Mayence  and  ordered  the  Saxons,  with  his  little 
son  Lothaire,  to  meet  him  at  Speyer.  He  himself  crossed 
the  Rhine,  intending  to  pursue  his  brother  Louis  to  the 
confines  of  the  outlying  nations.  He  returned  to  Worms, 
unsuccessful.  He  celebrated  there  the  marriage  of  his 
daughter,  and  then  marched  toward  Gaul  to  subdue  Charles. 
He  spent  the  whole  winter  in  fruitless  effort  and  strife  and 
then  returned  to  Aix.  On  the  twenty-fifth  of  December  a 
comet  appeared  in  the  sign  of  Aquarius. 

(843)  Lothaire  and  Louis  dwelt  each  in  the  confines  of  his 
own  kingdom  and  kept  the  peace.  Charles  was  marching- 
about  Aquitaine.  ...  In  the  terrible  and  increasing  calam- 
ities of  the  time  and  the  general  devastation,  many  men  in 
various  parts  of  Gaul  were  forced*  to  eat  a kind  of  bread 
made  of  earth  and  a little  flour.  It  was  an  abominable 
crime  that  men  should  be  reduced  to  eat  earth,  when  the 
horses  of  those  who  were  devastating  the  land  were  plenti- 
fully supplied  with  fodder. 

Pirates  of  the  Northmen’s  race  came  to  the  city  of  Nantes. 
They  killed  the  bishop  and  many  of  the  clergy  and  laity, 
both  men  and  women,  and  plundered  the  city.  Then  they 
marched  away  to  lay  waste  the  land  of  lower  Aquitaine. 
Finally  they  reached  a certain  island  [Rhe,  near  Rochelle], 
and  took  thither  from  the  mainland  materials  to  build  them 
houses;  and  they  settled  there  for  the  winter  as  if  it  were  a 
fixed  habitation. 


69.  The 
Northmen 
at  Nantes. 
(From  the 
Annals  of 
St.  Berlin.) 


The  treaty 
of  Verdun. 


70.  An  ex- 
tract from 
the  Annals 
of  Xan  ten. 


158  Readings  in  European  History 

Charles  betook  himself  to  a rendezvous  with  his  brothers, 
and  joined  them  at  Verdun;  and  there  they  divided  the  land 
among  them.  Louis  had  as  his  portion  everything  beyond 
the  Rhine,  and  on  this  side  of  the  Rhine  the  cities  and  dis- 
tricts of  Speyer,  Worms,  and  Mayence.  Lothaire  received 
the  territory  between  the  Rhine  and  the  Scheldt  to  their  emp- 
tying into  the  sea,  besides  Cambria,  Hennegau,  Lomatsch- 
gau,  and  the  provinces  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Maas,  and 
further  on  to  the  place  where  the  Saone  joins  the  Rhone,  and 
the  counties  along  the  Rhone  on  both  banks  to  the  sea. 
The  other  lands  to  the  confines  of  Spain  they  ceded  to 
Charles.  When  each  had  given  his  oath  to  the  others  they 
parted. 

III.  A Melancholy  Glimpse  of  the  Conditions  in 
THE  Ninth  Century 

The  Annals  of  Xanten  give  us  a terrible  impression  of 
the  disorder  and  gloom  which  prevailed  in  the  Frankish 
kingdoms,  owing  to  the  civil  wars  and  the  devastations 
of  the  Northmen.  The  portion  here  given  was  probably 
written  as  the  events  occurred. 

(844)  Pope  Gregory  departed  this  world  and  Pope  Sergius 
followed  in  his  place.  Count  Bernhard  was  killed  by 
Charles.  Pippin,  king  of  Aquitaine,  together  with  his  son 
and  the  son  of  Bernhard,  routed  the  army  of  Charles,  and 
there  fell  the  abbot  Hugo.  At  the  same  time  King  Louis 
advanced  with  his  army  against  the  Wends,  one  of  whose 
kings,  Gestimus  by  name,  was  killed;  the  rest  came  to 
Louis  and  pledged  him  their  fidelity,  which,  however,  they 
broke  as  soon  as  he  was  gone.  Thereafter  Lothaire,  Louis, 
and  Charles  came  together  for  council  in  Diedenhofen,  and 
after  a conference  they  went  their  several  ways  in  peace. 

(845)  Twice  in  the  canton  of  Worms  there  was  an  earth- 
quake ; the  first  in  the  night  following  Palm  Sunday,  the 
second  in  the  holy  night  of  Christ’s  Resurrection.  In  the 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne  s Empire  i 59 

same  year  the  heathen  broke  in  upon  the  Christians  at 
many  points,  but  more  than  twelve  thousand  of  them  were 
killed  by  the  Frisians.  Another  party  of  invaders  devas- 
tated Gaul ; of  these  more  than  six  hundred  men  perished. 
Yet  owing  to  his  indolence  Charles  agreed  to  give  them  many 
thousand  pounds  of  gold  and  silver  if  they  would  leave  Gaul, 
and  this  they  did.  Nevertheless  the  cloisters  of  most  of  the 
saints  were  destroyed  and  many  of  the  Christians  were  led 
away  captive. 

After  this  had  taken  place  King  Louis  once  more  led  a 
force  against  the  Wends.  When  the  heathen  had  learned 
this  they  sent  ambassadors,  as  well  as  gifts  and  hostages,  to 
Saxony,  and  asked  for  peace.  Louis  then  granted  peace 
and  returned  home  from  Saxony.  Thereafter  the  robbers 
were  afflicted  by  a terrible  pestilence,  during  which  the  chief 
sinner  among  them,  by  the  name  of  Reginheri,  who  had 
plundered  the  Christians  and  the  holy  places,  was  struck 
down  by  the  hand  of  God.  They  then  took  counsel  and  threw 
lots  to  determine  from  which  of  their  gods  they  should  seek 
safety;  but  the  lots  did  not  fall  out  happily,  and  on  the 
advice  of  one  of  their  Christian  prisoners  that  they  should 
cast  their  lot  before  the  God  of  the  Christians,  they  did  so, 
and  the  lot  fell  happily.  Then  their  king,  by  the  name  of 
Rorik,  together  with  all  the  heathen  people,  refrained  from 
meat  and  drink  for  fourteen  days,  when  the  plague  ceased, 
and  they  sent  back  all  their  Christian  prisoners  to  their 
country. 

(846)  According  to  their  custom  the  Northmen  plun- 
dered Eastern  and  Western  Frisia  and  burned  the  town  of 
Dordrecht,  with  two  other  villages,  before  the  eyes  of  Lo- 
thaire,  who  was  then  in  the  castle  of  Nimwegen,  but  could 
not  punish  the  crime.  The  Northmen,  with  their  boats 
filled  with  immense  booty,  including  both  men  and  goods, 
returned  to  their  own  country. 

In  the  same  year  Louis  sent  an  expedition  from  Saxony 
against  the  Wends  across  the  Elbe.  He  personally,  how- 
ever, went  with  his  army  against  the  Bohemians,  whom  we 


i6o  Readmgs  in  Eu7^opean  History 

call  Beu-winitha,  but  with  great  risk.  . . . Charles  advanced 
against  the  Britons,  but  accomplished  nothing. 

At  this  same  time,  as  no  one  can  mention  or  hear  without 
great  sadness,  the  mother  of  all  churches,  the  basilica  of  the 
apostle  Peter,  was  taken  and  plundered  by  the  Moors,  or 
Saracens,  who  had  already  occupied  the  region  of  Beneven- 
tum.  The  Saracens,  moreover,  slaughtered  all  the  Christians 
whom  they  found  outside  the  walls  of  Rome,  either  within 
or  without  this  church.  They  also  carried  men  and  women 
away  prisoners.  They  tore  down,  among  many  others,  the 
altar  of  the  blessed  Peter,  and  their  crimes  from  day  to  day 
bring  sorrow  to  Christians.  Pope  Sergius  departed  life  this 
year. 

(847)  After  the  death  of  Sergius  no  mention  of  the 
apostolic  see  has  come  in  any  way  to  our  ears.  Rabanus 
[Maurus],  master  and  abbot  of  Fulda,  was  solemnly  chosen 
archbishop  as  the  successor  of  Bishop  Otger,  who  had  died. 
Moreover  the  Northmen  here  and  there  plundered  the 
Christians  and  engaged  in  a battle  with  the  counts  Sigir  and 
Liuthar.  They  continued  up  the  Rhine  as  far  as  Dordrecht, 
and  nine  miles  farther  to  Meginhard,  when  they  turned 
back,  having  taken  their  booty. 

(848)  On  the  fourth  of  February,  towards  evening,  it  light- 
ened and  there  was  thunder  heard.  The  heathen,  as  was 
their  custom,  inflicted  injury  on  the  Christians.  In  the  same 
year  King  Louis  held  an  assembly  of  the  people  near  May- 
ence.  At  this  synod  a heresy  was  brought  forward  by  a few 
monks  in  regard  to  predestination.  These  were  convicted 
and  beaten,  to  their  shame,  before  all  the  people.  They  were 
sent  back  to  Gaul  whence  they  had  come,  and,  thanks  be  to 
God,  the  condition  of  the  church  remained  uninjured. 

(849)  While  King  Louis  was  ill  his  army  of  Bavaria  took 
its  way  against  the  Bohemians.  Many  of  these  were  killed 
and  the  remainder  withdrew,  much  humiliated,  into  their  own 
country.  The  heathen  from  the  North  wrought  havoc  in 


The  Disritption  of  Charlemagne' s Empire  i6i 

Christendom  as  usual  and  grew  greater  in  strength ; but  it 
is  revolting  to  say  more  of  this  matter. 

(850)  On  January  ist  of  that  season,  in  the  octave  of  the 
Lord,  towards  evening,  a great  deal  of  thunder  was  heard 
and  a mighty  flash  of  lightning  seen ; and  an  overflow  of  water 
afflicted  the  human  race  during  this  winter.  In  the  follow- 
ing summer  an  all  too  great  heat  of  the  sun  burned  the  earth. 
Leo,  pope  of  the  apostolic  see,  an  extraordinary  man,  built 
a fortiflcation  round  the  church  of  St.  Peter  the  apostle. 
The  Moors,  however,  devastated  here  and  there  the  coast 
towns  in  Italy.  The  Norman  Rorik,  brother  of  the  above- 
mentioned  younger  Heriold,  who  earlier  had  fled  dishonored 
from  Lothaire,  again  took  Dordrecht  and  did  much  evil 
treacherously  to  the  Christians.  In  the  same  year  so 
great  a peace  existed  between  the  two  brothers  — Emperor 
Lothaire  and  King  Louis  — that  they  spent  many  days 
together  in  Osning  [Westphalia]  and  there  hunted,  so  that 
many  were  astonished  thereat ; and  they  went  each  his  way 
in  peace. 

(851)  The  bodies  of  certain  saints  were  sent  from  Rome 
to  Saxony,  — that  of  Alexander,  one  of  seven  brethren,  and 
those  of  Romanus  and  Emerentiana.  In  the  same  year 
the  very  noble  empress,  Irmingard  by  name,  wife  of  the 
emperor  Lothaire,  departed  this  world.  The  Normans 
inflicted  much  harm  in  Frisia  and  about  the  Rhine.  A 
mighty  army  of  them  collected  by  the  river  Elbe  against  the 
Saxons,  and  some  of  the  Saxon  towns  were  besieged,  others 
burned,  and  most  terribly  did  they  oppress  the  Christians. 
A meeting  of  our  kings  took  place  on  the  Maas. 

(852)  The  steel  of  the  heathen  glistened;  excessive  heat; 
a famine  followed.  There  was  not  fodder  enough  for  the 
animals.  The  pasturage  for  the  swine  was  more  than 
sufficient. 

(853)  A great  famine  in  Saxony  so  that  many  were  forced 
to  live  on  horse  meat. 


i62 


Reading^  in  European  History 


(854)  The  Normans,  in  addition  to  the  very  many  evils 
which  they  were  everywhere  inflicting  upon  the  Christians, 
burned  the  church  of  St.  Martin,  bishop  of  Tours,  where  his 
body  rests. 

(855)  In  the  spring  Louis,  the  eastern  king,  sent  his 
son  of  the  same  name  to  Aquitaine  to  obtain  possession  of 
the  heritage  of  his  uncle  Pippin. 

(856)  The  Normans  again  chose  a king  of  the  same 
name  as  the  preceding  one,  and  related  to  him,  and  the 
Danes  made  a fresh  incursion  by  sea,  with  renewed  forces, 
against  the  Christians. 

(857)  A great  sickness,  accompanied  by  swelling  of  the 
bladder,  prevailed  among  the  people.  This  produced  a ter- 
rible foulness,  so  that  the  limbs  were  separated  from  the 
body  even  before  death  came. 

(858)  Louis,  the  eastern  king,  held  an  assembly  of  the 
people  of  his  territory  in  Worms. 

(859)  On  the  first  of  January,  as  the  early  mass  was  being 
said,  a single  earthquake  occurred  in  Worms  and  a triple 
one  in  Mayence  before  daybreak. 

(860)  On  the  fifth  of  February  thunder  was  heard.  The 
king  returned  from  Gaul  after  the  whole  empire  had  gone  to 
destruction,  and  was  in  no  way  bettered. 

(861)  The  holy  bishop  Luitbert  piously  furnished  the 
cloister  which  is  called  the  Freckenhorst  with  many  relics  of 
the  saints,  namely,  of  the  martyrs  Boniface  and  Maximus, 
and  of  the  confessors  Eonius  and  Antonius,  and  added  a 
portion  of  the  manger  of  the  Lord  and  of  his  grave,  and  like- 
wise of  the  dust  of  the  Lord’s  feet  as  he  ascended  to  heaven. 
In  this  year  the  winter  was  long  and  the  above-mentioned 
kings  again  had  a secret  consultation  on  the  above-men- 
tioned island  near  Coblenz,  and  they  laid  waste  everything 
round  about. 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne' s Empire  163 


IV.  How  THE  Northmen  harried  Frankland  and 
LAID  Siege  to  Paris 

(882)  . . . The  Northmen  in  the  month  of  October  in- 
trenched themselves  at  Conde',  and  horribly  devastated  the 
kingdom  of  Carloman/  while  King  Charles  with  his  army 
took  his  stand  on  the  Somme  at  Barleux.  The  Northmen 
ceased  not  from  rapine  and  drove  all  the  inhabitants  who 
were  left  beyond  the  Somme.  . . . 

[King  Carloman  gave  them  battle]  and  the  Franks  were 
victorious  and  killed  nigh  a thousand  of  the  Northmen. 
Yet  they  were  in  no  wise  discomfited  by  this  battle.  . . . 
They  went  from  Conde  back  to  their  ships,  and  thence  laid 
waste  the  whole  kingdom  with  fire  and  sword  as  far  as  the 
Oise.  They  destroyed  houses,  and  razed  monasteries  and 
churches  to  the  ground,  and  brought  to  their  death  the  ser- 
vants of  our  holy  religion  by  famine  and  sword,  or  sold 
them  beyond  the  sea.  They  killed  the  dwellers  in  the  land 
and  none  could  resist  them. 

Abbot  Hugo,  when  he  heard  of  these  calamities,  gathered 
an  army  and  came  to  aid  the  king.  When  the  Northmen 
came  back  from  a plundering  expedition  . . . he,  in  com- 
pany with  the  king,  gave  them  chase.  They,  however, 
betook  themselves  to  a wood,  and  scattered  hither  and  yon, 
and  finally  returned  to  their  ships  with  little  loss.  In  this 
year  died  Hinckmar,  archbishop  of  Rheims,  a man  justly 
esteemed  by  all. 

(883)  ...  In  the  spring  the  Northmen  left  Conde  and 
sought  the  country  along  the  sea.  Here  they  dwelt  through 
the  summer ; they  forced  the  Flemings  to  flee  from  their 
lands,  and  raged  everywhere,  laying  waste  the  country  with 
fire  and  sword.  As  autumn  approached,  Carloman,  the  king, 
took  his  station  with  his  army  in  the  canton  of  Vithman  at 
Mianai,  opposite  Lavier,  in  order  to  protect  the  kingdom. 
The  Northmen  at  the  end  of  October  came  to  Lavier  with 
cavalry,  foot  soldiers,  and  all  their  baggage.  Ships,  too,  came 

1 Son  of  Charles  the  Bald.  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  p.  96. 


71.  How  the 
Northmen 
harried 
Francia  and 
besieged 
Paris  (882- 
886) . (From 
the  Annals 
of  St.  Vaast.) 


164  Readings  in  European  History 

from  the  sea  up  the  Somme  and  forced  the  king  and  his 
whole  army  to  flee  and  drove  them  across  the  river  Oise. 
The  invaders  went  into  winter  quarters  in  the  city  of  Amiens 
and  devastated  all  the  land  to  the  Seine  and  on  both  sides 
of  the  Oise,  and  no  man  opposed  them ; and  they  burned 
with  fire  the  monasteries  and  churches  of  Christ.  ... 

(884)  At  this  time  died  Engelwin,  bishop  of  Paris,  and 
the  abbot  Gauzelin  was  put  in  his  stead.  The  Northmen 
ceased  not  to  take  Christian  people  captive  and  to  kill  them, 
and  to  destroy  churches  and  houses  and  burn  villages. 
Through  all  the  streets  lay  bodies  of  the  clergy,  of  laymen, 
nobles,  and  others,  of  women,  children,  and  suckling  babes. 
There  was  no  road  nor  place  where  the  dead  did  not  lie ; 
and  all  who  saw  Christian  people  slaughtered  were  filled 
with  sorrow  and  despair. 

Meanwhile,  because  the  king  was  still  a child,  all  the 
nobles  came  together  in  the  city  of  Compiegne  to  consider 
what  should  be  done.  They  took  counsel,  and  decided  to 
send  to  the  Northmen  the  Dane  Sigfried,  who  was  a Chris- 
tian and  faithful  to  the  king,  and  the  nephew  of  Heoric  the 
Dane,  that  he  might  treat  with  the  nobles  of  his  people  and 
ask  them  to  accept  tribute  money  and  leave  the  kingdom. 

He  accordingly  undertook  to  carry  out  the  task  assigned 
to  him,  went  to  Amiens,  and  announced  his  mission  to  the 
leaders  of  the  Northmen.  After  long  consultations  and 
much  going  to  and  fro,  these  decided  to  impose  upon  the 
king  and  the  Franks  a tribute  of  twelve  thousand  pounds 
of  silver,  according  to  their  manner  of  weighing.  After  both 
parties  had  given  hostages,  the  people  who  dwelt  beyond  the 
Oise  were  secure  in  some  degree.  They  enjoyed  this  security 
from  the  day  of  the  Purification  of  St.  Mary  until  the  month 
of  October. 

The  Northmen,  however,  made  raids  in  their  accustomed 
manner  beyond  the  Scheldt,  and  laid  waste  all  things  with 
fire  and  sword,  and  totally  destroyed  churches,  monasteries, 
cities  and  villages,  and  put  the  people  to  slaughter.  After 
the  holy  Easter  festival  the  collection  of  the  tribute  began, 


The  Disricption  of  Charlemagne' s Empire  165 

and  churches  and  church  property  were  ruthlessly  plun- 
dered. At  last,  the  whole  sum  being  finally  brought  together, 
the  Franks  assembled  with  a view  of  resisting  the  North- 
men should  they  break  their  pledges,  but  the  Normans 
burned  their  camp  and  retreated  from  Amiens.  . . . 

(885)  [In  December  of  this  same  year  Carloman  was  acci- 
dentally killed  while  on  a boar  hunt.]  As  soon  as  Emperor 
Charles  [the  Fat]  received  tidings  of  this,  he  made  a hasty 
journey  and  came  to  Pontion  ; and  all  the  men  of  Carlo- 
man’s  kingdom  went  to  him  there  and  submitted  to  his 
sway.  . . . 

On  the  twenty-fifth  of  July  the  whole  host  of  the  North- 
men forced  their  way  to  Rheims.  Their  ships  had  not  yet 
come,  so  they  crossed  the  Seine  in  boats  they  found  there, 
and  quickly  fortified  themselves.  The  Franks  followed  them. 
All  those  who  dwelt  in  Neustria  and  Burgundy  gathered  to 
make  war  upon  the  Northmen.  But  when  they  gave  battle 
it  befell  that  Ragnold,  duke  of  Maine,  was  killed,  with  a 
few  others.  Therefore  all  the  Franks  retreated  in  great 
sorrow  and  accomplished  nothing. 

Thereupon  the  rage  of  the  Northmen  was  let  loose  upon 
the  land.  They  thirsted  for  fire  and  slaughter ; they  killed 
Christian  people  and  took  them  captive  and  destroyed 
churches  ; and  no  man  could  resist  them. 

Again  the  Franks  made  ready  to  oppose  them,  not  in 
battle,  but  by  building  fortifications  to  prevent  the  passage 
of  their  ships.  They  built  a castle  on  the  river  Oise  at  the 
place  which  is  now  called  Pontoise,  and  appointed  Aletram- 
nus  to  guard  it.  Bishop  Gauzelin  fortified  the  city  of  Paris. 

In  the  month  of  November  the  Northmen  entered  the 
Oise,  and  besieged  the  castle  the  Franks  had  built.  They 
cut  off  the  water  supply  from  the  castle’s  garrison,  for  it 
depended  on  the  river  for  water  and  had  no  other.  Soon 
they  who  were  shut  up  in  the  castle  began  to  suffer  for  lack 
of  water.  What  more  need  be  said  ? They  surrendered 
on  condition  that  they  be  allowed  to  go  forth  unharmed. 
After  hostages  had  been  exchanged,  Aletramnus  and  his 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  North- 
men besiege 
Paris. 


i66 

men  went  to  Beauvais.  The  Northmen  burned  the  castle  and 
carried  off  all  that  had  been  left  by  the  garrison,  who  had 
been  permitted  to  depart  only  on  condition  that  they  would 
leave  everything  behind  except  their  horses  and  arms. 

Elated  with  victory,  the  Northmen  appeared  before  Paris, 
and  at  once  attacked  a tower,  confident  that  they  could  take 
it  quickly  because  it  was  not  yet  fully  fortified.  But  the 
Christians  defended  it  manfully  and  the  battle  raged  from 
morning  till  evening.  The  night  gave  a truce  to  fighting 
and  the  Northmen  returned  to  them  ships.  Bishop  Gauze- 
lin  and  Count  Odo  worked  with  their  men  all  night  long  to 
strengthen  the  tower  against  assaults.  The  next  day  the 
Northmen  returned  and  tried  to  storm  the  tower,  and  they 
fought  fiercely  till  sunset.  The  Northmen  had  lost  many  of 
their  men  and  they  returned  to  their  ships.  They  pitched 
a camp  before  the  city  and  laid  siege  to  it  and  bent  all  their 
energies  to  capture  it.  But  the  Christians  fought  bravely 
and  stood  their  ground. 

(886)  On  the  sixth  of  February  those  in  the  city  suffered 
a severe  reverse.  The  river  rose  and  washed  away  the 
Little  Bridge.  When  the  bishop  heard  of  this  disaster  he 
sent  brave  and  noble  men  to  guard  the  tower,  so  that  they 
might  begin  to  rebuild  the  broken  bridge  when  morning 
broke.  The  Northmen  knew  all  that  had  happened.  They 
arose  before  sunrise,  hurried  with  all  their  forces  to  the 
tower,  surrounded  it  on  all  sides  so  that  no  reenforcements 
could  reach  the  garrison,  and  tried  to  take  the  tower  by 
storm. 

The  guard  resisted  valiantly,  and  the  clamor  of  the  multi- 
tude arose  to  heaven.  The  bishop  was  on  the  city  wall  with 
all  the  inhabitants.  The  people  wept  and  groaned  because 
they  could  not  aid  their  own.  The  bishop  commended  them 
all  to  Christ  because  there  was  nothing  else  that  he  could 
do.  The  Northmen  tried  to  break  in  the  gate  of  the  tower 
and  finally  set  fire  to  it.  Those  who  were  within,  weakened 
by  wounds,  were  conquered  by  fire  ; and  to  the  shame  of 
Christianity,  they  were  killed  in  divers  ways  and  cast  into 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne' s Empire  167 


the  river.  The  Northmen  then  destroyed  the  tower;  and 
afterward  they  ceased  not  to  assault  the  city  itself. 

The  bishop  was  heartbroken  over  this  heavy  loss.  He 
straightway  sent  to  Count  Herkenger  and  begged  him  to 
go  at  once  to  Germany  and  ask  Henry,  duke  of  Austrasia, 
to  aid  him  and  the  Christian  people.  Herkenger  hastened 
to  carry  out  the  mission  intrusted  to  him,  and  persuaded 
Henry  to  come  with  an  army  to  Paris.  He,  however,  ac- 
complished nothing  there  and  soon  returned  to  his  own 
country. 

Then  Gauzelin,  who  sought  in  all  possible  ways  to  help 
the  Christian  people,  decided  to  come  to  a friendly  under- 
standing with  Sigfried,  king  of  the  Danes,  to  secure  the 
deliverance  of  the  city  from  siege. 

Unhappily,  while  negotiations  were  going  on,  the  bishop 
fell  into  sore  infirmity.  He  ended  his  life  and  was  buried 
in  his  city.  The  Northmen  were  aware  of  his  death;  and 
before  it  was  announced  to  the  citizens,  the  Northmen  pro- 
claimed from  the  gates  that  the  bishop  was  dead.  The 
people  were  exhausted  by  the  siege  and  overwhelmed  by  the 
death  of  their  father;  they  lost  courage  and  abandoned 
themselves  to  sorrow.  But  Odo,  the  illustrious  count,  gave 
them  renewed  strength  with  his  brave  words. 

The  Northmen  ceased  not  to  attack  the  city  daily;  many 
were  killed  and  still  more  were  disabled  by  wounds,  and 
food  began  to  give  out  in  the  city.  At  this  time  Hugo,  the 
venerable  abbot,  departed  this  life  and  was  buried  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  German  Antisdoro.  Odo  saw  how  the 
people  were  falling  into  despair,  and  he  went  forth  secretly 
to  seek  aid  from  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom,  and  to  send 
word  to  the  emperor  that  the  city  would  soon  be  lost  unless 
help  came.  When  Odo  returned  to  Paris  he  found  the 
people  lamenting  his  absence.  Nor  did  he  reenter  the  city 
without  a remarkable  incident.  The  Northmen  had  learned 
that  he  was  coming  back,  and  they  blocked  his  way  to  the 
gate.  But  Odo,  though  his  horse  , was  killed,  struck  down 
his  enemies  right  and  left,  forced  his  way  into  the  city,  and 
brought  joy  to  the  anxious  people.  . . . 


Valiant 
conduct  of 
Odo,  count 
of  Paris. 


i68 


Readings  in  Europeatt  History 


Charles  the 
Fat  makes  a 
shameful 
treaty  with 
the  North- 
men. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


[The  siege  had  lasted  eight  months  when  the  emperor 
came  to  relieve  the  city.]  It  was  in  the  autumn  that  he 
appeared  before  Paris  with  a very  strong  army.  . . . But  he 
did  not  force  them  to  raise  the  siege.  He  made  terms  with 
them  and  signed  a shameful  treaty.  He  promised  to  pay  a 
ransom  for  the  city,  and  gave  them  leave  to  march  unopposed 
into  Burgundy,  to  plunder  it  during  the  winter. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Summary  of  Events  and  Conditions : Adams,  Civilization, 
pp.  170-179;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany,  Vol.  I,  pp.  38-48. 

Louis  the  Pious : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  211-215;  Emerton, 
Mediceval  Europe,  pp.  3-24 ; Henderson,  Germany  m the  Middle  Ages, 
Chapter  VI,  pp.  82-99;  Oman,  Chapter  XXHI,  pp.  383-404. 

The  Division  of  the  Empire  in  817  : Henderson,  Historical  Docu- 
ments, pp.  201-206. 

The  Process  of  Disruption:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  215-240; 
Emerton,  pp.  24-40;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the  M’iddle  Ages, 

VH,  pp.  100-116;  Oman,  Chapters  XXIV-XXV,  pp.  405-445. 

The  Strasburg  Oath : Emerton,  pp.  26-28 ; Munro,  p.  20. 

The  Treaty  of  Aix : Henderson,  Historical  Documents,  pp.  206,  207. 

Arnulf  of  Carinthia:  Emerton,  pp.  90-94;  Oman,  Chapter  XXVH, 
pp.  468-472. 

The  Norman  Invasions:  Munro,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  33-39;  Gibbon, 
Vol.  VI,  part  of  Chapter  LVI,  pp.  173-193. 


Keary,  The  Vikings  in  Western  Christendom.  The  most  complete 
account  of  the  Norman  raids  during  the  period  of  the  later  Carolingians. 

Johnson,  The  Normans.  A good  general  narrative  covering  the 
history  of  all  Norman  settlements  in  southern  Europe. 

There  are  no  books  in  English  dealing  especially  with  the  fortunes 
of  the  Empire  during  these  years.  The  reader  must  turn  to  chapters  in 
the  large  works  : Gregorovius,  Rome'  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Vol.  HI, 
Book  V,  Chapters  H-VI ; Kitchin,  History  of  France,  Vol.  I,  Book  H, 
Part  H,  Chapters  IV-V;  Milman,  Latin  Christianity,  Vols.  H and  HI, 
Book  V,  Chapters  II-VII  and  IX. 

Poole,  Illustrations  of  Mediceval  Thought,  Chapters  I and  H,  furnish 
an  admirable  account  of  certain  especially  enlightened  thinkers  and 
reformers  of  the  ninth  century. 


The  Disruption  of  Charlemagne  s Empire  169 


Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichtey  Vol.  II,  Book  V,  Chapter  III. 

Richter,  Ajinalen  der  deutschen  Geschichtey  Vol.  II,  Carolingian 
Period,  Part  II  (see  below,  p.  262). 

SiMSON,  Jahrbucher  des  Frankischen  Reiches  unter  Ludwig  dem  From- 
metiy  1874-1876  (see  below,  pp.  261  sq.). 

Lavisse,  Histoire  de  Francey  Vol.  II,  Part  I 

Ebert,  Allgemeine  Geschichte  der  Literatur  des  Mittelaltersy  Vol.  II, 
Book  V. 

Three  lives  of  Louis  the  Pious  by  contemporaries  of  his  have  come 
down  to  us  (in  the  Monunienta  ; GeschichtschreibeVy  Vol.  XIX  ; Guizot, 
Collectioriy  Vol.  Ill),  but  more  remarkable  than  any  of  these  is: 

Nithard,  Four  Books  of  History y dealing  with  the  civil  wars  (840- 
843)  following  the  death  of  Louis  the  Pious.  The  author  is  noteworthy 
for  his  grasp  of  his  subject  and  clear  presentation.  He  is  the  first  lay- 
man among  the  historical  writers  of  the  Middle  Ages.  (Octavo  edition 
of  the  Monumenta ; Geschichtschreibery  Vol.  XX;  Guizot,  Collectio7ty 
Vol.  III.) 

The  Annals  of  Fulda y coming  down  to  901.  A continuation  for  the 
East  Frankish  kingdom  of  the  Armais  of  Lorsch  or  Royal  Annals,  men- 
tioned above,  p.  148.  Einhard  is  supposed  by  some  to  be  the  writer  who 
brought  the  work  down  to  838  ; it  was  then  continued  to  863  by  Rudolf, 
the  confessor  of  Louis  the  German.  See  extract  given  above,  pp.  155 
sqq.  (Octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta  ; Geschichtschreibery^  o\.  XXIII.) 

The  Annals  of  St.  Be^'tm  (741-882).  The  continuation  for  the  West 
Frankish  kingdom  of  the  Royal  Amtals,  — the  latter  part  written  as 
the  events  occurred.  Hinckmar,  the  famous  archbishop  of  Rheims, 
carried  on  the  work  for  a time.  One  of  the  very  best  sources  for  the 
period.  (Octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta ; Geschichtschreibery  Vol. 
XXIV;  Guizot,  Collectiony  Vol.  IV.) 

The  Annals  of  St.  Vaast  (874-900).  Excellent  for  the  end  of  the 
century.  See  extracts  given  above,  pp.  163  sqq.  i^Monume^ita  ; Geschicht 
schreiber,  Vol.  XXIV.) 

The  Annals  of  Xanten,  useful  for  the  period  831-873.  A contempo 
rary  record  by  various  hands,  probably  drawn  up  in  the  archbishopric 
of  Cologne.  See  extracts  given  above,  pp.  158  sqq.  {^Monumenta ; 
Geschichtschreibery  Vol.  XXIII.) 

Chronicle  of  Regino  of  Prum  to  the  year  906.  The  writer  was  a 
well-educated  and  intelligent  churchman ; his  style  is  simple  and  his 
attempt  to  preface  the  history  of  his  own  time  by  a history  of  the  world 
is  one  of  the  very  earliest  examples  of  the  mediaeval  “ chronicle,”  which 
now  begins  to  take  the  place  of  the  less  pretentious  annals.  See  above. 


C.  Material 
for  advanced 
study. 


The  sources 


I/O  Readings  in  European  History 

pp.  147  sq.  His  work  was  much  used  by  succeeding  writers.  (Octavo 
edition  of  the  Monumenta  ; Geschichtschreiber^  Vol.  XXVII.) 

Hincmar  of  Rheims,  De  Ordine  Palatii.  An  explanation  of  the 
organization  and  functions  of  government  as  understood  by  one  of  the 
most  active  public  men  of  the  time.  (Edited,  with  French  translation, 
by  Prou,  Bibliotheqiie  de  V Scale  des  hautes  etudes^  Vol.  LVIII,  1885; 
also  by  Krause,  in  Pontes  juris  Germanici  antiqui  in  usum  scholarum,, 
1894.) 

For  the  literature  relating  to  the  papacy  and  the  canon  law,  see  close 
of  Chapter  XII,  pp.  264  sq. 


CHAPTER  IX 


FEUDALISM 

I.  The  Older  Institutions  which  serve  to  explain 
Feudalism 

The  blank  forms  {formtilce)  used  in  drawing  up  legal 
contracts  are  a great  aid  to  the  student  of  history,  for 
they  do  not  apply  to  a single  case  only,  but  indicate  the 
habits  of  the  time.  Some  examples  of  the  formulae  illus- 
trating the  arrangements  which  underlay  feudalism  are 
here  given. ^ 

A,  — Grants  of  Immunity  from  the  Visits  of  the  King's  Officials 

We  believe  that  it  increases  the  great  strength  of  our 
realm,  if  with  benevolent  deliberation  we  concede  opportune 
benefits  to  certain  churches,  — or  to  certain  other  specified 
parties,  — and  under  God’s  protection  write  them  down  to 
endure  permanently.  Therefore,  may  your  Zeal  know  that 
we  have  seen  fit  upon  petition  to  grant  such  a benefit,  for 

our  eternal  reward,  to  that  apostolic  man.  Lord , bishop 

of  the  city  of ; that  in  the  vills  belonging  to  the  church  of 

that  lord,  which  he  is  seen  to  have  at  the  present  time,  either 
by  our  gift  or  that  of  any  one  else,  or  which  in  the  future 
godly  piety  shall  wish  to  add  to  the  possessions  of  that  holy 
place,  no  public  judge  shall  at  any  time  presume  to  enter, 
for  the  hearing  of  causes  or  for  the  exaction  of  payments, 
but  the  prelate  himself,  or  his  successors  in  God’s  name 

^ I have  been  greatly  aided  in  the  preparation  of  this  chapter  by 
Professor  Cheyney’s  “ Documents  Illustrative  of  Feudalism.”  Transla- 
tions  and  Repf'ints^  Vol.  IV,  No.  3. 

171 


72.  Formula 
for  grant  of 
immunity  to 
a bishop. 


1/2 


Readings  in  European  History 


73.  Formula 
for  a grant 
of  a vill  with 
immunity  to 
a layman. 


shall  be  able  to  rule  over  these  possessions  as  enjoying 
complete  immunity. 

We  decree,  therefore,  that  neither  you,  nor  your  subordi- 
nates, nor  your  successors,  nor  any  public  judicial  power 
shall  presume  at  any  time  to  enter  upon  the  vills  of  the  same 
church  anywhere  in  our  kingdom,  either  those  granted  by 
royal  bounty,  or  by  that  of  private  persons,  or  those  which 
shall  in  future  be  granted ; either  for  the  purpose  of  settling 
disputes,  or  to  exact  fines  for  any  cause,  or  to  obtain  lodg- 
ing, entertainment,  or  sureties.  But  whatever  the  treasury 
might  expect  from  fines  or  otherwise,  either  from  freemen, 
serfs,  or  others  within  the  fields  or  boundaries  of  the  afore- 
said church,  or  dwelling  upon  its  lands — this  revenue  we 
surrender,  for  our  future  welfare,  in  order  that  it  may  be 
applied  to  the  expenses  of  the  same  church  by  the  hand  of 
those  ruling  it,  forever. 

And  what  we,  in  the  name  of  God  and  for  the  remedy  of 
our  soul  and  that  of  our  children  after  us  have  granted  from 
full  devotion,  let  not  the  royal  sublimity  itself,  nor  the  reck- 
less cupidity  of  any  of  the  magistrates  be  tempted  to  violate. 
And  in  order  that  the  present  decree  may,  by  the  aid  of 
God,  remain  inviolate  now  and  hereafter,  we  have  ordained 
that  this  be  certified  by  the  subscription  of  our  hand. 

Therefore,  may  your  Greatness  (or  Perseverance)  know 
that  we  have  seen  fit  to  concede  by  our  ready  will  to 

, an  illustrious  man,  the  vill  named , situated 

in  the  district  of  , completely,  with  its  whole  proper 

boundary,  as  it  has  been  possessed  by  , or  by 

our  treasury,  or  is  possessed  at  this  present  time.  Where- 
fore, by  this  our  present  command,  we  have  decreed  forever 
that  the  person  aforesaid  should  have  the  above-mentioned 
vill,  in  its  entirety,  with  the  lands,  houses,  buildings,  villeins, 
slaves,  vineyards,  woods,  fields,  meadows,  pastures,  waters  or 
watercourses,  gristmills,  additions,  appurtenances,  including 
any  class  of  men  who  are  subjected  to  our  treasury  who 
dwell  there  ; in  entire  immunity,  and  without  the  entrance 
of  any  one  of  the  judges  for  the  purpose  of  exacting  fines 


Feudalism 


173 


for  any  kind  of  case.  He  shall  have,  hold,  and  possess  it  in 
proprietary  right  and  without  expecting  the  entrance  of  any 
of  our  judges  ; and  may  with  our  good  will  leave  it  to  his 
posterity,  by  the  aid  of  God,  or  to  whom  he  will;  by  our  per- 
mission he  shall  hereafter  be  free  to  do  with  it  what  he  will. 
And  in  order  that  this  concession  may  be  observed  the  more 
strictly,  we  have  determined  that  it  should  be  corroborated 
below  with  our  own  hand. 


B,  — The  Be7ieficium 


I, , in  the  name  of  God.  I have  settled  in  my  mind 

that  I ought,  for  the  good  of  my  soul,  to  make  a gift  of 
something  from  my  possessions,  which  I have  therefore 
done.  And  this  is  what  I now  hand  over,  in  the  district 

named , in  the  place  named , all  those  possessions  of 

mine  which  my  father  left  me  there  at  his  death,  and  which, 
as  against  the  claims  of  my  brothers,  or  as  against  those  of 
my  co-heirs,  legitimately  fell  to  me  in  the  division ; together 
with  those  possessions  which  I was  able  afterward  to  add  to 
them.  I grant  these  possessions  in  their  entirety:  that  is  to 
say,  the  courtyard,  the  buildings,  slaves,  houses,  lands  culti- 
vated and  uncultivated,  meadows,  woods,  waters,  mills,  etc. 

These,  as  I have  before  said,  with  all  the  things  adjacent 
or  appurtenant  to  them,  I hand  over  to  the  church,  which 

was  built  in  honor  of  St.  , or  to  the  monastery  which  is 

called , where  Abbot is  acknowledged  to  rule  regu- 

larly over  God’s  flock;  on  these  conditions,  viz.:  that  so  long 
as  life  remains  in  my  body  I shall  receive  from  you  the  pos- 
sessions above  described  as  a benefice  for  usufruct,  and  the 
due  payment  I will  make  to  you  and  your  successors  each 

year,  that  is  the  sum  of . And  my  son  shall  have  the  same 

possessions  for  the  days  of  his  life  only,  and  shall  make  the 
above-named  payment;  and  if  my  children  should  survive  me, 
they  shall  have  the  same  possessions  during  the  days  of  their 
life  and  shall  make  the  same  payment;  and  if  God  shall  give 
me  a son  from  a legitimate  wife,  he  shall  have  the  same  posses- 
sions for  the  days  of  his  life  only,  after  the  death  of  whom 


74.  Land 
granted  to  a 
monastery 
and  received 
back  by  its 
former 
owner  as  a 
Beneficium 
for  usufruct. 


The  land 
given  back 
by  the 
church  or 
monastery 
as  a benefice 
or  ^recaria. 


174  Readings  in  European  Histoiy 

the  same  possessions  with  all  their  improvements  shall  return 
to  your  part  to  be  held  forever.  Should  it  accordingly  be 
my  fate  to  beget  sons  from  a legitimate  marriage,  these  shall 
hold  the  same  possessions  after  my  death,  making  the  above- 
named  payment,  during  the  time  of  their  lives. ^ If  not,  how- 
ever, these  same  possessions  shall,  after  my  death,  without 
tergiversation  of  any  kind,  by  right  of  your  authority,  revert 
to  you,  to  be  retained  forever. 

If  any  one,  however,  — which  I do  not  believe  will  ever 
occur, — if  I myself  or  any  other  person  shall  wish  to  impeach 
the  validity  of  this  grant,  in  opposition  to  the  truth,  may  his 
deceit  in  no  way  succeed.  For  his  bold  attempt  let  him  pay 
to  the  aforesaid  monastery  double  the  amount  which  his  dis- 
ordered rapacity  has  been  prevented  from  abstracting;  and, 
moreover,  let  him  be  liable  to  the  royal  authority  for  a pay- 
ment of  gold  equal  to ; moreover,  let  the  present  charter 

remain  inviolate  with  all  that  it  contains,  with  the  witnesses 
below. 

Done  at , publicly,  those  who  are  noted  below  being 

present,  together  with  the  remaining  innumerable  multitude 
of  people. 

In  the  name  of  God,  I,  Abbot  , with  our  commis- 
sioned brethren.  Since  it  is  not  unknown  how  y^u, , 

by  the  suggestion  of  divine  exhortation,  did  grant  to  the 
monastery  , to  the  church  which  is  known  to  be  con- 
structed in  honor  of  St.  , where  we,  by  God’s  author- 

ity, exercise  our  pastoral  care,  all  your  possessions  which  you 
appeared  to  have  in  the  district  named,  in  the  vill  named, 
which  your  father  on  his  death  bequeathed  to  you  there, 
or  which  by  your  own  labor  you  were  able  to  gain  there,  or 

which  as  against  your  brother  or  against , a co-heir,  a 

just  division  gave  you,  with  courtyard  and  buildings,  gar- 
dens and  orchards,  with  various  slaves,  and  such  and  such 
houses,  meadows,  woods,  lands  cultivated  and  uncultivated, 
and  with  all  the  dependencies  and  appurtenances  belonging 

1 Probably  a choice  was  supposed  to  be  made  among  these  several 
almost  identical  provisions  in  regard  to  the  rights  of  children. 


Feudalism 


175 

to  it,  which  it  would  be  extremely  long  to  enumerate,  in  all 
their  completeness. 

But  afterwards,  at  your  request,  it  has  seemed  proper  to 
us  to  cede  to  you  the  same  possessions  to  be  held  for  usu- 
fruct; and  you  will  not  neglect  to  pay  henceforth  annually 

the  due  censum^  to  wit, . And  if  God  should  give  you 

a son  by  your  legal  wife,  he  shall  have  the  same  posses- 
sions for  the  days  of  his  life  only,  and  shall  not  presume  to 
neglect  the  above-named  payment ; and  similarly  your  sons 
which'you  are  seen  to  have  at  present  shall  do  for  the  days 
of  their  life  ; after  the  death  of  whom  ail  the  possessions 
above  named  shall  revert  to  us  and  our  successors  perpetu- 
ally. Moreover,  if  no  sons  shall  have  been  begotten  by  you, 
immediately  after  your  death,  without  any  troublesome  con- 
tention, the  property  shall  revert  to  the  rulers  or  guardians 
of  the  above-named  church  forever. 

Nor  may  any  one,  either  ourselves  or  our  successors,  suc- 
ceed in  a rash  attempt  to  nullify  these  arrangements,  but 
just  as  present  circumstances  call  for  the  precaria  in  ques- 
tion, so  may  the  agreement  endure  unchanged  which  we,  with 
the  consent  of  our  brothers,  have  decided  to  corroborate. 

Done  at  , in  the  presence  of  — ; — and  of  others, 

whom  it  is  needless  to  enumerate.  Seal  of  the  said  abbot 
who  has  ordered  this  precaria  to  be  made. 

C.  — Commendation 

To  that  magnificent  Lord I, . Since  it  is  known 

familiarly  to  all  how  little  I have  whence  to  feed  and  clothe 
myself,  I have  therefore  petitioned  your  Piety,  and  your 
good  will  has  permitted  me  to  hand  myself  over  or  com- 
mend myself  to  your  guardianship,  which  I have  thereupon 
done ; that  is  to  say,  in  this  way,  that  you  should  aid  and 
succor  me  as  well  with  food  as  with  clothing,  according  as 
I shall  be  able  to  serve  you  and  deserve  it. 

And  so  long  as  I shall  live  I ought  to  provide  service  and 
honor  to  you,  suitably  to  my  free  condition;  and  I shall  not 
during  my  lifetime  have  the  ability  to  withdraw  from  your 


75.  A Frank* 
ish  formula 
of  commen- 
dation of 
the  seventh 
century. 


76.  Formal 
acceptance 
of  a follower 
by  his  lord 
in  the 
seventh 
century. 


77.  How  one 
who  owned 
his  land  — 
i.e.  held  it 
as  an  allod 
— might 
change  it 
to  a fief. 


176  Readings  in  European  History 

power  or  guardianship,  but  must  remain  during  the  days  of 
my  life  under  your  power  or  defense.  Wherefore  it  is  proper 
that  if  either  of  us  shall  wish  to  withdraw  himself  from  these 

agreements,  he  shall  pay  shillings  to  his  companion, 

and  this  agreement  shall  remain  unbroken. 

Wherefore  it  is  fitting  that  they  should  make  or  confirm 
between  themselves  two  letters  drawn  up  in  the  same  form 
on  this  matter ; which  they  have  thus  done. 

t 

It  is  right  that  those  who  offer  to  us  unbroken  fidelity 
should  be  protected  by  our  aid.  And  since , a faith- 

ful one  of  ours,  by  the  favor  of  God,  coming  here  in  our 
palace  with  his  arms,  has  seen  fit  to  swear  trust  and  fidelity 
to  us  in  our  hand,  therefore  we  herewith  decree  and  com- 
mand that  for  the  future , above  mentioned,  be 

reckoned  among  the  number  of  the  antrustions  [i.e.  fol- 
lowers]. And  if  any  one  perchance  should  presume  to  kill 
him,  let  him  know  that  he  will  be  judged  guilty  of  his  weregild 
of  six  hundred  shillings. 


II.  The  Granting  of  Fiefs 

To  all  who  shall  see  the  present  letters^  the  Official  of  Auxerre^ 

greeting  in  the  Lord : 

Let  all  know,  that  standing  in  our  presence,  William  de  la 
Foret,  knight,  and  Agnes,  his  wife,  asserting  firmly  that  they 
hold  and  possess  in  free  allod  the  property  noted  below; 
namely : the  arpent  of  vines,  situated  in  the  vineyard  of 
Chablis,  in  the  place  which  is  called  the  Close,  between  the 
vines  of  William  Berner,  on  the  one  side,  and  the  vines  of 
the  late  Pariot,  on  the  other.  . . . [The  charter  continues 
to  describe  some  twenty  pieces  of  vineyard,  meadow,  and 
arable  land,  certain  houses,  and  rents  in  wine  and  grain,  the 
property  being  situated  apparently  in  six  different  villages.] 
Also  their  houses  situated  at  Chablis  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  the  late  Peter  Venator,  knight ; likewise  three 
measures  of  wine  annually  due  to  the  aforesaid  William  and 
his  wife,  as  is  stated,  in  the  priory  of  Dyem,  — in  short,  all 


Feudalism 


177 


the  above-mentioned  property  which  the  said  Agnes  is  said 
to  hold  directly  and  hereditarily,  together  with  all  other  things 
which  they  possessed  and  held  in  free  allod,  as  they  claim, 
and  still  hold  and  possess  within  the  boundaries  of  Chablis, 
of  Chichiac,  of  Milli,  of  Ponche,  of  Bena,  and  of  Chapelle, — 
in  short,  the  direct  and  hereditary  holdings  of  the  same  Agnes 
wherever  they  may  be  within  the  same  boundaries,  and  what- 
soever, by  their  common  consent  and  will,  after  previous 
deliberation,  they  have  placed  altogether  in  the  fee  of  the 
church  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours,  and  for  the  future  have  wished 
to  hold  and  possess  firmly  in  fee  from  the  said  church. 

They  promise  on  their  fealty  personally  offered  that  they 
hold  and  will  hold  for  the  future,  from  the  said  church  in 
fee,  the  things  aforesaid  and  enumerated  above,  with  all  other 
things  which  they  hold  and  possess  within  the  said  bounda- 
ries, wherever  and  whatsoever  they  may  be;  and  in  future, 
by  reason  of  the  same  property,  will  provide  feudal  service 
to  the  same  church  as  they  ought  to  provide  it,  just  as  others 
holding  in  fee  are  accustomed  to  hold  and  are  bound  to  give 
or  provide.  . . . 

Given  a.d.  1267,  Wednesday  after  the  Ascension  of  the 
Lord. 

I,  Thiebault,  count  palatine  of  Troyes,  make  known  to 
those  present  and  to  come,  that  I have  given  in  fee  to 
Jocelyn  d^Avalon  and  his  heirs  the  manor  which  is  called 
Gillencourt,  which  is  of  the  castellany  of  La  Ferte  sur 
Aube ; and  whatever  the  same  Jocelyn  shall  be  able  to 
acquire  in  the  same  manor  I have  granted  to  him  and  his 
heirs  in  augmentation  of  that  fief.  I have  granted,  moreover, 
to  him  that  in  no  free  manor  of  mine  will  I retain  men  who 
are  of  this  gift.  The  same  Jocelyn,  moreover,  on  account 
of  this  has  become  my  liegeman,  saving,  however,  his  alle- 
giance to  Gerard  d’Arcy,  and  to  the  lord  duke  of  Burgundy 
and  to  Peter,  count  of  Auxerre. 

Done  at  Chouaude,  by  my  own  witness,  in  the  year  of 
the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord  1200,  in  the  month  of  January. 
Given  by  the  hand  of  Walter,  my  chancellor. 


78.  The 
count  of 
Troyes 
grants  a 
manor  to 
a certain 
Jocelyn  to 
be  held  as  a 
fief  (1200). 


178 


Readings  in  European  History 


79.  Record 
of  a grant 
made  by 
Abbot  Fari- 
tius  to 
Robert,  a 
knight. 


80.  The 
count  of 
Champagne 
grants  a 
fief  to  the 
bishop  of 
Beauvais 
(1167). 


81.  Pons  of 
Mont-Saint- 
Jean  be- 
comes the 
man  of  the 
countess  of 
Champagne 
by  accept- 
ing a money 
fief. 


Abbot  Faritius  also  granted  to  Robert,  son  of  William 
Mauduit,  the  land  of  four  hides  in  Weston  which  his  father 
had  held  from  the  former’s  predecessor,  to  be  held  as  a fief. 
And  he  should  do  this  service  for  it,  to  wit : that  whenever 
the  church  of  Abingdon  should  perform  its  knight’s  service 
he  should  do  the  service  of  half  a knight  for  the  same  church  ; 
that  is  to  say,  in  castle  ward,  in  military  service  beyond  and 
on  this  side  the  sea,  in  giving  money  in  proportion  to  the 
knights  on  the  capture  of  the  king,  and  in  the  rest  of  the 
services  which  the  other  knights  of  the  church  perform.  He 
also  did  homage  to  the  same  abbot.  This  land  previously 
did  the  service  of  three  weeks  yearly  only. 

In^the  name  of  the  holy  and  undivided  Trinity,  Amen. 
I,  Louis,  by  the  grace  of  God  king  of  the  French,  make 
known  to  all  present  as  well  as  to  come,  that  at  Mante,  in 
our  presence.  Count  Henry  of  Champagne  conceded  the  fief 
of  Savigny  to  Bartholomew,  bishop  of  Beauvais,  and  his 
successors.  And  for  that  fief  the  said  bishop  has  made 
promise  and  engagement  for  one  knight,  and  justice  and 
service  to  Count  Henry;  and  he  has  also  agreed  that  the 
bishops  who  shall  come  after  him  will  do  likewise.  In  order 
that  this  may  be  understood  and  known  to  posterity,  we  have 
caused  the  present  charter  to  be  corroborated  by  our  seal. 

Done  at  Mante,  in  the  year  of  the  Incarnate  Word  1167; 
present  in  our  palace  those  whose  names  and  seals  are  ap- 
pended : seal  of  Count  Thiebault,  our  steward  ; seal  of  Guy, 
the  butler;  seal  of  Matthew,  the  chamberlain  ; seal  of  Ralph, 
the  constable.  Given  by  the  hand  of  Hugh,  the  chancellor. 

I,  Pons  of  Mont-Saint-Jean,  make  known  to  all,  both  pres- 
ent and  future,  that  since  I have  long  been  the  man  of  my 
beloved  Lady  Blanche,  countess  of  Champagne,  for  twenty 
pounds  assigned  to  the  fair  at  Bar,  and  since  later  both  the 
countess  and  my  dear  lord  have  added  other  twenty  pounds 
assigned  to  the  same  fair  and  gave  me  three  hundred  pounds 
in  cash, — I swore  by  the  saints  that  I would  in  good  faith 
aid  them  and  their  heirs  with  my  people  and  fortifications. 


Feudalism 


179 


If  necessary  I will  fight  especially  against  Erarcl  of  Brienne 
and  Philippa  his  wife,  and  against  Adelaide,  queen  of  Cyprus, 
and  her  heirs,  and  against  all  who  would  aid  them  ; except 
that  should  the  said  countess  or  count  or  their  people  be 
against  Milo  of  Noyers,  my  sister’s  husband,  in  his  castle  of 
Noyers  or  elsewhere  in  his  lands,  neither  I nor  my  people 
shall  be  held  to  go  thither.  If,  however,  the  said  Milo  or 
his  people  set  upon  the  countess  or  the  count  or  their 
people,  we  shall  be  held  to  defend  them  and  their  lands  with 
all  our  might. 

It  is  also  to  be  known  that  my  heir  who  shall  hold  Charnia- 
cum  shall  also  have  the  fief  above  mentioned  of  forty  pounds. 

That  all  this  shall  be  held  valid,  I corroborate  what  has 
here  been  written  with  the  impression  of  my  seal.  Done  in 
the  year  of  grace  1219,  in  the  month  of  June. 

We,  Regnault  de  Fauquemont,  knight,  lord  of  Bournes 
and  of  Sitter,  make  known  to  all  by  these  presents,  that  we 
have  become  liegeman  of  the  king  of  France,  our  lord,  and 
to  him  have  made  faith  and  homage  because  of  one  thousand 
livres  of  Tours  of  income  which  he  has  given  to  us  during  our 
life,  to  be  drawn  from  his  treasury  at  Paris.  And  we  have 
promised  to  him  and  do  promise  by  these  presents  to  serve 
him  loyally  and  well  in  his  wars  and  otherwise  against  all 
men  who  may  live  and  die,  in  the  form  and  manner  in  which 
a good  and  loyal  subject  ought  to  serve  his  sovereign  lord. 
In  testimony  of  which  we  have  put  our  seal  to  these  present 
letters.  Given  at  Paris,  the  15th  day  of  June,  the  year  1380. 


III.  Ceremony  of  doing  Homage  and  swearing  Fealty 

Through  the  whole  remaining  part  of  the  day  those  who 
had  been  previously  enfeoffed  by  the  most  pious  Count 
Charles  did  homage  to  the  [new]  count,  taking  up  now  again 
their  fiefs  and  offices  and  whatever  they  had  before  right- 
fully and  legitimately  obtained.  On  Thursday,  the  seventh 
of  April,  homages  were  again  made  to  the  count,  being  com- 
pleted in  the  following  order  of  faith  and  security. 


82.  How  a 
knight  ac- 
cepted a 
money  fiet 
from  the 
king  of 
France 
(1380). 


83.  How  the 
count  of 
Flanders 
received  the 
homage  of 
his  vassals 
(1127). 


i8o  Readings  in  Etiropean  History 

First  they  did  their  homage  thus.  The  count  asked  the 
vassal  if  he  were  willing  to  become  completely  his  man,  and 
the  other  replied,  ‘‘I  am  willing’’;  and  with  hands  clasped, 
placed  between  the  hands  of  the  count,  they  were  bound  to- 
gether by  a kiss.  Secondly,  he  who  had  done  homage  gave 
his  fealty  to  the  representative  of  the  count  in  these  words, 
“ I promise  on  my  faith  that  I will  in  future  be  faithful  to 
Count  William,  and  will  observe  my  homage  to  him  com- 
pletely against  all  persons,  in  good  faith  and  without  deceit.’’ 
And,  thirdly,  he  took  his  oath  to  this  upon  the  relics  of  the 
saints.  Afterward  the  count,  with  a little  rod  which  he  held 
in  his  hand,  gave  investitures  to  all  who  by  this  agreement 
had  given  their  security  and  accompanying  oath. 


84.  The 
viscount  of 
Carcassonne 
does  homage 
to  the 
abbot  of 
St.  Mary 
of  Grasse 
(iiio). 


In  the  name  of  the  Lord,  I,  Bernard  Atton,  viscount  of 
Carcassonne,  in  the  presence  of  my  sons,  Roger  and  Tren- 
cavel,  and  of  Peter  Roger  of  Barbazan,  and  William  Hugo, 
and  Raymond  Mantellini,  and  Peter  de  Vitry,  nobles,  and 
of  many  other  honorable  men,  who  had  come  to  the  monas- 
tery of  St.  Mary  of  Grasse  in  honor  of  the  festival  of  the 
august  St.  Mary.  Since  Lord  Leo,  abbot  of  the  said  monas- 
tery, asked  me,  in  the  presence  of  all  those  above  mentioned, 
to  acknowledge  to  him  the  fealty  and  homage  for  the  castles, 
manors,  and  places  which  the  patrons,  my  ancestors,  held 
from  him  and  his  predecessors  and  from  the  said  monastery 
as  a fief,  and  which  I ought  to  hold  as  they  held,  I have  made 
to  the  lord  abbot  Leo  acknowledgment  and  done  homage 
as  I ought  to  do. 

Therefore,  let  all  present  and  to  come  know  that  I,  the  said 
Bernard  Atton,  lord  and  viscount  of  Carcassonne,  acknowl- 
edge verily  to  thee,  my  Lord  Leo,  by  the  grace  of  God  abbot 
of  St.  Mary  of  Grasse,  and  to  thy  successors,  that  I hold  and 
ought  to  hold  as  a fief,  in  Carcassonne,  the  following : that 
is  to  say,  the  castles  of  Confoles,  of  Leocque,  of  Capendes 
(which  is  otherwise  known  as  St.  Martin  of  Sussagues);  and 
the  manors  of  Mairac,  of  Albars,  and  of  Musso ; also,  in  the 
valley  of  Aquitaine,  Rieux,  Traverina,  Herault,  Archas,  Ser- 
vians, Villatritoes,  Tansiraus,  Presler,  and  Cornelles. 


FeiLdalism 


i8i 


Moreover,  I acknowledge  that  I hold  from  thee  and  from 
the  said  monastery,  as  a fief,  the  castle  of  Termes  in  Nar- 
bonne;  and  in  Minerve,  the  castle  of  Ventaion,  and  the 
manors  of  Cassanolles,  and  of  Ferral  and  Aiohars ; and  in 
Le  Roges,  the  little  village  of  Longville  ; for  each  and  all 
of  which  I render  homage  and  fealty  with  hands  and  mouth 
to  thee,  my  said  Lord  Abbot  Leo  and  to  thy  successors;  and 
I swear  upon  these  four  gospels  of  God  that  I will  always 
be  a faithful  vassal  to  thee  and  to  thy  successors  and  to  St. 
Mary  of  Grasse  in  all  things  in  which  a vassal  is  required  to 
be  faithful  to  his  lord ; and  I will  defend  thee,  my  lord,  and 
all  thy  successors,  and  the  said  monastery,  and  the  monks 
present  and  to  come^  and  the  castles  and  manors  and  all 
your  men  and  their  possessions  against  all  malefactors  and 
invaders,  of  my  own  free  will  and  at  my  own  cost,  and  so 
shall  my  successors  do  after  me  ; and  I will  give  to  thee 
power  over  all  the  castles  and  manors  above  described,  in 
peace  and  in  war,  whenever  they  shall  be  claimed  by  thee  or 
by  thy  successors. 

Moreover,  I acknowledge  that,  as  a recognition  of  the 
above  fiefs,  I and  my  successors  ought  to  come  to  the  said 
monastery  at  our  own  expense,  as  often  as  a new  abbot 
shall  have  been  appointed,  and  there  do  homage  and  return 
to  him  the  power  over  all  the  fiefs  described  above.  And 
when  the  abbot  shall  mount  his  horse,  I and  my  heirs,  vis- 
counts of  Carcassonne,  and  our  successors  ought  to  hold 
the  stirrup  for  the  honor  of  the  dominion  of  St.  Mary  of 
Grasse;  and  to  him  and  all  who  come  with  him,  to  as  many 
as  two  hundred  beasts,  we  should  make  the  abbot’s  purvey- 
ance in  the  borough  of  St.  Michael  of  Carcassonne,  the  first 
time  he  enters  Carcassonne,  with  the  best  fish  and  meat,  and 
with  eggs  and  cheese,  honorably,  according  to  his  will,  and 
pay  the  expense  of  shoeing  the  horses,  and  for  straw  and 
fodder  as  the  season  shall  require. 

And  if  I or  my  sons  or  their  successors  do  not  observe 
towards  thee  or  thy  successors  each  and  all  the  conditions 
declared  above,  and  should  come  against  these  things,  we 
desire  that  all  the  aforesaid  fiefs  should  by  that  very  fact  be 


i82 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  abbot 
acknowl- 
edges that 
homage 
has  been 
rendered. 


85.  Rules 
for  homage 
and  fealty 
established 
by  St.  Louis, 


handed  over  to  thee  and  to  the  said  monastery  of  St.  Mary 
of  Grasse  and  to  thy  successors. 

I,  therefore,  the  aforesaid  Lord  Leo,  by  the  grace  of  God 
abbot  of  St.  Mary  of  Grasse,  receive  the  homage  and  fealty 
for  all  fiefs  of  castles  and  manors  and  places  which  are 
described  above,  in  the  way  and  with  the  agreements  and 
understandings  written  above ; and  likewise  I concede  to 
thee  and  thy  heirs  and  their  successors,  the  viscounts  of 
Carcassonne,  all  the  castles  and  manors  and  places  afore- 
said, as  a fief,  along  with  this  present  charter.  . . . And  I 
promise  by  the  religion  of  my  order  to  thee  and  thy  heirs 
and  successors,  viscounts  of  Carcassonne,  that  I will  be  a 
good  and  faithful  lord  concerning  all  those  things  described 
above.  . . . 

Made  in  the  year  of  the  Incarnation  of  the  Lord  mo, 
in  the  reign  of  Louis  [VI].  Seal  of  Bernard  Atton,  viscount 
of  Carcassonne,  seal  of  Raymond  Mantellini,  seal  of  Peter 
Roger  of  Barbazan,  seal  of  Roger,  son  of  the  said  viscount 
of  Carcassonne,  seal  of  Peter  de  Vitry,  seal  of  Trencavel, 
son  of  the  said  viscount  of  Carcassonne,  seal  of  William 
Hugo,  seal  of  Lord  Abbot  Leo,  who  has  accepted  this 
acknowledgment  of  the  homage  of  the  said  viscount. 

And  I,  the  monk  John,  have  written  this  charter  at  the 
command  of  the  said  lord  Bernard  Atton,  viscount  of  Car- 
cassonne, and  of  his  sons,  on  the  day  and  year  given  above, 
in  the  presence  and  witness  of  all  those  named  above. 

If  any  one  should  hold  from  a lord  in  fee,  he  ought  to 
seek  his  lord  within  forty  days,  and  if  he  does  not  do  it 
within  forty  days,  the  lord  may  and  ought  to  seize  his  fief 
for  default  of  homage,  and  the  things  which  should  be  found 
there  he  should  seize  without  return,  and  yet  the  vassal  would 
be  obliged  to  pay  to  his  lord  the  redemption. 

When  any  one  wishes  to  enter  into  the  fealty  of  a lord  he 
ought  to  seek  him,  as  we  have  said  above,  and  should  say  as 
follows : ‘‘  Sir,  I request  you,  as  my  lord,  to  put  me  in  your 
fealty  and  in  your  homage  for  such  and  such  a thing  situated 
in  your  fief,  which  I have  obtained.’’  And  he  ought  to  say 


Feitdalism 


183 


from  what  man,  and  this  one  ought  to  be  present  and  in 
the  fealty  of  the  lord  ; and  he  ought  to  explain  whether  it  is 
by  purchase,  or  by  escheat,  or  by  inheritance ; and  with  his 
hands  joined,  to  speak  as  follows  : “ Sir,  I become  your 
man  and  promise  to  you  fealty  for  the  future  as  my  lord 
towards  all  men  who  may  live  or  die,  rendering  to  you  such 
service  as  the  fief  requires,  paying  to  you  your  relief,  as  you 
are  the  lord/’  And  he  ought  to  say  whether  for  guardian- 
ship, or  as  an  escheat,  or  as  an  inheritance,  or  as  a purchase. 

The  lord  should  immediately  reply  to  him,  ‘‘And  I receive 
you  and  take  you  as  my  man,  and  give  you  this  kiss  as  a 
sign  of  faith,  saving  my  right  and  that  of  others,”  according 
to  the  usage  of  the  various  districts. 

And  the  lord  may  take  the  revenues  and  the  products  of 
the  year,  if  the  relief  is  not  paid  to  him,  and  also  money 
rents.  But  no  one  makes  money  payments  for  a guardian- 
ship, or  for  a dowry,  or  for  a partition,  or  for  a report  of 
the  extent  of  the  fief,  according  to  the  usages  of  various 
districts ; except  in  the  one  case  where  the  one  who  holds  in 
guardianship  ought  to  give  security  to  the  parties  that  when 
the  child  shall  come  of  age,  the  one  who  has  the  guardian- 
ship will  do  it  at  his  own  expense  and  at  his  cost  and  will 
guarantee  the  socage  tenants  for  any  payments.  This  in  the 
case  of  a fief,  but  in  villanage  there  is  no  guardianship. 


Fulbert^  bishop  by  the  grace  of  Gof  to  Gunther^  Viscount 
Hubert^  Roger^  Bucard^  Hugo  the  son  of  Hugo^  Ottred^ 
Hamelin^  Hugo  the  son  of  Herbrand^  a7id  the  %mfe  of  Guis- 
mand^  and  to  all  others  who  hold  benefices  of  the  church  of 
St.  Mary  at  Chartres  by  the  gift  of  Bishop  Reginald : 

I summon  you  and  conjure  you  in  the  name  of  God  and 
St.  Mary  and  in  our  own  name,  that  ye  come  to  us  before 
next  Easter  and  do  your  service  to  us  or  render  a just 
account  of  your  benefices.  If  you  shall  not  do  this,  I will 
excommunicate  you  for  your  disobedience  ; and  I will  forbid 
you  to  hear  the  divine  office,  to  receive  the  communion  while 
you  live,  and  to  have  (Christian)  burial  when  you  die.  Yea, 
verily,  I will  anathematize  the  castle  of  Vindocinium  and 


86.  How  an 
ecclesias- 
tical lord 
might 
punish  a 
refractory 
vassal  by 
excommuni- 
cation and 
interdict. 


Readings  in  Ett7^opean  History 


184 

the  lands  thereof,  and  the  divine  office  shall  not  be  celebrated 
there  nor  the  dead  buried.  And  afterwards  I will  give  away 
to  one  man,  or  to  many,  the  benefices  which  ye  hold,  and 
will  negotiate  no  further  with  you  in  regard  to  them.  May 
God  change  your  hearts,  my  children! 


IV.  Mutual  Duties  of  Vassal  and  Lord 


87.  Bishop 
Fulbert  of 
Chartres 
explains  in 
a celebrated 
letter  the 
duties  of 
vassal  and 
lord  (1020). 


Positive 
duties  of 
lord  and 
vassal. 


To  William^  most  glorious  duke  of  the  Aquita7tiaus,  Bishop 

Fulbert^  the  favor  of  his  prayers : 

Asked  to  write  something  concerning  the  form  of  fealty, 
I have  noted  briefly  for  you,  on  the  authority  of  the  books, 
the  things  which  follow.  He  who  swears  fealty  to  his  lord 
ought  always  to  have  these  six  things  in  memory:  what  is 
harmless,  safe,  honorable,  useful,  easy,  practicable.  Harm- 
less^ that  is  to  say,  that  he  should  not  injure  his  lord  in  his 
body ; safe^  that  he  should  not  injure  him  by  betraying  his 
secrets  or  the  defenses  upon  which  he  relies  for  safety ; 
honorable^  that  he  should  not  injure  him  in  his  justice  or 
in  other  matters  that  pertain  to  his  honor  useful^  that  he 
should  not  injure  him  in  his  possessions;  easy  and  practicable^ 
that  that  good  which  his  lord  is  able  to  do  easily  he  make 
not  difficult,  nor  that  which  is  practicable  he  make  not 
impossible  to  him. 

That  the  faithful  vassal  should  avoid  these  injuries  is 
certainly  proper,  but  not  for  this  alone  does  he  deserve  his 
holding ; for  it  is  not  sufficient  to  abstain  from  evil,  unless 
what  is  good  is  done  also.  It  remains,  therefore,  that  in  the 
same  six  things  mentioned  above  he  should  faithfully  coun- 
sel and  aid  his  lord,  if  he  wishes  to  be  looked  upon  as 
worthy  of  his  benefice  and  to  be  safe  concerning  the  fealty 
which  he  has  sworn. 

The  lord  also  ought  to  act  toward  his  faithful  vassal  recip- 
rocally in  all  these  things.  And  if  he  does  not  do  this,  he  will 
be  justly  considered  guilty  of  bad  faith,  just  as  the  former, 
if  he  should  be  detected  in  avoiding  or  consenting  to  the 
avoidance  of  his  duties,  would  be  perfidious  and  perjured. 


Feudalism 


185 


I would  have  written  to  you  at  greater  length,  if  I had 
not  been  occupied  with  many  other  things,  including  the 
rebuilding  of  our  city  and  church,  which  was  lately  entirely 
consumed  in  a terrible  fire  ; from  which  loss,  though  we 
could  not  for  a while  be  diverted,  yet  by  the  hope  of  God’s 
comfort  and  of  yours  we  breathe  again. 


V.  Feudal  Military  Service 


In  the  year  1272  the  bishop  of  Paris  came  to  Tours  at 
the  citation  of  the  lord  king  and  presented  himself  in  the 
king’s  house  on  the  second  Sunday  after  Easter,  before 
Ferrario  of  Verneuil,  knight,  marshal  of  France,  saying  that 
he  had  come  at  the  citation  of  the  lord  king  prepared  to 
fulfill  his  duty;  who  replied  to  him  that  he  should  come 
again,  or  send,  at  the  first  hour  of  the  next  day,  because  in 
the  meanwhile  he  could  not  speak  or  respond  to  him,  since 
Gregory  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours  was  absent,  on  account  of 
his  weakness,  and  because,  moreover,  he  was  expecting  new 
instructions  from  the  king. 

On  the  next  day,  and  on  Tuesday,  the  aforesaid  bishop 
presented  himself  before  the  said  marshal,  saying  that  he 
had  come  ready  for  the  service  of  the  king  with  three 
knights,  whose  names  were  John  of  Marcey,  John  of  Jul- 
liaco,  and  Adam  of  Blois.  He  said  that  if  he  was  held  to 
send  more,  he  was  ready  to  do  what  he  ought ; and  if  he 
had  furnished  more  than  he  owed,  that  this  should  not  bind 
either  him  or  the  church  of  Paris  for  the  future. 

The  bishop  of  Troyes  appeared  for  his  see,  saying  that  he 
owed  two  knights,  whose  names  were  Ralph  and  Droce  of 
Preaux. 

The  bishop  of  Noyon  was  represented  by  Theobald  of 
Boesseria,  a knight,  who  acknowledged  that  the  said  bishop 
owed  five  knights  and  sent  three  knights  beyond  what  he 
owed.  The  names  of  the  knights  are  as  follows:  Ansold  of 
Rancorolis,  Nevelon  of  Rancorolis,  his  brother,  etc.  . . , 
They  went  forth  to  the  service  of  the  king. 


88.  List  of 
men  sum- 
moned under 
Philip  III  of 
France  to 
perform 
military 
service 
(1272). 


1 86  Readings  m European  History 

The  bishop  of  Bayeux  was  represented  by  Thomas  of 
Semilly,  his  procurator,  who  acknowledged  that  the  said 
bishop  owed  ten  knights  for  the  service  of  the  king  in  the 
army.  These  he  sent,  namely,  John  of  Bellengreville,  John 
of  Caenchy,  Richard  of  Rovancestre,  William  of  Surrain, 
and  others.  . . . 

John  of  Rouvray,  a knight,  lord  of  Yneto,  appeared  for 
himself,  confessing  that  he  owed,  by  reason  of  his  holding 
of  Rouvray,  one  knight,  whom  he  brought  with  him,  namely, 
John  of  Cairn. 

Fulco  of  Bauquancayo,  a knight,  appeared  for  the  abbot 
of  St.  Ebrulf,  and  went  forth  for  the  said  abbot,  as  he  should, 
and  was  held  to  do. 

The  archdeacon  of  Cheuteville  did  not  appear,  but  sent 
one  knight,  namely,  Peter  of  Maucomble. 

Reginaldus  Trihan,  a knight,  appeared  and  went  forth  for 
himself. 

. . . John  of  Rouvray,  a knight,  appeared  for  himself,  say- 
ing that  he  owed  one  knight  for  his  fief  of  Corbon  and  its  ap- 
purtenances. He  offered  for  himself  John  of  Meier,  a knight. 
What  service  he  owed  on  his  wife’s  part  he  did  not  know. 

Robert  Bertran,  a squire,  appeared  and ‘said  that  he  owed 
the  lord  king  two  knights  and  a half. 

. . . The  abbot  St.  Columba  at  Sens  appeared  in  person, 
and  said  he  had  never  known  his  monastery  to  do  military 
service  by  furnishing  knights.  The  service  was  rendered  in 
money,  namely,  eight  score  pounds  for  the  army  and  the  sum 
of  seventeen  Parisian  pounds. 

Hugh  de  Conflent,  knight,  marshal  of  Champagne,  ap- 
peared for  the  king  of  Navarre,  and  brought  with  him  sixty 
knights,  to  do  the  service  owed  to  the  king. 

Stephanus  Mener  and  Adam  Allutarius  appeared  for  the 
city  of  Villeneuve-le-Roi,  near  Sens,  and  said  they  owed  no 
military  service  to  the  king,  unless  they  chose  to  render 
it  out  of  sheer  courtesy.  And  they  would  do  the  bidding  of 
the  lord  king  only  on  condition  that  they  go  only  as  far  from 
Villeneuve  as  they  can  return  thither  in  one  day,  during 
the  sunlight  or  the  daylight. 


Feudalism 


187 


The  representative  chosen  by  the  abbot  of  Ferrieres 
appeared  in  person,  and  said  that  he  owed  no  military  serv- 
ice with  horses  and  arms,  but  only  the  sum  of  seventeen 
pounds  Parisian  and  his  followers  six  score  pounds,  namely, 
sixty  pounds  for  Ferrieres  and  sixty  for  Beausse.  . . . 

VI.  Failure  of  Feudalism  to  secure  Order.  The 
Truce  of  God 

[In  the  form  which  feudalism  had  reached  at  the  Nor- 
man Conquest,]  it  may  be  described  as  a complete  organiza- 
tion of  society  through  the  medium  of  land  tenure,  in  which 
from  the  king  down  to  the  lowest  landowner  all  are  bound 
together  by  obligation  of  service  and  defense:  the  lord  to 
protect  his  vassal,  the  vassal  to  do  service  to  his  lord ; the 
defense  and  service  being  based  on  and  regulated  by  the 
nature  and  extent  of  the  land  held  by  the  one  of  the  other. 
In  those  states  which  have  reached  the  territorial  stage  of 
development,  the  rights  of  defense  and  service  are  supple- 
mented by  the  right  of  jurisdiction.  The  lord  judges  as  well 
as  defends  his  vassal ; the  vassal  does  suit  as  well  as  service 
to  his  lord.  In  states  in  which  feudal  government  has  reached 
its  utmost  growth,  the  political,  financial,  judicial,  every  branch 
of  public  administration  is  regulated  by  the  same  conditions. 
The  central  authority  is  a mere  shadow  of  a name. 

The  general  failure  of  feudalism  to  secure  peace  and 
order,  indeed  its  tendency  directly  to  promote  disorder, 
is  illustrated  by  many  of  the  passages  from  the  chron- 
icles found  in  the  following  chapters  (see,  especially. 
Chapter  X).  The  provisions  of  the  Truce  of  God  are 
eloquent  of  existing  conditions. 

Inasmuch  as  in  our  own  times  the  Church,  through  its 
members,  has  been  extraordinarily  afflicted  by  tribulations 
and  difficulties,  so  that  tranquillity  and  peace  were  wholly 

^ This  document  has  been  preserved  only  in  this  form,  in  which  it  was 
communicated  by  the  archbishop  of  Cologne  to  the  bishop  of  Munster. 


89.  Bishop 
Stubbs* 
definition 
of  ideal 
feudalism. 


90.  The 
Truce  of  God 
issued  by  a 
synod  held 
at  Cologne 
in  1083.1 


1 88  Readings  in  European  History 

despaired  of,  we  have  endeavored  with  God’s  help  to  come 
to  its  aid,  in  the  midst  of  its  sufferings  and  perils.  And  by 
the  advice  of  our  faithful  subjects  we  have  at  length  pro- 
vided this  remedy,  so  that  we  might  to  some  extent  reestab- 
lish, on  certain  days  at  least,  the  peace  which,  because  of 
our  sins,  we  could  not  make  enduring.  Accordingly  we  have 
enacted  and  set  forth  the  following: 

Having  called  together  those  under  us  to  a legally  sum- 
moned council,  which  was  held  at  Cologne,  the  chief  city 
of  our  province,  in  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  in  the  1083d 
year  of  our  Lord’s  Incarnation,  in  the  sixth  indiction,  on  the 
twelfth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  May,  after  arranging  other 
business,  we  have  caused  to  be  read  in  public  what  we  pro- 
posed to  do  in  this  matter.  After  this  had  been  fully  dis- 
cussed by  all,  both  clergy  and  people  with  God’s  aid  reached 
an  agreement,  and  we  set  forth  in  what  manner  and  during 
what  parts  of  the  year  the  peace  should  be  observed,  namely: 

That  from  the  first  day  of  the  Advent  of  our  Lord  through 
Epiphany,  and  from  the  beginning  of  Septuagesima  to  the 
eighth  day  after  Pentecost  and  through  that  whole  day,  and 
throughout  the  year  on  every  Sunday,  Friday,  and  Saturday, 
and  on  the  fast  days  of  the  four  seasons,  and  on  the  eve 
and  the  day  of  all  the  apostles,  and  on  all  days  canonically 
set  apart  — or  which  shall  in  future  be  set  apart  — for  fasts 
or  feasts,  this  decree  of  peace  shall  be  observed;  so  that 
both  those  who  travel  and  those  who  remain  at  home  may 
enjoy  security  and  the  most  entire  peace,  so  that  no  one 
may  commit  rnurder,  arson,  robbery,  or  assault,  no  one  may 
injure  another  with  a sword,  club,  or  any  kind  of  weapon. 
Let  no  one,  however  irritated  by  wrong,  presume  to  carry 
arms,  shield,  sword,  or  lance,  or  any  kind  of  armor,  from  the 
Advent  of  our  Lord  to  the  eighth  day  after  Epiphany,  and 
from  Septuagesima  to  the  eighth  day  after  Pentecost.  On 
the  remaining  days,  indeed,  namely,  on  Sundays,  Fridays, 
apostles’  days,  and  the  vigils  of  the  apostles,  and  on  every 
day  set  aside,  or  to  be  set  aside,  for  fasts  or  feasts,  arms 
may  be  carried,  but  on  this  condition,  that  no  injury  shall 
be  done  in  any  way  to  any  one. 


Feudalism 


189 


If  it  shall  be  necessary  for  any  one,  during  the  period  of 
the  peace,  — i.e.  from  the  Advent  of  our  Lord  to  the  eighth 
day  after  Epiphany,  and  from  Septuagesima  to  the  eighth 
day  after  Pentecost,  — to  go  from  one  bishopric  into  another 
in  which  the  peace  is  not  observed,  he  may  bear  arms,  but 
on  the  condition  that  he  shall  not  injure  any  one,  except  in 
self-defense  if  he  is  attacked  ; and  when  he  returns  into  our 
diocese  he  shall  immediately  lay  aside  his  arms.  If  it  shall 
happen  that  any  castle  is  besieged  during  the  days  which 
are  included  within  the  peace,  the  besiegers  shall  cease 
from  attack  unless  they  are  set  upon  by  the  besieged  and 
compelled  to  beat  the  latter  back. 

And  in  order  that  this  statute  of  peace  should  not  be 
violated  by  any  one  rashly  or  with  impunity,  a penalty  was 
fixed  by  the  common  consent  of  all,  namely : If  a free  man 
or  noble  violates  it,  i.e.  commits  homicide,  or  wounds  any  one, 
or  is  at  fault  in  any  manner  whatever,  he  shall  be  expelled 
from  his  lands,  without  any  indulgence  on  account  of  the 
payment  of  money  or  the  intercession  of  friends,  and  his 
heirs  shall  take  all  his  property.  If  he  holds  a fief,  the  lord 
to  whom  it  belongs  shalL  receive  it  again.  Moreover,  if  it 
appear  that  his  heirs  after  his  expulsion  have  furnished  him 
any  support  or  aid,  and  if  they  are  convicted  of  it,  the  estate 
shall  be  taken  from  them  and  revert  to  the  king.  But  if 
they  wish  to  clear  themselves  of  the  charge  against  them, 
they  shall  take  oath,  with  twelve  who  are  equally  free  or 
equally  noble. 

If  a slave  kills  a man,  he  shall  be  beheaded ; if  he  wounds 
a man,  he  shall  lose  a hand;  if  he  does  an  injury  in  any 
other  way  with  his  fist  or  a club,  or  by  striking  with  a stone, 
he  shall  be  shorn  and  flogged.  If,  however,  he  is  accused 
and  wishes  to  prove  his  innocence,  he  shall  clear  himself  by 
the  ordeal  of  cold  water,  but  he  must  himself  be  put  into  the 
water  and  no  one  else  in  his  place.  If,  however,  fearing  the 
sentence  decreed  against  him,  he  flees,  he  shall  be  under  a 
perpetual  excommunication;  and  if  he  is  known  to  be  in  any 
place,  letters  shall  be  sent  thither,  in  which  it  shall  be 
announced  to  all  that  he  is  excommunicate,  and  that  it  is 


Readings  in  EiLropean  History 


190 

unlawful  for  any  one  to  associate  with  him.  In  the  case  of 
boys  who  have  not  yet  completed  their  twelfth  year,  the 
hand  ought  not  to  be  cut  off ; but  only  in  the  case  of  those 
who  are  twelve  years  or  more  of  age.  Nevertheless,  if  boys 
fight,  they  shall  be  whipped  and  prevented  from  fighting. 

It  is  not  an  infringement  of  the  peace  if  any  one  orders 
his  delinquent  slave,  pupil,  or  any  one  in  any  way  under  his 
charge,  to  be  chastised  with  rods  or  sticks.  It  is  also  an 
exception  to  this  constitution  of  peace  if  the  lord  king  pub- 
licly orders  an  expedition  to  attack  the  enemies  of  the  king- 
dom, or  is  pleased  to  hold  a council  to  judge  the  enemies 
of  justice.  The  peace  is  not  violated  if,  during  the  times 
specified,  a duke,  or  other  counts,  magistrates,  or  their  sub- 
stitutes, hold  courts  and  inflict  punishment  legally  on  thieves, 
robbers,  and  other  criminals. 

The  statute  of  this  noble  peace  is  especially  enacted  for 
the  safety  of  those  engaged  in  feuds ; but  after  the  end  of 
the  peace  they  are  not  to  dare  to  rob  and  plunder  in  the 
villages  and  houses,  since  the  laws  and  penalties  enacted 
before  the  institution  of  the  peace  are  still  legally  valid  to 
restrain  them  from  crime,  and,  moreover,  because  robbers 
and  highwaymen  are  excluded  from  this  divine  peace,  and 
indeed  from  any  peace. 

If  any  one  attempt  to  oppose  this  pious  institution  and 
is  unwilling  to  promise  peace  to  God  with  the  others,  or  to 
observe  it,  no  priest  in  our  diocese  shall  presume  to  say  a 
mass  for  him,  or  shall  take  any  care  for  his  salvation ; if  he 
is  sick,  no  Christian  shall  dare  to  visit  him;  on  his  deathbed 
he  shall  not  receive  the  eucharist,  unless  he  repents.  The 
supreme  authority  of  the  peace  pledged  to  God  and  generally 
extolled  by  all  will  be  so  great  that  it  will  be  observed  not 
only  in  our  times,  but  forever  among  our  posterity,  because 
if  any  one  shall  presume  to  infringe  or  violate  it,  either  now 
or  ages  hence,  until  the  end  of  the  world,  he  is  irrevocably 
excommunicated  by  us. 

The  responsibility  for  carrying  out  the  above-mentioned 
penalties  against  the  violators  of  the  peace  rests  no  more 
with  the  counts,  local  judges,  or  officials  than  with  the  whole 


Feudalism 


191 

people  in  general.  They  are  to  be  especially  careful  not 
to  show  friendship  or  hatred,  nor  to  do  anything  contrary  to 
justice  in  punishing,  nor  to  conceal  crimes,  which  may  be 
hidden,  but  to  bring  them  to  light.  No  one  is  to  receive 
money  for  the  release  of  those  taken  in  fault,  or  to  attempt 
to  aid  the  guilty  by  any  favor  of  any  kind,  because  whoever 
does  this  incurs  the  intolerable  damnation  of  his  soul ; and 
all  the  faithful  ought  to  remember  that  this  peace  has  not 
been  promised  to  men,  but  to  God,  and  therefore  must  be 
observed  so  much  the  more  rigidly  and  firmly.  Wherefore  we 
exhort  all  in  Christ  to  guard  inviolably  this  necessary  con- 
tract of  peace,  and  if  any  one  hereafter  presumes  to  violate 
it,  let  him  be  damned  by  the  ban  of  irrevocable  excommuni- 
cation and  by  the  anathema  of  eternal  perdition.  . . . 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Origins  of  Feudalism  : Adams,  Civilization^  pp.  194-21 1 ; Emerton, 
Introduction^  Chapter  XV,  pp.  236-255. 

Feudal  Institutions : Emerton,  Mediceval  Europe,  Chapter  XIV, 
pp.  477-508;  Adams,  Civilization,  pp.  211-226;  French  Nation,  pp.  63- 
72;  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  246-257;  Masson,  Mediceval  France, 
pp.  3-13;  Munro,  Chapter  V,  pp.  40-50. 

Life  of  the  Feudal  Nobles:  Munro,  Chapter  XIII,  pp.  135-147; 
Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  257-267. 


There  is  no  complete  and  satisfactory  treatment  in  English  of  the 
origin  and  development  of  feudalism  on  the  continent.  Older  accounts, 
like  those  of  Hallam  and  Guizot,  are  based,  in  some  instances,  upon 
theories  since  proved  to  be  erroneous,  and  are  therefore  to  be  avoided. 
A description  of  feudal  institutions  in  France,  brief  but  reliable  and 
scientific  as  far  as  it  goes,  may  be  found  in  Seignobos,  The  Feudal 
, Regime,  translated  by  Dow.  For  a thorough  and  authoritative  analysis 
of  English  feudalism,  see  Pollock  and  Maitland,  History  of  English 
' Law  before  the  Time  of  Edward  I,  2 vols.,  especially  Book  II,  “ Doctrine 
of  English  Law,”  Chapters  I and  II. 

Suggestive  ideas  of  life  in  a feudal  society  may  be  gathered  from  the 
great  romances  of  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  centuries,  which,  though  in 
many  cases  ascribed  by  their  authors  to  the  time  of  Charlemagne,  in 


A,  Refer 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


192 


Readings  in  European  History 


reality  depict  far  more  nearly  the  manners  of  the  age  in  which  they  were 
composed  and  recited.  Two  excellent  illustrations  are  Steele’s  trans- 
lations of  the  adventures  of  Renaud  of  Montauban  and  Huon  of 
Bordeaux.  See  History  of  Western  Europe^  pp.  254  sqq. 


C.  Materials  LUCHAIRE,  Manuel  des  institutions  fran(^aisesy  Period  des  Capetiens 
for  advanced  directs^  1892.  Part  II  of  this  volume  (pp.  147-289),  “ Les  institutions 
study.  feodales,”  with  its  abundant  footnotes  and  references,  is  perhaps  the 

best  guide  for  those  wishing  to  make  a careful  study  of  feudal  insti- 
tutions. 

Brunner,  Grundziige  der  deutschen  RechtsgeschichtCy  1901,  contains 
a brief  summary  of  the  feudal  system  as  it  appears  to  this  distinguished 
expert  in  the  field.  There  the  reader  will  find  plenty  of  references  to 
Brunner’s  own  valuable  monographs  and  to  the  contributions  of  other 
German  scholars. 

The  histories  of  law  by  Esmein,  Schroder,  and  Viollet,  referred 
to  above,  p.  57,  are  heartily  to  be  recommended  for  their  chapters  on 
feudalism. 

Ashley,  Purveys.,  Historical  and  Economic.,  1900.  A series  of  reviews 
and  essays  dealing  with  recent  discussions  in  regard  to  landholding  in 
the  Middle  Ages. 

Du  Cange,  Glossarium  (see  above,  p.  12)  contains  elaborate  explana- 
tions of  feudal  terms  and  usages,  with  many  examples  drawn  from  the 
documents. 

Lauriere,  Glossaire  du  droit  fran^ais  (Niort,  1882).  A compendious 
dictionary  of  technical  legal  terms. 

The  sources.  The  records  which  have  been  preserved  of  actual  feudal  contracts 
and  arrangements  constitute  our  chief  source  of  information  in  regard 
to  the  system  which  gave  rise  to  them.  Such  records  were  kept  in  the 
archives  of  the  rulers  and  feudal  lords  and  by  the  churches  and  monas- 
teries. A number  of  collections  of  these  documents  have  been  printed, 
especially  in  France.  A few  examples  only  are  added  here;  further 
references  will  be  found  in  Luchaire’s  Manuel  mentioned  above. 

Livre  des  vassaux  du  comte  de  Champagne  et  de  Brie.,  edited  by 
Longnon,  Paris,  1869;  ^^^o  the  original  Latin  text  in  Documents  rela- 
tifs  au  comte  de  Champagne  et  de  Brie.,  1172-1361  ; Tome  I,  1901  (in  the 
series  of  Documents  inedits ; see  below  p.  220).  The  register  kept  by  the 
counts  of  Champagne  (1172-1222),  enumerating  their  vassals  and  de- 
scribing what  each  owed  in  the  way  of  feudal  obligations.  Longnon  has 
prepared  an  admirable  introduction,  in  which  he  gives  a clear  account 
of  the  most  important  information  contained  in  the  register. 


Feudalism 


193 


Layettes  du  Tresor  des  Ckartes,  edited  by  Teulet,  3 vols.,  Paris,  1863- 
1875.  A collection  of  the  documents  in  the  archives  of  the  French 
kings,  together  with  many  from  the  archives  of  the  great  fiefs  of 
Toulouse,  Champagne,  Valois,  etc.  This  includes  much  feudal  material. 

Of  the  “ Cartulaires,”  or  collections  of  records  found  in  churches  and 
abbeys,  may  be  mentioned  : 

Cartulaire  de  Vabbaye  de  Saint-Fere  de  Chartres^  edited  by  Guerard, 
2 vols.,  Paris,  1840.  (In  the  Collection  de  documents  ineditsl)  Particu- 
larly valuable  for  the  condition  of  the  rural  population  in  the  eleventh 
and  twelfth  centuries. 

Cartulaire  de  Veglise  de  Notre-Da7ne  de  Paris ^ edited  by  Guerard. 

Longnon,  Atlas  historique  de  la  France^  plates  XI,  XII,  and  XIII. 
furnishes  far  the  best  maps  of  feudal  France. 

The  collections  from  which  the  illustrations  contained  in  the  present 
chapter  were  drawn  contain  many  other  important  examples  of  feudal 
arrangements.  See  list  of  citations  at  the  opening  of  this  volume. 
Nos.  70-87. 


CHAPTER  X 


THE  DEVELOPMENT  OF  FRANCE 

I.  The  Election  of  Hugh  Capet  (987) 

Louis  V,  the  last  of  the  direct  descendants  from  Char- 
lemagne, died  in  98 /d  Many  of  the  great  feudal  lords 
assembled  to  attend  his  funeral;  before  they  dispersed 
they  held  a meeting,  at  which  Duke  Hugh  (Capet)  pre- 
sided, to  consider  the  general  situation.  The  archbishop 
of  Rheims,  Adalbero,  urgently  recommended  that  the  all- 
important  matter  of  choosing  a king  should  be  postponed 
until  all  the  great  barons  could  be  brought  together. 
He  moved  that  all  those  present  should  pledge  them- 
selves by  an  oath  to  the  great  duke  ” (Hugh)  that  they 
would  take  no  steps  in  the  matter  until  the  proposed 
meeting  should  be  held.  This  plan  was  adopted. 

Charles  of  Lorraine,  the  uncle  of  the  late  king,  was, 
however,  unwilling  to  wait  for  the  decision  of  the  barons, 
and  attempted  to  induce  Adalbero  to  secure  the  throne 
for  him.  The  archbishop  put  him  off  on  the  ground  that 
bis  companions  and  supporters  were  evil  men,  and  that 
in  any  case  nothing  could  be  done  without  the  consent 
of  the  great  lords. 

Meanwhile  the  nobles  of  Gaul  who  had  taken  the  oath 
came  together  at  the  appointed  time  at  Senlis ; when  they 
had  all  taken  their  places  in  the  assembly,  the  duke,  having 
made  a sign  to  the  archbishop  of  Rheims,  the  latter  expressed 
himself  as  follows  : King  Louis,  of  divine  memory,  left  no 

1 See  History  of  Western  Europe^  pp.  120  sqq. 

194 


The  Development  of  France 


195 


children  ; we  must  therefore  take  counsel  as  to  the  choice  of 
a successor,  in  order  that  the  country  shall  not  come  to  ruin 
through  neglect  and  the  lack  of  a pilot.  Our  deliberations 
on  this  subject  were  recently  postponed,  by  common  con- 
sent, in  order  that  each  one  might  here  voice  the  senti- 
ments with  which  God  might  inspire  him,  and  that  from  all 
these  individual  opinions  a general  and  collective  decision 
might  be  reached. 

“ Now  that  we  are  once  more  assembled  together,  let  us 
endeavor,  in  all  prudence  and  rectitude,  not  to  sacrifice 
reason  and  truth  to  our  personal  likes  or  dislikes.  We  know 
that  Charles  has  his  partisans,  who  claim  that  the  throne 
belongs  to  him  by  right  of  birth.  Regarding  the  question 
from  this  point  of  view,  we  reply  that  the  throne  cannot  be 
acquired  by  hereditary  right.  Nor  should  one  be  placed  upon 
it  who  is  not  distinguished  alike  by  nobility  of  body  and 
wisdom  of  mind,  and  by  his  good  faith  and  magnanimity. 
We  see  in  the  annals  of  history  rulers  of  illustrious  origin 
deposed  on  account  of  their  unworthiness,  and  replaced  by 
incumbents  of  equal,  or  even  of  inferior,  birth. 

“And  what  is  there  to  recommend  Charles  of  Lorraine  ? 
He  is  feeble  and  without  honor,  faith,  or  character;  he  has 
not  blushed  to  become  the  servitor  of  a foreign  king  [the 
emperor] , nor  to  take  to  wife  a girl  of  only  knightly  rank.  How 
could  the  great  duke  bear  that  a woman  belonging  to  the 
lowest  rank  of  his  vassals  should  be  queen  and  rule  over 
him  ? How  could  he  give  precedence  to  a woman,  when  his 
equals  and  even  his  superiors  in  birth  bend  the  knee  before 
him  and  place  their  hands  beneath  his  feet  ? If  you  con- 
sider this  matter  carefully,  you  will  see  that  Charles’  fall 
has  been  brought  about  through  his  own  fault  rather  than 
that  of  others. 

“ Make  a choice,  therefore,  that  shall  insure  the  welfare  of 
the  state  instead  of  being  its  ruin.  If  you  wish  ill  to  your 


91.  The 
archbishop 
of  Rheims 
urges  the 
choice  of 
Hugh  in- 
stead of 
Charles  of 
Lorraine. 
(From 
Richer.^) 


1 Richer,  a monk  of  Rheims,  who  was  living  at  the  time,  gives  the 
only  good  accounts  we  possess  of  the  revolution  which  put  the  Capetian§ 
on  the  throne  of  France.  See  below,  p.  220. 


196 


Readings  in  European  History 


country,  choose  Charles ; if  you  wish  to  see  it  prosperous, 
make  Hugh,  the  glorious  duke,  king.  Do  not  let  yourselves 
be  misled  by  your  sympathy  for  Charles,  nor  blinded  to  the 
common  good  by  hatred  of  the  duke.  For  if  you  blame  the 
good,  how  can  you  praise  the  bad  ? If  you  praise  the  bad, 
how  despise  the  good  ? Remember  the  words  of  the  Scrip- 
ture : ‘ Woe  unto  them  that  call  evil  good,  and  good  evil ; 
that  put  darkness  for  light,  and  light  for  darkness.’  Choose 
the  duke,  therefore ; he  is  the  most  illustrious  among  us  all 
by  reason  of  his  exploits,  his  nobility,  and  his  military  fol- 
lowing. Not  only  the  state,  but  every  individual  interest, 
will  find  in  him  a protector.  His  great-heartedness  will 
render  him  a father  to  you  all.  Who  has  ever  fled  to  him  for 
aid  and  been  disappointed.^  Who  that  has  been  left  in 
the  lurch  by  his  friends  has  he  ever  failed  to  restore  to  his 
rights  ? ” 

This  discourse  was  received  with  universal  applause,  and 
by  unanimous  consent  the  duke  was  raised  to  the  throne. 
He  was  crowned  at  Noyon  on  the  first  of  June,  by  the  arch- 
bishop and  the  other  bishops,  as  king  of  the  Gauls,  the 
Bretons,  the  Danes  [Normans.^],  the  Aquitanians,  the  Goths, 
the  Spaniards,  and  the  Gascons.  Surrounded  by  the  nobles 
of  the  kingdom,  he  issued  decrees  and  made  laws  according 
to  royal  custom,  judging  and  disposing  of  all  matters  with 
success. 


H.  King  Robert  and  his  Unruly  Vassals 


92.  King 
Robert, 
Hugh’s 
son  (996- 
1031),  and 
his  troubles 
with  his 
vassals. 
(From  Raoul 
Glabet,  a 
contempo- 
rary.!) 


King  Robert,  to  whom  the  kingdom  of  the  Franks  then 
fell,  was  frequently  subjected  to  the  outrages  of  certain  of 
his  insolent  subjects,  especially  of  those  whom  Hugh,  his 
father,  and  Hugh,  his  grandfather,  or  he  himself,  had,  in 
spite  of  their  base  origin,  raised  from  a humble  condition  to 
the  highest  dignities.  At  their  head  stood  Eudes,  the  son  of 
Thibaut  of  Chartres,  known  as  the  Trickster,  who,  with  a great 
number  of  other  less  dangerous  lords,  seemed  to  revolt  with 


! See  below,  p.  220. 


The  Development  of  France 


197 


the  more  pride  the  more  clear  their  duty  was  to  show  them- 
selves humble  and  submissive.  Among  these  was  Eudes  II 
[count  of  Blois  and  of  Chartres],  son  of  the  Eudes  just  men- 
tioned, who  outdid  all  others  in  power  and  perfidy.  Now 
the  count  of  Troyes  and  of  Meaux,  son  of  Heribert,  and  the 
king’s  cousin,  having  left  no  children,  Eudes  took  possession, 
in  spite  of  the  king’s  opposition,  of  these  vast  domains,  which 
ought  in  justice  to  have  become  part  of  the  patrimony  of  King 
Robert.  This  same  Eudes  became  involved  in  long  contests 
and  foreign  wars  with  Foulques  of  Anjou.  Both  of  them 
were  puffed  up  with  pride,  and  consequently  were  rarely  in 
a pacific  frame  of  mind. 

William,  stepson  of  Duke  Henry  and  son  of  Adelbert, 
duke  of  the  Lombards,  was  also  for  a time  in  revolt  against 
the  king.  Among  his  partisans  was  his  son-in-law,  Landri, 
count  of  Nevers,  and  Brunon,  his  brother-in-law,  the  bishop 
of  Langres.  Wdliam’s  wife,  Brunon’s  sister,  had  borne  him 
sons  and  daughters.  The  oldest  of  the  daughters  had  mar- 
ried Landri,  the  others  were  married  to  William  of  Poitou 
and  William  of  Arles.  One  of  his  sons,  Renauld,  married 
Adelaide,  daughter  of  Richard  of  Normandy. 

This  William  was  a stranger  in  France,  for  while  still  a 
child  he  had  been  carried  off  to  the  country  of  the  Lombards; 
but,  thanks  to  the  sagacity  of  a monk,  he  had  been  restored 
to  his  mother,  who  was  in  Burgundy.  In  spite  of  his  sojourn 
abroad,  he  was  able,  by  his  wealth  and  the  number  of  his 
soldiers,  to  vie  with  the  most  powerful  lords  of  the  region. 
He  encountered,  it  is  true,  a sharp  resistance  from  Hugh  of 
Lambert,  count  of  Chalons-sur-Saone.  This  Lambert  was  a 
very  remarkable  man.  Among  other  notable  actions  of  his 
life  he  built  in  the  county  of  Autun,  in  honor  of  St.  Mary 
and  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  monastery  called  Paray,  where 
he  was  later  to  be  honorably  buried.  Hugh  was  at  the 
same  time  bishop  of  Auxerre,  for  the  king  had  left  him 
the  administration  of  the  county  of  his  father  of  whom  he 
was  the  only  male  offspring.  Consequently  he  viewed  all  of 
King  Robert’s  enemies  as  his  own  and  faithfully  maintained 
his  fidelity  to  the  king. 


King 
Robert’s 
care  in 
regard  to 
the  selection 
of  bishops. 


93.  Suger’s 
account  of 
Louis  the 
Fat  and  his 
vassals. 


198  Readings  in  European  History 

Robert  took  for  wife  Constance,  a relative  of  this  lord, 
whose  soul  was  as  constant  as  her  name,  and  who  well 
deserved  the  crown  which  she  received.  Her  father  was 
William,  first  duke  of  Aquitaine.  She  bore  Robert  four 
sons  and  two  daughters.  Now  it  happened  that  a certain 
Hugh,  surnamed  Beauvais,  endeavored  for  some  time  to  stir 
up  hate  and  discord  between  the  king  and  his  wife.  He 
even  succeeded  in  rendering  the  queen  hateful  to  Robert, 
in  the  hope  that  the  dissension  might  turn  to  his  profit. 
He  also  succeeded  in  inducing  the  king  to  grant  him  the 
title  of  Count  of  the  Palace.  One  day,  as  the  king  was 
hunting  in  the  forest  accompanied  by  Count  Hugh,  who 
always  followed  him  closely,  twelve  valiant  knights  in  the 
hire  of  the  queen’s  uncle,  Foulques  of  Anjou,  killed  Hugh 
under  the  king’s  eyes.  King  Robert  was  for  some  time 
greatly  saddened  by  this  event.  Nevertheless  he  reconciled 
himself  with  the  queen,  as  he  should. 

This  prince  was  a wise  servant  of  God.  He  always 
favored  the  humble  and  hated  the  arrogant.  When  an 
episcopal  chair  became  vacant  in  his  kingdom  through  the 
death  of  the  bishop,  he  always  exercised  the  greatest  care 
that  it  should  be  given  to  a successor  who  would  prove  a 
useful  person  to  the  Church,  however  low  might  be  his 
origin,  and  not  to  a nobleman  accustomed  to  the  disorders 
of  the  world.  In  this  way  he  often  aroused  the  strong 
opposition  of  the  great  of  the  realm,  who  despised  the 
lowly  and  would  have  chosen  men  as  insolent  as  themselves. 

III.  How  Louis  the  Fat  (1108-1137)  began,  with 

Abbot  Suger’s  Aid,  to  get  the  Upper  Hand  of  his 

Vassals 

The  chief  adviser  of  Louis  was  Suger,  abbot  of  the 
great  monastery  of  St.  Denis,  near  Paris,  who  not  only 
greatly  aided  the  king  in  his  task  of  strengthening  the 
royal  power,  but  wrote  a life  of  him  which  is  one  of  the 
most  important  of  the  French  historical  sources. 


The  Development  of  France 


199 


The  young  hero,  Prince  Louis, ^ gay,  gracious,  and  so 
friendly  to  all  that  he  passed  with  some  for  a person  of  no 
force,  had  hardly  come  to  man^s  estate  when  he  proved  him- 
self an  illustrious  and  courageous  defender  of  his  father’s 
realm.  He  provided  for  the  needs  of  the  Church,  and  strove 
to  secure  peace  for  those  who  pray,  for  those  who  work,  and 
for  the  poor.  And  no  one  had  done  this  for  a long  time. 

Now  it  came  to  pass  at  this  time  that  certain  disputes 
arose  between  Adam,  the  venerable  abbot  of  St.  Denis,  and 
a nobleman,  Burchard,  lord  of  Montmorency  [his  vassal], 
concerning  certain  customs.  The  controversy  waxed  so  hot 
and  reached  such  extremes  of  irritation  that  all  ties  of 
homage  were  broken  between  vassal  and  lord,  and  the  two 
disputants  betook  themselves  to  arms,  war,  and  fire. 

When  the  affair  came  to  the  ears  of  Lord  Louis  he  was 
sorely  vexed.  He  delayed  not,  but  ordered  the  aforesaid 
Burchard,  duly  summoned,  to  appear  before  his  father  in 
the  castle  of  Poissy  for  judgment.  Burchard  lost  his  cause, 
but  refused  to  submit  to  the  judgment.  He  was  not  taken 
prisoner,  for  that  is  not  the  custom  of  the  French,  but  hav- 
ing withdrawn  to  his  estates,  he  straightway  learned  what 
manner  of  injury  and  calamity  the  king’s  majesty  can  inflict 
on  his  disobedient  subjects.  For  this  famous  youth  [Prince 
Louis]  carried  arms  thither  against  him  and  his  criminal 
allies,  Matthew,  count  of  Beaumont,  and  Dreux  of  Mouchy- 
le-chatel,  vigorous  and  warlike  men.  He  laid  waste  the  land 
of  Burchard  with  fire,  famine,  and  the  sword ; and  overthrew 
all  the  defenses  and  buildings,  except  the  castle  itself,  and 
razed  them  to  the  ground.  When  his  enemies  undertook  to 
defend  themselves  in  the  castle  he  besieged  them  with  the 
French  and  the  Flemish  troops  of  his  uncle  Robert,  as  well 
as  with  his  own.  By  these  and  other  means  he  brought  the 
humiliated  Burchard  to  repentance,  bent  him  to  his  will 


How 

Prince  Louis 
put  an  end 
to  a quarrel 
between  his 
vassals,  the 
abbot  of 
St.  Denis 
and  the  lord 
of  Mont- 
morency. 


1 The  earlier  chapters  of  Suger’s  Life  of  Louis  relate  to  the  period 
before  he  actually  became  king.  His  incompetent  father,  Philip,  appears 
to  have  left  much  of  the  hard  work  of  government  to  his  energetic  son 
and  heir. 


200 


Readings  in  European  History 


How  Prince 
Louis  aided 
a vassal 
against  an 
oppressor. 


and  pleasure,  and  satisfactorily  adjusted  the  dispute  which 
had  given  rise  to  the  trouble. 

Matthew,  count  of  Beaumont,  had  long  cherished  hatred 
against  Hugh  of  Clermont,  whose  daughter  he  had  married. 
This  Hugh  was  a noble  man,  but  simple  and  easy  to  lead. 
His  son-in-law  laid  hold  upon  a castle  called  Luzarches 
(a  share  in  which  was  his  by  right  of  marriage),  and  took 
it  altogether,  and  left  nothing  undone  in  strengthening  the 
tower  with  arms  and  soldiers. 

What  could  Hugh  do  but  hasten  to  the  defender  of  the 
kingdom,  throw  himself  at  his  feet,  and  beg  him  with  tears 
to  have  compassion  on  an  old  man  and  succor  him,  for 
he  was  grievously  oppressed.  “ I would  rather,  O dearest 
Lord,’’  he  said,  “ that  thou  shouldst  have  all  my  land, 
because  I hold  it  of  thee,  than  that  my  unnatural  son-in-law 
should  have  it.  If  he  robs  me  of  it,  I wish  to  die.”  His 
sad  misfortune  smote  the  king  to  the  heart.  He  gave 
the  old  man  his  hand  in  friendly  wise  and  promised  to  aid 
him,  and  so  sent  him  forth  gladdened  by  hope.  And  his 
hope  was  not  vain.  For  straightway  messengers  went  forth 
from  the  court,  who  sought  the  count  and  commanded  him, 
by  authority  of  Hugh’s  defender,  to  restore  to  Hugh  the 
estate  of  which  he  had  been  illegally  despoiled  ; and  they 
summoned  him  to  appear  at  the  court,  upon  a day  appointed, 
to  defend  his  cause. 

The  count  did  not  obey  this  summons,  so  the  defender 
made  haste  to  execute  vengeance.  He  gathered  a great 
army  and  went  forth  against  the  rebel.  He  fell  upon  the 
castle  and  attacked  it  with  arms  and  fire.  By  hard  fighting 
he  stormed  and  took  it  ; he  then  placed  a strong  guard  in 
the  keep,  and  after  he  had  fortified  it  he  restored  it  to  Hugh 
just  as  he  had  promised  to  do. 

Thus  the  future  king  of  France  'was  ever  busy,  provid- 
ing wisely  for  the  administration  of  the  realm,  subduing 
the  rebellious,  taking  or  forcing  into  submission  the 
strongholds  which  were  centers  of  revolt 


The  Development  of  France 


201 


For  example,  Guy  Troussel,  son  of  that  violent  man  and 
troubler  of  the  kingdom,  Milo  of  Montlhery,  came  back 
home  from  an  expedition  to  the  Holy  Sepulcher,  weakened 
by  the  hardships  of  the  long  journey  and  by  many  trials. 
He  had  been  moved  by  exceeding  great  fear  of  Corbaran,^ 
and  had  descended  from  the  wall  of  Antioch  and  left  the 
army  of  God  beleaguered  within,  and  so  he  was  forsaken  by 
all.  Fearing  that  his  only  daughter  might  in  consequence 
be  deprived  of  her  heritage,  he  yielded  to  the  desire  and  per- 
suasions of  Philip,  the  king,  and  of  Louis,  his  son,  who 
ardently  longed  for  his  castle,  and  gave  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  Philip,  the  king’s  younger  son.  . . . 

When  the  castle  of  Montlhery  fell  in  this  wise  into  their 
hands,  the  king  and  his  son  rejoiced  as  if  they  had  plucked 
a straw  from  their  eyes  or  had  torn  down  bars  by  which  they 
had  been  confined.  And,  indeed,  we  have  heard  the  father 
say  to  his  son  Louis,  “ Go,  son  Louis,  keep  that  tower  with 
all  vigilance,  whose  ravages  have  well-nigh  made  us  grow  old, 
and  whose  wiles  and  criminal  frauds  have  never  let  me  rest 
in  good  peace  and  quiet.” 

Indeed,  its  unfaithfulness  made  the  faithful  faithless,  the 
faithless  most  faithless.  It  brought  together  the  treacherous 
from  far  and  near,  and  no  ill  was  done  in  the  whole  king- 
dom without  its  support.  And  since  the  territory  of  Paris 
was  commanded  on  the  river  Seine  by  Corbeil,  midway  by 
Montlhery,  on  the  right  by  Chateaufort,  there  resulted  such 
confusion  and  chaos  in  the  communications  between  the 
men  of  Paris  and  of  Orleans  that  neither  could  go  to  visit 
the  others  without  the  consent  of  these  faithless  men,  unless 
they  traveled  with  a strong  guard.  But  the  marriage  of 
which  we  have  spoken  tore  down  the  barrier  and  made  travel 
easy  between  the  two  cities. 

Suger  well  understood  the  duties  of  a monarch  in  that 
disorderly  period,  and  gives  many  illustrations  of  the 
obstacles  to  be  overcome  before  a real  kingdom  of  France 
could  be  created. 

1 1.e.  Kerbogha,  Emir  of  Antioch. 


How  the 
French  king 
gained  pos- 
session of  the 
castle  of 
Montlhery, 
which  had 
long  troubled 
the  peace. 


202 


Readings  in  European  History 


Sugar’s 
account  of 
the  position 
and  duties 
of  a medi- 
aeval French 
king. 


A king,  when  he  takes  the  royal  power,  vows  to  put  down 
with  his  strong  right  arm  insolent  tyrants  whensoever  he 
sees  them  vex  the  state  with  endless  wars,  rejoice  in  rapine, 
oppress  the  poor,  destroy  the  churches,  give  themselves 
over  to  lawlessness  which,  and  it  be  not  checked,  would 
flame  out  into  ever  greater  madness ; for  the  evil  spirits 
who  instigate  them  are  wont  cruelly  to  strike  down  those 
whom  they  fear  to  lose,  but  give  free  rein  to  those  whom 
they  hope  to  hold,  while  they  add  fuel  to  the  flames  which 
are  to  devour  their  victims  to  all  eternity. 

Such  an  utterly  abandoned  man  was  Thomas  of  Marie. 
While  King  Louis  was  busied  with  many  wars,  he  laid 
waste  the  territories  of  Laon,  Rheims,  and  Amiens,  devour- 
ing like  a raging  wolf.  He  spared  not  the  clergy  — fearing 
not  the  vengeance  of  the  Church  — nor  the  people  for  human- 
ity’s sake.  And  the  devil  aided  him,  for  the  success  of  the 
foolish  does  ever  lead  them  to  perdition.  Slaying  all  men, 
spoiling  all  things,  he  seized  two  manors,  exceeding  rich, 
from  the  abbey  of  the  nuns  of  St.  John  of  Laon.  He  forti- 
fied the  two  exceeding  strong  castles,  Crecy  and  Nogent, 
v/ith  a marvelous  wall  and  very  high  towers,  as  if  they  had 
been  his  own;  and  made  them  like  to  a den  of  dragons  and 
a cave  of  robbers,  whence  he  did  waste  almost  the  whole 
country  with  fire  and  pillage  ; and  he  had  no  pity. 

The  Church  of  France  could  no  longer  bear  this  great 
evil ; wherefore  the  clergy,  who  had  met  together  in  a gen- 
eral synod  at  Beauvais,  proceeded  to  pass  sentence  of  con- 
demnation upon  the  enemy  of  the  Church’s  true  spouse, 
Jesus  Christ.  The  venerable  Cono,  bishop  of  Praeneste 
and  legate  of  the  holy  Roman  Church,  troubled  past  endur- 
ance by  the  plaints  of  churches,  of  the  orphans,  of  the  poor, 
did  smite  this  ruthless  tyrant  with  the  sword  of  the  blessed 
Peter,  which  is  general  anathema.  He  did  also  ungird  the 
knightly  sword  belt  from  him,  though  he  was  absent,  and 
by  the  judgment  of  all  declared  him  infamous,  a scoundrel, 
unworthy  the  name  of  Christian. 

And  the  king  was  moved  by  the  plaints  of  this  great  coun- 
cil and  led  an  army  against  him  right  quickly.  He  had  the 


The  Development  of  France 


203 


clergy,  to  whom  he  was  ever  humbly  devoted,  in  his  com- 
pany, and  marched  straight  against  the  castle  of  Crecy. 
Well  fortified  was  it ; yet  he  took  it  unprepared  because  his 
soldiers  smote  with  an  exceeding  strong  hand ; or  rather, 
because  the  hand  of  the  Lord  fought  for  him.  He  stormed 
the  strongest  tower  as  if  it  were  the  hut  of  a peasant,  and 
put  to  confusion  the  wicked  men  and  piously  destroyed 
the  impious.  Because  they  had  no  pity  upon  other  men, 
he  cut  them  down  without  mercy.  None  could  behold  the 
castle  tower  flaming  like  the  fires  of  hell  and  not  exclaim, 
‘‘  The  whole  universe  will  fight  for  him  against  these  mad- 
men.’^ 

After  he  had  won  this  victory,  the  king,  who  was  ever 
swift  to  follow  up  his  advantage,  pushed  forward  toward  the 
other  castle,  called  Nogent.  There  came  to  him  a man  who 
said  : “ Oh,  my  lord  king,  it  should  be  known  to  thy  Seren- 
ity that  in  that  wicked  castle  dwell  exceeding  wicked  men 
who  are  worthy  to  lie  in  hell,  and  there  only.  Those  are 
they  who,  when  thou  didst  issue  commands  to  destroy  the 
commune  of  Laon,  did  burn  with  fire  not  only  the  city  of 
Laon,  but  the  noble  church  of  the  Mother  of  God,  and  many 
others  beside.  And  well-nigh  all  the  noble  men  of  the  city 
suffered  martyrdom  because  they  were  true  to  their  faith 
and  defended  their  lord  the  bishop.  And  these  evil  men 
feared  not  to  raise  their  hands  against  thy  venerable  Bishop 
Gaudin,  the  anointed  of  the  Lord,  defender  of  the  church, 
but  did  him  most  cruelly  to  death,  and  exposed  his  naked 
body  on  the  open  road  for  beasts  and  birds  of  prey  to  feed 
upon;  but  first  they  cut  off  his  finger  with  the  pontifical 
ring.  And  they  have  agreed  together,  persuaded  by  the 
wicked  Thomas,  to  attack  and  hold  your  tower.’’ 

The  king  was  doubly  animated  by  these  words,  and  he 
attacked  the  wicked  castle,  broke  open  the  abominable  places 
of  confinement,  like  prisons  of  hell,  and  set  free  the  innocent; 
the  guilty  he  punished  with  very  heavy  punishment.  He 
alone  avenged  the  injuries  of  many.  Athirst  for  justice, 
he  ordained  that  whatsoever  murderous  wretches  he  came 
upon  should  be  fastened  to  a gibbet,  and  left  as  common 


How  the 
king  took 
the  castles 
of  Crecy  and 
Nogent. 


204 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  king 
attacks  a 
certain 
Adam  in  his 
tower  at 
Amiens. 


The  king 
brings  the 
unjust 
Aymon  to 
his  senses. 


food  for  the  greed  of  kites,  crows,  and  vultures.  And  this 
they  deserved  who  had  not  feared  to  raise  their  hand  against 
the  Lord’s  anointed. 

When  he  had  taken  these  two  adulterine  castles  and 
given  back  to  the  monastery  of  St.  John  the  domains  that 
had  been  seized,  he  returned  to  the  city  of  Amiens  and  laid 
siege  to  a tower  of  that  city  which  was  held  by  a certain 
Adam,  a cruel  tyrant  who  was  laying  waste  the  churches 
and  all  the  regions  round  about.  He  held  the  place  besieged 
for  hard  upon  two  years,  and  at  last  forced  those  who 
defended  it  to  give  themselves  up.  When  he  had  taken  it 
he  destroyed  it  utterly,  and  thus  brought  peace  to  the  realm. 
He  fulfilled  most  worthily  the  duty  of  a king  who  beareth 
not  the  sword  in  vain,  and  he  deprived  the  wicked  Thomas 
and  his  heirs  forever  of  the  lordship  over  that  city. 

It  is  known  that  kings  have  long  arms;  and  to  show  that  the 
king’s  strength  was  not  confined  within  the  narrow  bounda- 
ries of  certain  places,  a man,  Alard  de  Guillebaut  by  name, 
a clever  man,  with  an  oily  tongue,  came  from  the  frontiers 
of  Berri  to  the  king.  He  laid  the  grievance  of  his  stepson 
before  his  lord  the  king,  and  entreated  him  right  humbly, 
that  he  would  summon  by  his  royal  authority  a certain  noble 
baron,  Aymon  by  name,  surnamed  Vais-Vache,  lord  of  Bour- 
bon, who  refused  to  do  him  justice.  Moreover  he  asked 
that  the  king  should  restrain  Aymon  from  despoiling,  with 
presumptuous  audacity,  his  nephew,  the  son  of  his  older 
brother,  Archambaut,  and  to  fix  according  to  French  custom 
what  portion  of  goods  each  of  them  ought  to  have. 

Now  the  king  loved  justice  and  had  compassion  on  the 
churches  and  the  poor.  And  he  feared  lest  these  wars 
should  make  wickedness  flourish,  and  lest  the  poor  might  be 
vexed  and  bear  the  punishment  for  the  pride  of  others.  So, 
after  vainly  summoning  Aymon,  who  would  not  trust  himself 
to  trial  and  refused  to  obey  the  summons,  Louis  gave  way 
neither  to  pleasure  nor  to  sloth,  but  marched  with  a great 
army  toward  the  territory  of  Bourges.  There  he  directed  his 
forces  against  Aymon’s  castle  of  Germigni,  which  was  well 
fortified,  and  strove  to  reduce  it  by  a vigorous  assault. 


The  Development  of  France  205 

Then  did  Aymon  see  that  he  could  not  hold  out,  and  he 
gave  over  hoping  to  save  himself  or  his  castle.  He  saw  only 
this  one  way  to  safety — that  he  should  throw  himself  at  the 
king’s  feet.  There  he  prostrated  himself  again  and  again, 
while  all  the  crowd  marveled,  and  prayed  the  king  to  have  com- 
passion upon  him.  He  gave  up  his  castle,  and,  humble  now 
as  he  had  once  been  proud,  submitted  himself  utterly  to  the 
king’s  justice.  The  king  kept  the  castle  and  took  Aymon 
into  France  to  be  judged  there  ; and  right  justly  and  piously, 
by  the  decision  and  arbitration  of  the  French,  did  he  settle 
the  dispute  which  had  arisen  between  the  uncle  and  nephew. 

King  Louis  spent  freely  both  of  money  and  the  sweat  of 
his  brow  to  relieve  the  sufferings  and  oppressions  of  many. 
He  was  used  to  make  many  such  expeditions  throughout  the 
country  for  the  relief  of  churches  and  of  the  poor,  but  we 
must  pass  over  these,  as  it  would  but  weary  the  reader  to 
narrate  them.  . . . 

Now  Louis,  the  king  of  the  French,  by  virtue  of  his 
superior  dignity,  bore  himself  toward  Henry,  king  of  the 
English  and  duke  of  the  Normans,  as  toward  a vas«^-  But 
the  king  of  the  English,  for  that  he  had  wealth  in  marvel- 
ous abundance  and  a noble  kingdom,  was  impatient  of  his 
inferiority.  So  he  agreed  together  with  his  nephew  Theobald, 
the  count  of  the  palace,  and  many  other  disaffected  men  of 
the  kingdom,  to  cast  off  Louis’  overlordship  and  strive  to 
rouse  the  kingdom  and  stir  up  old  troubles.  The  king  of 
England  and  Count  Theobald,  because  Normandy  and  the 
county  of  Chartres  lie  close  together,  united  to  attack  the 
king’s  nearest  frontier.  They  sent  Stephen,  count  of  Mor- 
tagne,  brother  of  one  and  nephew  of  the  other,  with  an  army 
to  another  region,  in  Brie,  for  they  feared  that  the  king  might 
suddenly  occupy  this  territory  while  the  count  was  absent. 
And  the  king  of  France  did  not  restrain  himself,  nor  spare 
Normandy,  nor  Chartres,  nor  Brie.  Stationed  in  the  midst 
of  all  these  lands  as  in  a circle,  he  laid  waste  now  one,  now 
another;  and  he  often  gave  battle  to  make  known  the  power 
of  the  king’s  majesty. 


Troubles 
between  the 
king  of 
France  and 
the  king  of 
England. 


206 


Readings  in  European  History 


IV.  Philip  Augustus  and  his  Vassals 


94.  Philip 
suppresses 
a rebellion 
and  extends 
the  royal  do- 
main. (From 
Rigord’s 
Life  of  Philip 
Augustus.) 


The  extracts  from  Suger,  given  above,  show  feudal 
anarchy  in  France  at  the  opening  of  the  twelfth  cen- 
tury, and  exhibit  the  ideal  king  as  a ruler  who  sup- 
pressed disorder  and  protected  the  weak,  especially  the 
Church,  against  the  strong.  The  king  as  an  organizer 
of  the  realm  was  a conception  that  could  hardly  exist 
until  the  more  powerful  of  the  turbulent  nobles  had 
been  subdued.  Philip  Augustus  (1180-1223)  carried 
on  the  work  of  consolidation  so  well  begun  by  Louis  the 
Fat  with  Suger’s  aid,  and  was  able  before  the  end  of  his 
long  reign  to  begin  to  play  the  role  of  a king  in  the  fuller 
sense  of  the  word.  He  had,  however,  like  the  youthful 
St.  Louis  later,  to  meet  a general  revolt  at  the  opening 
of  his  reign. 


In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Philip  Augustus^  and  the 
fifteenth  year  of  his  age,  certain  quarrels  arose  among  the 
great  of  the  kingdom.  These  were  really  a cloak  for  a league 
which  the  nobles  of  the  realm  — prompted  by  the  enemy  of 
the  Church’s  peace,  the  devil  — dared  to  form  against  their 
lord,  Philip  Augustus.  They  gathered  an  army  and  began  to 
lay  waste  the  king’s  domain. 

When  the  most  Christian  king,  Philip  Augustus,  heard  of 
this  iniquity  he  waxed  exceeding  wroth  and  led  against  the 
rebels  an  army  — an  infinite  multitude.  Before  many  days 
had  passed,  he  put  them  all  to  flight.  He  pursued  them  with 
such  vigor  and  might  that,  through  the  miraculous  interven- 
tion of  God,  he  forced  them  all  to  submit  to  him,  and  com- 
pelled them  by  his  exceeding  great  strength  to  do  his  will  in 
all  things. 

1 The  title  “Augustus’’  was  conferred  on  Philip  by  his  biographer 
Rigord,a  monk  of  St.  Denis,  who  explains  in  his  preface  that  Augustus 
is  derived  from  the  Latin  augeo^  “to  augment,” — namely,  the  bounds 
of  the  realm. 


The  Deve,  opment  of  Frame 


207 


While  the  following  extract  from  Rigorcl’s  Life  of  Philip 
Philip  Augustus  is  not  correct  in  all  details,  it  illus-  acquirer 
trates  the  way  in  which  the  kings  of  France  increased  Vermandois 
their  domains. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord^s  Incarnation  1184,  the  fifth  year 
of  Philip  Augustus’  reign  and  the  twentieth  of  his  age,  a 
dispute  arose,  as  is  not  uncommon  in  times  of  change, 
between  Philip,  most  Christian  king  of  the  French,  and 
Philip,  count  of  Flanders,  about  a certain  district  commonly 
called  Vermandois. 

The  king  claimed  that  all  Vermandois,  with  its  castles, 
villages,  and  vills,  belonged  by  right  of  inheritance  and  suc- 
cession to  the  kings  of  the  French;  and  he  offered  to  prove 
it  all  by  the  testimony  of  clergy  and  laity,  — archbishops, 
bishops,  counts,  viscounts,  and  other  nobles. 

The  count  of  Flanders  replied  that  he  had  held  the  land 
in  question  during  the  lifetime  of  the  most  Christian  king 
Louis,  of  blessed  memory,  and  had  possessed  it  in  peace, 
without  any  dispute,  during  many  years,  and  was  firmly 
resolved  never  to  give  it  up  so  long  as  he  lived.  For  the 
count  believed  that,  since  the  king  was  but  a lad,  he  could 
easily  divert  his  mind  from  this  project  by  promises  and 
flattering  words.  Besides,  it  is  said  that  many  nobles  were 
ready  to  support  him ; but,  as  the  proverb  says,  “ They  are 
sons  of  the  winds,  they  weave  cobwebs.” 

At  length  Philip  Augustus  followed  the  advice  of  the 
princes  and  barons  and  called  together  all  the  nobles  of  his 
lands  in  the  beautiful  castle  of  Karnopalis,  commonly  called 
Compiegne.  He  took  counsel  with  them,  and  collected  a 
very  large  army  at  the  city  which  is  called  Amiens. 

When  the  count  of  Flanders  heard  of  the  king’s  coming 
his  heart  rejoiced.  He  collected  an  army  to  oppose  Philip, 
directed  his  forces  against  his  lord,  the  king,  and  swore  by 
the  strength  of  his  arm  that  he  could  defend  himself  against 
all  men.  Thus  in  the  fifth  year  of  his  reign  and  the  twenti- 
eth of  his  age  the  king  entered  into  that  land  with  his  army. 


2o8  Readings  in  Europeafi  History 

which  covered  the  face  of  the  earth  like  locusts.  When  the 
count  of  Flanders  saw  the  king’s  army,  that  it  was  very 
great  and  strong,  his  spirit  was  troubled,  and  the  hearts  of 
his  people  became  as  water,  so  that  they  sought  safety  in 
flight.  Then  the  count  took  counsel  with  his  own,  and  sent 
messengers  to  call  to  his  presence  Theobald,  count  of  Blois, 
chief  of  the  king’s  knights  and  seneschal  of  France,  and 
William,  archbishop  of  Rheims — both  uncles  of  the  king, 
to  whom  the  direction  of  affairs  had  been  intrusted  at  this 
time  because  they  were  faithful  to  the  king. 

The  count  of  Flanders  used  them  as  intermediaries  and 
through  them  addressed  the  king  in  this  wise : “ Let  thine 
anger  toward  us  cease.  Lord.  Come  to  us  in  peaceful  guise, 
and  use  our  service  as  shall  be  pleasing  in  thy  sight.  The 
land  which  thou  desirest,  my  lord  king,  Vermandois,  with  all 
the  castles  and  vills  belonging  to  it,  I will  restore  to  thee, 
my  lord  king,  in  its  entirety,  freely,  and  without  delay.  But 
if  it  shall  please  your  royal  majesty,  I beg  that  the  castle  of 
St.  Quentin  and  the  castle  of  Peronne  may  be  granted  to  me 
as  a kingly  gift  to  be  held  so  long  as  I live.  After  my  death 
they  shall,  without  controversy,  devolve  upon  thee  or  thy 
successors,  the  kings  of  the  French.” 

When  Philip,  most  Christian  king  of  the  French,  had 
heard  this  message,  he  called  together  all  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  abbots,  counts,  viscounts,  and  all  the  barons  who 
had  come  with  one  accord  to  subdue  the  insolence  of  the 
count  of  Flanders  and  to  humble  his  pride.  He  took  coun- 
sel with  them,  and  they  answered  as  with  one  voice  that 
this  which  the  counj;  of  Flanders  proposed  to  the  king 
should  be  done.  When  this  decision  had  been  reached,  the 
count  of  Flanders  was  introduced,  and  before  all  the  nobles 
and  the  throng  gathered  there,  he  restored  to  Philip,  the  law- 
ful king,  the  land  he  had  so  long  wrongfully  held ; and  then 
and  there,  after  he  had  restored  the  land  before  them  all, 
he  put  the  king  in  possession  of  it. 

Further,  he  promised  the  king  upon  his  oath  to  make  good, 
without  delay,  and  according  to  the  king’s  will,  all  the  losses 
he  had  inflicted  upon  Baldwin,  count  of  Hainault,  and  other 


The  Development  of  France 


209 


friends  of  the  king.  And  thus  was  peace  restored  between 
the  king  and  the  count  as  by  a miracle,  for  it  was  con- 
cluded without  shedding  human  blood.  And  when  all  the 
people  heard  of  these  things  they  were  filled  with  great  joy, 
and  praised  and  blessed  God  who  saves  those  who  put  their 
hope  in  him. 

V.  Philip  Augustus  and  John  of  England 

In  1201  John,  king  of  England,  came  to  Paris  and  was 
received  with  much  honor  by  King  Philip.  When  he 
withdrew  to  his  own  lands  again,  he  and  Philip  appeared 
to  be  upon  the  best  terms,  and  the  French  king  was 
able  to  turn  his  attention  to  a couple  of  recalcitrant 
counts  who  were  persecuting  the  churches  of  God  and 
despoiling  them  of  their  goods,”  and  who  refused  to 
obey  his  summons  to  appear  at  his  court.  But  mean- 
while new  difficulties  arose  with  King  John.  These  are 
explained  by  Rigord  as  follows  : 

The  king  of  the  French  summoned  John,  king  of  England, 
as  his  liegeman,  holding  from  him  the  counties  of  Poitou  and 
Anjou  and  the  duchy  of  Aquitaine,  to  come  two  weeks  after 
Easter  to  Paris  to  give  a satisfactory  answer  to  the  charges 
which  Philip  made  against  him.  But  since  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, instead  of  coming  in  person  on  the  day  indicated,  did 
not  even  send  a satisfactory  reply,  the  king  of  the  French, 
with  the  advice  of  his  princes  and  barons,  assembled  an  army, 
entered  Normandy,  and  took  the  little  fort  of  Boutavant,  which 
he  destroyed.  Orgueil,  Mortemer,  and  all  the  land  which 
Hugh  of  Gournay  held  soon  fell  into  his  power.  At  Gour- 
nay  he  made  Arthur  [John’s  brother]  a knight  and  delivered 
to  him  the  county  of  Brittany,  which  had  fallen  to  him  by 
hereditary  right.  He  even  added  the  counties  of  Anjou 
and  of  Poitou,  which  he  had  acquired  by  right  of  arms. 
Lastly,  he  gave  him  the  support  of  two  hundred  knights, 
with  a considerable  sum  of  money.  Then  the  king  received 


94a.  How 
Philip 
Augustus 
took  Nor- 
mandy from 
King  John. 
(From 
Rigord.) 


John  of  Eng- 
land refuses 
to  do  homage 
to  Philip 
Augustus. 


210 


Readings  in  European  History 


Perfidious 
conduct  of 
King  John. 


Innocent  III 
tries  to  rees- 
tablish peace 
between 
Philip  and 
John. 


Arthur  as  his  liegeman.  The  latter,  with  the  king’s  permis- 
sion, left  him  in  July. 

A few  days  later  Arthur  rashly  advanced  with  a small 
troop  of  men  into  the  territory  of  the  king  of  England,  who 
suddenly  came  upon  him  with  a vast  multitude  of  armed 
men,  defeated  him,  and  carried  him  away  prisoner  with  Hugh 
le  Brun,  Geoffrey  of  Lusignan,  and  several  other  knights. 
King  Philip,  having  learned  this  news,  immediately  aban- 
doned the  siege  of  the  castle  of  Arques  and  appeared  with 
his  army  before  Tours,  took  the  town,  and  set  fire  to  it. 
The  king  of  England,  on  his  side,  arrived,  at  the  head  of 
his  troops,  after  the  departure  of  the  king  of  France  and 
destroyed  the  same  city  with  its  castle. 

A few  days  after,  the  king  of  England  took  the  viscount 
of  Limoges  and  carried  him  off  with  him.  Although  Hugh 
le  Brun,  viscount  of  Thouars,  Geoffrey  of  Lusignan,  and  the 
viscount  of  Limoges  were  all  liegemen  of  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, nevertheless  they  allied  themselves  with  the  king  of 
the  French,  both  by  oath  and  through  hostages.  For  King 
John  had  perfidiously  carried  off  the  wife  of  Hugh  le  Brun, 
daughter  of  the  count  of  Angouleme,  and  this  outrage,  added 
to  other  grievances  of  the  same  lords  of  Poitou,  alienated  their 
fidelity  to  King  John.  The  following  winter  the  two  kings 
discontinued  their  war  after  having  guarded  their  fortresses, 
without,  however,  concluding  either  peace  or  a truce.  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1202,  in  the  fortnight  following 
Easter,  the  king  of  the  French  had  raised  an  army,  entered 
Aquitaine,  and,  with  the  aid  of  the  people  of  Poitou  and  of 
Brittany,  had  taken  several  fortresses.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  the  count  of  Alengon  formed  an  alliance  with  King 
Philip  and  put  his  whole  land  under  the  protection  of  this 
prince.  The  king  then  returned  to  Normandy  with  his  army, 
and  took  possession  of  Conques  and  the  island  of  Andelys 
and  of  Vaudreuil. 

While  these  things  were  taking  place  in  France,  Pope 
Innocent  III  sent  the  abbot  of  Casemar  to  the  king  of  the 
French  and  the  king  of  England  with  the  view  of  reestab- 
lishing peace.  Conformably  to  the  orders  of  the  pope  his 


The  Development  of  France 


21  I 


lord,  the  abbot  joined  to  himself  the  abbot  of  Trois-Fontaines, 
and  with  his  aid  made  clear  to  the  two  princes  the  wishes 
of  the  pope.  The  pope  ordered  them  to  convoke  the  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  the  other  great  people  of  the  whole 
kingdom,  in  order,  while  guarding  their  respective  rights,  to 
make  peace  in  the  presence  of  the  assembly  and  to  reestab- 
lish in  their  former  estate  the  monasteries  and  nunneries,  as 
well  as  the  churches,  which  had  been  destroyed  in  the  course 
of  their  wars.  Philip  received  this  injunction  at  Mantes  in 
the  week  of  the  Assumption  of  the  most  blessed  Virgin 
Mary.  He  immediately  appealed  in  the  presence  of  the 
bishops,  abbots,  and  barons  of  the  kingdom,  who  submitted 
the  whole  case  to  the  examination  of  the  sovereign  pontiff. 

The  last  day  of  the  same  month  the  king  of  France 
assembled  an  army  and  besieged  Rodepont.  In  about  a 
fortnight,  having  raised  about  the  place  his  movable  wooden 
towers  and  set  up  his  other  machines  of  war,  he  took  the 
town.  He  secured  as  prisoners  twenty  knights  who  had 
bravely  defended  themselves,  a hundred  squires,  and  thirty 
crossbowmen. 

When  he  had  recovered  his  strength  and  that  of  his  army 
he  laid  siege  to  Castle  Gaillard,  in  the  month  of  September 
following.  This  was  a strong  fortress  which  King  Richard 
had  had  constructed  upon  a high  rock  which  dominated 
the  Seine  near  the  island  of  Andelys.  The  king  of  the 
French  and  his  army  were  delayed  by  the  siege  of  this 
place  for  five  months,  for  they  were  unwilling  to  under- 
take an  assault  lest  much  blood  should  be  spilled  and  they 
might  damage  the  walls  and  the  tower.  They  hoped  to 
force  the  besieged  to  surrender  through  hunger  and  depri- 
vation. [Later  the  king  decided  upon  an  attack  and  suc- 
cessfully took  the  fortress  by  assault]  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1203,  Philip,  king  of  the  French, 
having  assembled  his  army,  entered  Normandy  on  the  2d 
of  May,  took  Falaise,  a very  strong  castle,  Domfront,  and 
a very  rich  town  which  the  people  call  Caen.  He  also 
brought  under  his  control  all  the  neighboring  districts  as  far 
as  Mont  St.  Michel.  The  Normans  then  came  to  ask  for 


Philip 
attacks  and 
takes  Castle 
Gaillard. 


Philip 

conquers 

Normandy. 


212 


Readings  in  European  History 


mercy  and  delivered  up  the  towns  which  had  been  con- 
fided to  their  protection,  — Coutances,  Bayeux,  Lisieux,  and 
Avranches,  with  their  castles  and  suburbs.  As  for  Evraux 
and  Seez,  he  already  had  them  in  his  power.  Of  all  Nor- 
mandy there  only  remained  Rouen,  — a very  rich  town,  full 
of  noble  men,  the  capital  of  all  Normandy,  — and  Verneuil 
and  Arques,  strong  towns  well  situated  and  well  defended. 
Returning  from  Caen,  the  king,  having  left  garrisons  in  the 
various  cities  and  castles,  laid  siege  to  Rouen. 

The  Normans,  seeing  that  they  could  not  defend  them- 
selves, nor  could  expect  any  aid  from  the  king  of  England, 
began  to  think  of  surrender  ; nevertheless  they  judiciously 
took  precautions  in  order  to  remain  faithful  to  the  king  of  Eng- 
land. They  humbly  asked  the  king  of  the  French  to  grant  a 
truce  of  thirty  days,  which  should  close  at  the  feast  of  St. 
John,  for  their  own  city  [Rouen]  and  for  Verneuil  and  Arques, 
which  were  in  league  with  Rouen.  In  this  interval  they  might 
be  able  to  send  to  the  king  of  England  and  ask  for  aid  in  so 
pressing  a danger.  If  he  should  refuse,  the  Normans  agreed 
to  place  their  goods  and  persons,  the  city  and  the  said  castles, 
in  the  hands  of  the  victorious  Philip,  king  of  the  French,  and 
to  give  as  hostages  sixty  sons  of  the  burghers  of  Rouen. 

At  the  feast  of  St.  John,  the  burghers,  having  received  no 
aid  from  the  king  of  England,  fulfilled  their  promise  and 
delivered  to  the  king  of  the  French  their  city  of  Rouen,  a 
rich  town,  the  capital  of  all  Normandy,  with  the  two  castles 
of  which  we  have  spoken  above.  Three  hundred  and  six- 
teen years  had  elapsed  since  this  city  and  all  Normandy  had 
ceased  to  belong  to  the  kings  of  France.  The  Northman 
Rollo,  who  had  come  with  his  pagan  followers,  had  taken 
it  by  right  of  arms  in  the  time  of  Charles  the  Simple. 

VI.  St.  Louis 

We  are  particularly  fortunate  in  possessing  full  and 
interesting  accounts  of  St.  Louis,  who  was  the  very 
ideal  of  a devout  and  sagacious  mediaeval  ruler.  The 


The  Development  of  France 


213 


most  famous  of  his  biographers  was  the  courtly  Sire  de 
Joinville,  who  was  brought  up  at  the  elegant  and  refined 
court  of  the  counts  of  Champagne.  He  was  born  in  1225, 
and  although  eleven  years  younger  than  the  king,  he 
became  his  friend  and  companion,  and  had  excellent 
opportunities  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  king’s  char- 
acter and  to  follow  the  events  of  his  reign.  Joinville  was 
one  of  the  first  to  desert  Latin  and  write  a serious  his- 
torical work  in  French. 

As  I have  heard  say,  our  sainted  king  Louis  was  born  on 
the  feast  of  St.  Mark  the  evangelist,  after  Easter  [1214]. 
. . . God,  in  whom  he  put  his  trust,  watched  over  him 
always,  from  his  infancy  to  the  end,  but  especially  in  his 
childhood,  when  he  had  greatest  need  of  his  care,  as  you 
shall  hear  later.  God  saved  his  soul  through  the  pious  care 
of  his  mother,  who  taught  him  to  believe  in  God  and  to  love 
him,  and  kept  him  surrounded  by  devout  and  religious  peo- 
ple. Even  as  a child  she  made  him  attend  the  daily  services 
and  listen  to  the  sermons  on  feast  days.  He  remembered 
hearing  his  mother  often  say  that  she  would  rather  that  he 
were  dead  than  that  he  should  commit  a mortal  sin. 

In  his  youth  he  had  sore  need  of  God’s  aid,  for  his  mother, 
who  came  from  Spain,  had  neither  relatives  nor  friends  in 
the  whole  kingdom  of  France.  And  when  the  barons  of 
France  saw  that  their  king  was  a child  and  the  queen  mother 
a foreign  woman,  they  made  the  count  of  Boulogne  their 
head  and  treated  him  in  all  things  as  their  lord.  After  the 
king  had  been  crowned  there  were  certain  barons  who 
demanded  that  the  queen  should  give  them  extensive  lands, 
and  when  she  would  not  they  assembled  at  Corbeil.  And 
the  sainted  king  has  told  me  how  he  and  his  mother,  who 
were  at  Montlhery,  dared  not  return  to  Paris  until  their 
supporters  there  came  for  them  in  arms.  He  told  me,  too, 
that  all  the  way  from  Montlhery  to  Paris  the  roads  were 
full  of  men,  armed  and  unarmed,  and  that  they  all  called  on 


95.  Revolt 
of  the 
barons  at 
the  opening 
of  the  reign 
of  Louis  IX. 
(From 
Joinville.) 


214 


Readings  in  European  History 


How 

St.  Louis  and 
his  knights 
fought  in 
Egypt. 


our  Lord  to  grant  the  king  a long  and  happy  life  and  defend 
him  from  his  enemies.  And  God  did  even  so,  as  you  shall 
hear. 

Louis  got  the  better  of  his  many  enemies  at  home,  and 
in  1248  went  on  a crusade  directed  against  the  sultan 
of  Egypt,  who  had  gained  possession  of  Jerusalem  four 
years  before.  Joinville  accompanied  his  king  and  gives 
many  vivid  accounts  of  the  fighting  in  Egypt. 

While  I was  on  foot  with  my  knights,  and  wounded,  as  I 
have  just  been  relating,  the  king  came  along  with  his  own 
body  of  troops,  amidst  a great  shouting  and  noise  of  trum- 
pets and  kettledrums,  and  halted  on  the  highroad.  Never 
have  I seen  knight  so  noble,  for  he  stood  head  and  shoul- 
ders above  all  his  attendants,  a golden  helmet  on  his  head, 
and  in  his  hand  a German  sword. 

As  soon  as  he  came  to  a halt  the  good  knights  in  his  fol- 
lowing, whom  I have  already  named  to  you,  rushed  pell  mell 
upon  the  Turks.  And  then  followed  a splendid  feat  of  arms ; 
none  drew  bow  or  crossbow,  but  it  was  a combat  at  close 
quarters,  with  sword  and  battle-ax,  between  the  Turks  and 
our  people,  all  mixed  up  together.  One  of  my  squires,  who 
had  escaped  [from  a previous  encounter]  with  my  banner 
and  returned  to  me,  loaned  me  one  of  my  Flemish  stallions, 
which  I mounted  and  rode  off  side  by  side  with  the  king. 

[In  the  midst  of  a council  of  war  as  to  the  course  to  be 
pursued]  the  constable.  Monseigneur  Imbert  de  Beaujeu 
came  to  the  king  to  tell  him  that  his  brother,  the  count  of 
Artois,  was  defending  himself  in  a house  at  Mansourah  and 
needed  aid.  The  king  said,  Constable,  go  you  ahead  and 
I will  follow  you.’^  And  I said  to  the  constable  that  I would 
go  with  him  and  be  his  knight,  for  which  he  thanked  me 
heartily.  So  we  set  out  for  Mansourah.  . . . 

As  we  came  down  along  the  river  bank,  between  the  brook 
and  the  river,  we  saw  the  king  near  the  river,  and  that  the 
Turks  were  pushing  back  our  troops  toward  the  river,  driving 
them  on  with  furious  strokes  of  battle-ax  and  sword.  So 


The  Development  of  France 


215 


great  was  the  havoc  that  some  of  our  people  thought  to  escape 
by  swimming  across  the  river  to  the  duke  of  Bourgoyne’s 
side,  which,  however,  they  were  unable  to  do,  for  the  horses 
were  weary  and  the  day  grown  very  hot  ; so  that,  as  we  came 
down,  we  saw  the  river  full  of  lances  and  shields,  and  of 
drowning  men  and  horses  who  perished  there. 

We  came  presently  to  a little  bridge  or  culvert  over  the 
brook,  and  I said  to  the  constable  that  we  would  better  stay 
and  guard  it,  “for,  if  we  leave  it,  they  will  rush  across  it  to 
attack  the  king,  and  if  our  men  are  assailed  from  both  sides 
at  once  they  are  likely  to  succumb.’’  So  we  did  this.  And 
men  said  that  we  should  all  have  been  lost  that  day  if  it  had 
not  been  for  the  king’s  being  there  in  person.  For  the  sire 
of  Courtenay  and  Monseigneur  Jean  de  Saillenay  told  me 
how  six  Turks  seized  the  king’s  horse  by  the  bridle  and  were 
going  to  take  him  prisoner,  and  how  he,  with  great  slashing 
sword  cuts,  delivered  himself  from  them  unaided.  And  when 
his  men  saw  how  the  king  defended  himself  they  took  heart, 
and  some  of  them  gave  up  trying  to  get  across  the  river  and 
came  to  his  support.  . . . 

[The  constable  went  to  seek  aid,  leaving  Joinville  and  two 
other  knights  to  hold  the  bridge,  which  they  did,  in  spite  of 
many  wounds.  At  sunset  the  constable  brought  a com- 
pany of  crossbowmen,  who  ranged  themselves  in  front  of 
us  ; and  when  the  Saracens  saw  them  preparing  to  discharge 
their  crossbows  they  took  to  flight  and  left  us.  Then  the 
constable  said  to  me,  “ Seneschal,  this  is  well  done ; now  you 
must  go  to  the  king,  and  do  not  leave  him  until  he  dismounts 
at  his  own  tent.”  Just  as  I reached  the  king.  Monseigneur 
Jean  de  Valery  came  and  said,  “ Sire,  Monseigneur  de 
Chatillon  requests  that  you  assign  to  him  the  rear  guard.” 
This  the  king  did  gladly,  and  then  we  set  out.  As  we  went 
along  I got  him  to  take  off  his  helmet,  and  I lent  him  my 
iron  one  so  that  he  might  get  some  air.  . . . 

After  we  had  passed  the  river  there  came  to  him  Henry 
de  Ronnay,  marshal  of  the  hospital,  and  kissed  his  hand, 
all  in  armor  as  it  was.  The  king  asked  if  he  could  give  him 
any  tidings  of  his  brother,  the  count  of  Artois,  and  he  said 


2i6 


Readings  in  European  History 


How 
St.  Louis 
thought 
people 

should  dress. 


he  could  indeed,  for  he  was  sure  the  count  of  Artois  was  in 
paradise.  “But  O sire,’’  said  the  marshal,  “be  of  good 
comfort;  for  never  did  a king  of  France  win  greater  honor 
than  has  fallen  to  you.  You  have  swum  a river  in  order  to 
fight  your  enemies ; you  have  routed  them  and  driven  them 
from  the  battlefield,  have  captured  their  tents  and  engines 
of  warfare,  and  to-night  you  shall  sleep  in  their  camp.”  And 
the  king  replied  that  God  be  praised  for  all  that  he  had  done 
for  him ; but  great  tears  fell  from  his  eyes. 

The  following  anecdote  shows  the  king’s  charming 
courtesy  as  well  as  his  extreme  conscientiousness. 

One  day  in  Pentecost  the  saintly  king  was  at  Corbeil,  where 
there  were  eighty  chevaliers.  After  dinner  the  king  came 
down  into  the  courtyard  beneath  the  chapel  and  was  talking 
in  the  gateway  with  the  count  of  Brittany,  the  father  of  the 
present  duke,  God  keep  him  ! Master  Robert  de  Sorbonne  ^ 
came  seeking  me  and,  taking  me  by  the  hem  of  my  cloak, 
led  me  to  the  king ; and  all  the  other  gentlemen  followed  us. 
So  I said  to  Master  Robert,  “ Master  Robert,  what  do  you 
want  with  me  ? ” and  he  said  to  me,  “ If  the  king  should  seat 
himself  here  in  the  courtyard  and  you  should  go  and  sit 
above  him  on  the  same  bench,  would  you  think  yourself 
blameworthy  ” And  I replied  that  I should.  And  he  said, 
“ Then  you  are  also  blameworthy  when  you  wear  finer  clothes 
than  the  king,  for  you  array  yourself  in  ermine  and  cloth  of 
green,  which  the  king  never  does.” 

“ But,”  I said,  “ Master  Robert,  saving  your  grace,  I am 
not  to  blame  in  wearing  ermine  and  cloth  of  green,  for  it  is 
the  habit  of  dress  that  has  come  down  to  me  from  my  father 
and  my  mother.  But  you,  on  the  contrary,  are  much  to  be 
blamed,  for  your  father  was  a villein  and  your  mother  was  a 
villein,  and  you  have  forsaken  the  dress  of  your  father  and 
your  mother,  and  wear  finer  camelot  than  the  king.”  And  I 
took  the  skirt  of  his  outer  coat  and  that  of  the  king’s  and 

1 The  founder  of  the  college  which  grew  into  the  famous  divinity 
school  at  Paris. 


The  Development  of  France 


21J 


said  to  him,  Look  now,  if  I do  not  speak  the  truth/^  Then 
the  king  set  himself  to  speak  in  defense  of  Master  Robert 
with  all  his  might. 

Afterward  my  lord  the  king  called  my  lord  Philip,  his  son, 
the  father  of  the  present  king,  and  King  Thibaut,^  and,  seat- 
ing himself  at  the  entrance  to  his  oratory,  he  put  his  hand  on 
the  ground  and  said  to  them,  ‘‘  Sit  here  close  by  me  so  that 
no  one  can  hear  us.”  “O,  sire,”  they  said,  “we  dare  not 
seat  ourselves  so  close  to  you.”  Then  he  said  to  me,  “ Senes- 
chal, sit  here,”  which  I did,  and  so  close  to  him  that  my  gar- 
ments touched  his.  Then  he  made  them  sit  down  after  me 
and  said  to  them,  “ You  did  very  wrong,  you  who  are  my 
sons,  not  to  do  at  once  what  I commanded;  see  that  it  does 
not  happen  again.”  And  they  said  that  it  should  not. 

Then  he  said  to  me  that  he  had  summoned  us  in  order  to 
confess  to  me  that  he  had  been  wrong  in  defending  Master 
Robert  against  me.  “ But,”  he  said,  “ I saw  that  he  was  so 
thunderstruck  that  he  was  in  sore  need  of  my  aid.  How- 
ever, do  not  mind  anything  I may  have  said  in  defense  of 
Master  Robert ; for,  as  the  seneschal  told  him,  you  should 
always  dress  neatly  and  well,  for  your  ladies  will  love  you 
the  better  for  it,  and  your  servants  value  you  the  more.  As 
the  philosopher  says,  one  should  array  oneself,  both  as  to 
clothing  and  arms,  in  such  a manner  that  the  men  of  sense 
of  his  generation  cannot  cry  that  he  dresses  too  well,  nor  the 
young  people  that  he  dresses  too  poorly.” 

When  it  was  summer  King  Louis  went  and  sat  him  down 
in  the  forest  of  Vincennes  after  mass,  taking  his  place  under 
an  oak  tree,  and  making  us  sit  down  by  him.  Then  those 
who  had  anything  to  say  to  him  might  come  without  the 
interposition  of  any  usher  or  other  attendant.  Then  he 
would  ask  of  them,  “ Is  there  any  one  here  who  has  any  case 
to  be  decided?”  and  those  who  had  a case  would  rise  ; then 
he  would  say,  “All  must  keep  silence,  for  we  must  take  up 
one  matter  after  another.”  And  then  he  called  M.  de  Fon- 
taines and  M.  Geoffrey  de  Villette,  and  said  to  one  of  them, 

^ Of  Navarre,  the  son-in-law  of  St.  Louis. 


St.  Louis 
listens  to 
lawsuits 
under  the 
oak  tree. 


2I8 


Readings  in  European  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
Pngli''^ 


Hand  the  brief  to  me  ’’ ; and  when  he  saw  anything  to  better 
in  the  words  of  those  who  spoke  for  another,  he  corrected 
them  with  his  own  mouth. 

Sometimes  in  summer  I have  seen  him,  in  order  to  dispose 
of  his  people’s  affairs,  come  into  the  garden  in  Paris  dressed 
in  a coat  of  camelot,  with  a sleeveless  garment  of  linsey- 
woolsey,  a cloak  of  black  taffeta  about  his  shoulders,  his 
hair  carefully  dressed,  but  with  no  headdress  save  a hat  of 
white  peacock  feathers.  He  would  have  carpets  spread  down 
so  that  we  might  sit  about  him,  and  all  the  people  who  had 
business  to  bring  before  him  stood  round  about.  And  then 
he  would  attend  to  them  in  the  manner  I have  described 
above  in  the  forest  of  Vincennes. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Narratives:  Adams,  Civilization^  pp.  311-321;  Munro, 
Chapters  VII  and  XVIII,  pp.  64-72  and  204-213. 

Odo  and  Charles  the  Simple:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  235-241; 
Emerton,  Mediceval  Europe.,  pp.  405-41 1 ; Oman,  pp.  496-505. 

Hugh  Capet : Adams,  Growth  of  the  French  Nation,  pp.  54-60 ; 
Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  241-245  and  391-393;  Emerton,  pp.  413- 
419;  Tout,  The  Empire  and  the  Papacy,  pp.  66-77. 

The  Great  Fiefs  : Tout,  pp.  82-92. 

Louis  the  Fat:  Adams,  Fre7tch  Nation,  pp.  73-78;  Bemont  and 
Monod,  pp.  396-401  ; Masson,  Mediceval  Fi'ance,  pp.  47-57  ; Tout, 
pp.  274-282. 

Philip  Augustus:  Adams,  French  Nation,  pp.  81-88;  Bemont  and 
Monod,  pp.  404-413;  Masson,  pp.  69-88;  Tout,  pp.  290-294  and 

393-405. 

St.  Louis  : Adams,  French  Nation,  pp.  89-95  5 Bemont  and  Monod, 
pp.  413-420;  Masson,’ pp.  90-T19;  Tout,  pp.  407-427. 

Philip  the  Fair:  Adams,  French  Nation,  pp.  96-T03;  Lodge,  Close 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  49-62  ; Masson,  pp.  139-156. 

Political  Institutions  under  the  Capetians  : Adams,  Civilization,  pp. 
321-331 ; Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  421-444  ; Emerton,  pp.  422-433. 


A survey  of  the  whole  Capetian  period  may  be  obtained  from  Kitchin, 
History  of  France,  Vol.  I,  Book  III.  This  may  be  advantageously  sup- 
plemented by  recourse  to  several  short  biographies  or  monographs,  such 


The  Development  of  France 


219 


as  Thompson,  Development  of  the  French  Monarchy  under  Louis  VT^ 
le  Gros ; Walker,  On  the  Increase  of  Royal  Power  Ut  Fra7ice  under 
Philip  Augustus;  Hutton,  Philip  Augustus,  — a very  readable  and 
satisfactory  little  book ; and  Perry,  St.  Louis,  — a careful  account 
of  the  reign  of  “the  most  Christian  king,”  with  many  quotations  from 
the  sources.  The  fullest  treatment  in  English  of  the  struggle  between 
the  king  of  France  and  the  house  of  Anjou  is  found  in  Norgate, 
England  under  the  Angevin  Kings,  2 vols. 

One  source  only  is  available  in  English ; it  is,  however,  one  of  the 
most  famous  historical  works  of  the  Middle  Ages, — The  Life  of  St. 
Louis,  by  Joinville,  mentioned  above.  It  maybe  found  in  the  Chron- 
icles of  the  Crusades  (Bohn  Library). 


Histoire  de  France,  edited  by  Lavisse,  Vol.  II,  Part  II,  and  Vol.  Ill ; 
Parts  I and  II,  by  Luchaire  and  Langlois.  An  admirable  and  very 
recent  account  of  the  whole  period,  with  special  chapters  on  its  social 
and  economic  as  well  as  its  political  aspects. 

Luchaire,  I^istitutions  monarchiques  de  la  France  sous  les  premiers 
Capetieits  (987-1180),  1891.  Clear  and  excellent. 

Cartellieri,  Philipp  II.,  August,  Konigvon  Frankreich,  Vol.  I,  1898. 

Lecoy  de  la  Marche,  Fra^tce  sous  St.-Louis  et  sous  Philippe  le 
Hardi,  1894.  A study  of  social  conditions.  Illustrated. 

A series  of  monog.raphs  upon  the  several  reigns  is  appearing  in  the 
Bibliotheque  de  Vecole  des  hatites  etudes. 

Imbart  de  la  Tour,  Les  elections  episcopates  dans  Veglise  de  France 
du  IX^  au  XI T siecle,  1891.  A very  valuable  contribution  to  this 
important  subject. 

Longnon’s  Atlas  historique  de  la  France,  Luchaire’s  Manuel,  and 
the  works  on  the  history  of  law  mentioned  above,  p.  57,  should  also  be 
called  into  requisition. 

Histoire  de  la  langue  et  de  la  litterature  fran(^aise,  edited  by  Petit 
DE  JuLLEViLLE,  1896  sqq.  Vols.  I and  II  relate  to  the  Middle  Ages.  A 
scholarly,  interesting,  and  beautifully  illustrated  work  by  a number  of 
well-known  French  specialists,  which  serves  to  supplement  the  general 
history  as  narrated,  for  example,  in  Lavisse,  Histoire  de  France. 

France  has  several  great  collections  of  historical  material ; the  most 
important  are  the  following : 

Recueil  des  historiens  des  Gaules  et  de  la  Fra^tce,  — often  cited  as 
“ Bouquet,”  the  name  of  the  Benedictine  monk  who  was  the  first  editor 
of  the  collection  in  the  eighteenth  century,  Paris,  1738-1876,  23  thick 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Great 
collections 
of  sources 
for  French 
history. 


220 


Readings  in  European  History 


folio  volumes.  Begun  like  the  Histoire  litteraire  (see  below)  by  the 
monks  of  St.  Maur.  The  more  recent  volumes  are  well  edited  and  sup- 
plied with  useful  indices.  This  series  is  being  continued  in  quarto. 

Collection  de  documents  inedits  sur  V histoire  de  France^  1835  sqq.  Some 
230  volumes  have  appeared.  A vast  and  invaluable  collection,  still  in 
course  of  publication,  undertaken  by  the  French  government  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Guizot  when  minister  of  public  instruction.  Especially  rich 
in  documents  and  letters.  See  Potthast,  pp.  liv  sqq.  for  contents. 

Societe  de  V histoire  de  France.,  Ouvrages publies par  la.,  1834  sqq.  About 
220  volumes  have  been  issued  in  octavo,  containing  chronicles,  memoirs, 
letters,  etc.  Almost  as  voluminous  as  the  preceding  collection,  but  in 
more  convenient  form  (contents  in  Potthast,  pp.  cxl  sqqi). 

Collection  de  textes  pour  servir  a V etude  et  a V enseignement  de  V histoire., 
Paris,  1886  sqq.  An  admirably  edited  and  annotated,  inexpensive  col- 
lection of  important  sources  for  mediaeval  and  modern  French  history. 
It  corresponds  with  the  octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta  Germaniae 
Historica  (see  below),  and  should  be  in  every  college  library. 

Guizot,  Collection  des  memoires  relatifs  a V histoire  de  France.,  Paris, 
1823-1835,  31  vols.,  8vo.  A fairly  accurate  translation  into  French  of  a 
number  of  the  most  important  mediaeval  chronicles. 

Histoire  litteraire  de  la  France,  Paris,  1733-1895,  32  vols.,  4to.  A very 
famous  and  often  cited  work,  begun  by  the  Benedictine  monks  of  St.  Maur, 
and  continued  by  the  members  of  the  French  Institute.  Contains  so 
full  and  elaborate  an  analysis  of  the  literary  monuments  of  France 
down  to  the  fourteenth  century  that  it  takes,  in  a way,  the  place  of  a 
collection  of  the  sources  themselves. 


Sources  for 
France  from 
the  tenth  to 
the  four- 
teenth 
century. 


Flodoard  (priest  of  Rheims,  d.  966),  Annals  (919-966).  Written 
apparently  as  the  events  occurred,  accurate  and  rich  in  information 
{^Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica  ; Guizot,  Collection,  Vol.  VI). 

Richer,  monk  residing  at  Rheims  between  966  and  998.  His  Histo- 
riarum  Libri  IV  (888-995),  while  rhetorical  and  partisan,  tell  us  about 
all  we  know  of  the  revolution  which  put  Hugh  Capet  on  the  throne. 
See  extract  above,  p.  195.  (Octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta  ; Geschicht- 
schreiber,  Vol.  XXXVII;  French  translation,  published  by  Societe  de 
V histoire  de  France.)  Richer’s  account  may  be  controlled  by  the  remark- 
able letters  of  the  famous  Gerbert,  his  teacher  and  friend  (edited  by 
Havet  in  the  Collection  de  textes). 

Raoul  Glaber  (i.e.  Rudolf  the  Bald,  ca.  gS^-ca.  1046),  Historiarum 
Libri  V,  deals  with  his  own  time.  A fantastic  work  by  a fantastic  man, 
who  especially  delighted  in  relating  catastrophes  and  prodigies  (Collec- 
tion de  textes  ; Guizot,  Collection,  Vol.  VI). 


The  Development  of  France 


221 


The  following  additional  sources  for  this  period  will  be  found  in  the 
Collection  de  textes,  — Odo  of  St.  Maur,  Life  of  Bnrchard,  one  of  the 
chief  vassals  and  councilors  of  Hugh  Capet.  Ademar  de  Chavannes, 
Chro7ticle  coming  down  to  1027,  and  the  Chro7ticle  of  Nantes  (570-1049). 

The  most  important  and  interesting  source  for  the  twelfth  century  is 
the  Historia  ecclesiastica  of  Ordericus  Vitalis,  who  was  born  in  Eng- 
land in  1075,  but  spent  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in  Normandy.  His 
so-called  Historia  is  really  a collection  of  four  or  five  historical  treatises, 
— a short  chronicle,  an  account  of  the  expeditions  of  the  Normans,  a 
history  of  France  and  the  Christian  world,  751-1141,  etc.  Full  of  per- 
sonal reminiscences,  vivid  and  sometimes  humorous  (published  hy  Societe 
de  Vhistoire  de  France^  5 vols.  ; English  translation,  by  Forester, 
4 vols.,  Bohn  Library). 

Suger,  Life  of  Louis  the  Fat,  written  between  1138  and  1144.  See 
above,  pp.  198  sqq.  {Collection  de  textes ; Guizot,  Collectio7t,  Vol. 
VHI.) 

Rigord,  Deeds  of  Philip  Augustus,  completed  about  1 200.  See  above, 
pp.  206  sqq.  {Societe  de  Vhistoire  de  France  ; Guizot,  Collection,  Vol.  1 1.) 

Rigord,  like  Suger,  was  a member  of  the  great  monastery  of  St.  Denis. 
Their  historical  work  was  continued  for  two  centuries  by  their  fellow- 
monks,  who  constituted  themselves  royal  historiographers.  The  best 
known  of  this  group  in  the  thirteenth  century  was  William  of  Nangis 
(d.  ca.  1300),  who  compiled  a chronicle  and  lives  of  St.  Louis  and 
Philip  III,  which  are  valuable  in  parts,  but  have  little  of  the  charm  of 
Joinville  (Bouquet,  Vol.  XX). 

The  once  highly  esteemed  Grandes  chroniques  de  la  France  are  a 
compilation  in  French  of  the  contributions  of  the  monks  of  St.  Denis, 
preceded  by  older  sources,  such  as  the  Annals  of  Lor sch  and  An7tals  of 
Einhard,  together  with  much  quite  unworthy  material. 

The  most  important  historians  of  the  thirteenth  century  are  perhaps 
those  of  England,  especially  Roger  of  Wendover  and  his  continuator, 
Matthew  of  Paris.  See  below,  p.  244. 


Historical 
works  by 
the  monks 
of  St.  Denis 


CHAPTER  XI 


96.  King 
Alfred’s 
introduction 
to  his  trans- 
lation of  the 
Pastoral 
Charge. 


ENGLAND  IN  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

I.  King  Alfred’s  Interest  in  Learning 

King  Alfred,  in  his  introduction  to  the  Pastoral  Charge^ 
by  Gregory  the  Great,  which  he  translated  into  Anglo- 
Saxon,  gives  a remarkable  picture  of  the  conditions  of 
the  time. 

King  Alfred  bids  greet  Bishop  Waerferth  with  loving  words 
and  with  friendship  ; and  I let  it  be  known  to  thee  that  it 
has  very  often  come  into  my  mind  what  wise  men  there 
formerly  were  throughout  England,  both  of  sacred  and  secu- 
lar orders  ; and  what  happy  times  there  were  then  ; and  how 
the  kings  who  had  power  over  the  nation  in  those  days 
obeyed  God  and  his  ministers  ; how  they  preserved  peace, 
morality,  and  order  at  home,  and  at  the  same  time  enlarged 
their  territory  abroad;  and  how  they  prospered  both  in  war 
and  in  wisdom ; and  also  the  sacred  orders,  how  zealous 
they  were  both  in  teaching  and  learning,  and  in  all  the  serv- 
ices they  owed  to  God ; and  how  foreigners  came  to  this 
land  in  search  of  wisdom  and  instruction,  the  which  we 
should  now  have  to  get  from  abroad  if  we  were  to  have  them. 

So  general  became  the  decay  of  learning  in  England  that 
there  were  very  few  on  this  side  of  the  Humber  who  could 
understand  the  rituals  in  English,  or  translate  a letter  from 
Latin  into  English  ; and  I believe  that  there  were  not  many 
beyond  the  Humber.  There  were  so  few,  in  fact,  that  I can- 
not remember  a single  person  south  of  the  Thames  when  I 
came  to  the  throne.  Thanks  be  to  God  Almighty  that  we 
now  have  some  teachers  among  us.  And  therefore  I com- 
mand thee  to  disengage  thyself,  as  I believe  thou  art  willing, 
from  worldly  matters  as  often  as  thou  art  able,  that  thou 


222 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 


223 


mayest  apply  the  wisdom  which  God  has  given  thee  wher- 
ever thou  canst.  Consider  what  punishments  would  come 
upon  us  if  we  neither  loved  wisdom  ourselves  nor  suffered 
other  men  to  obtain  it  : we  should  love  the  name  only  of 
Christian,  and  very  few  of  the  Christian  virtues. 

When  I thought  of  all  this  I remembered  also  how  I saw 
the  country  before  it  had  been  all  ravaged  and  burned  ; how 
the  churches  throughout  the  whole  of  England  stood  filled 
with  treasures  and  books.  There  was  also  a great  multitude 
of  God’s  servants,  but  they  had  very  little  knowledge  of  the 
books,  for  they  could  not  understand  anything  of  them 
because  they  were  not  written  in  their  own  language.  As 
if  they  had  said:  ‘‘Our  forefathers,  who  formerly  held  these 
places,  loved  wisdom,  and  through  it  they  obtained  wealth 
and  bequeathed  it  to  us.  In  this  we  can  still  see  their 
traces,  but  we  cannot  follow  them,  and  therefore  we  have 
lost  both  the  wealth  and  the  wisdom,  because  we  would  not 
incline  pur  hearts  after  their  example.” 

When  I remembered  all  this,  I wondered  extremely  that 
the  good  and  wise  men  who  were  formerly  all  over  England, 
and  had  learned  perfectly  all  the  books,  did  not  wish  to 
translate  them  into  their  own  language.  But  again  I soon 
answered  myself  and  said,  “ Their  own  desire  for  learning 
was  so  great  that  they  did  not  suppose  that  men  would 
ever  be  so  careless,  and  that  learning  would  so  decay;  and 
they  wished,  moreover,  that  the  wisdom  in  this  land  might 
increase  with  our  knowledge  of  languages.”  Then  I remem- 
bered how  the  law  was  first  known  in  Hebrew,  and  when 
the  Greeks  had  learned  it  how  they  translated  the  whole  of 
it  into  their  own  language,  and  all  other  books  besides.  And 
again  the  Rofnans,  when  they  had  learned  it,  translated  the 
whole  of  it,  through  learned  interpreters,  into  their  own  lan- 
guage. And  also  all  other  Christian  nations  translated  a 
part  of  it  into  their  own  language. 

Therefore  it  seems  better  to  me,  if  you  agree,  for  us  also 
to  translate  some  of  the  books  which  are  most  needful  for 
all  men  to  know  into  the  language  which  we  can  all  under- 
stand ; and  for  you  to  see  to  it,  as  can  easily  be  done  if  w^ 


224  Readings  in  European  History 

have  tranquillity  enough,  that  all  the  free-born  youth  now 
in  England,  who  are  rich  enough  to  be  able  to  devote  them- 
selves to  it,  be  set  to  learn  as  long  as  they  are  not  fit  for 
any  other  occupation,  until  that  they  are  well  able  to  read 
English  writing ; and  let  those  afterwards  be  taught  more  in 
the  Latin  language  who  are  to  continue  learning,  and  be 
promoted  to  a higher  rank. 

When  I remembered  how  the  knowledge  of  Latin  had 
decayed  throughout  England,  and  yet  that  many  could  read 
English  writing,  I began,  among  other  various  and  mani- 
fold troubles  of  this  kingdom,  to  translate  into  English  the 
book  which  is  called  in  Latin  Fastoralis^  and  in  English 
Shepherd'^ s Book^  sometimes  word  by  word,  and  sometimes 
according  to  the  sense,  as  I had  learned  it  from  Plegmund, 
my  archbishop,  and  Asser,  my  bishop,  and  Grimbold,  my 
mass-priest,  and  John,  my  mass-priest.  And  when  I had 
learned  it,  as  I could  best  understand  it  and  most  clearly 
interpret  it,  I translated  it  into  English. 

I will  send  a copy  of  this  to  every  bishopric  in  my  kingdom; 
and  on  each  copy  there  shall  be  a clasp  worth  fifty  mancuses. 
And  I command,  in  God’s  name,  that  no  man  take  the  clasp 
from  the  book,  or  the  book  from  the  minster.  It  is  uncer- 
tain how  long  there  may  be  such  learned  bishops,  as  thanks 
be  to  God  there  now  are  nearly  everywhere  ; therefore  I 
wish  these  copies  always  to  remain  in  their  places,  unless 
the  bishop  wish  to  take  them  with  him,  or  they  be  lent  out 
anywhere,  or  any  one  wish  to  make  a copy  of  them. 


97.  Harold 
and  William 
prepare  for 
battle. 
(From  Wil- 
liam of 
Malmes- 
bury’s 
History  of 
the  English 
Kings.) 


II.  The  Battle  of  Hastings  : English  and  Normans 

The  courageous  leaders  mutually  prepared  for  battle, 
each  according  to  his  national  custom.  The  English,  as  we 
have  heard,  passed  the  night  without  sleep,  in  drinking  and 
singing,  and  in  the  morning  proceeded  without  delay  against 
the  enemy.  All  on  foot,  armed  with  battle-axes,  and  cover- 
ing themselves  in  front  by  the  juncture  of  their  shields,  they 
formed  an  impenetrable  body  which  would  assuredly  have 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 


225 


secured  their  safety  that  day  had  not  the  Normans,  by  a 
feigned  flight,  induced  them  to  open  their  ranks,  which  till 
that  time,  according  to  their  custom,  had  been  closely 
compacted.  King  Harold  himself,  on  foot,  stood  with  his 
brothers  near  the  standard  in  order  that,  so  long  as  all 
shared  equal  danger,  none  could  think  of  retreating.  This 
same  standard  William  sent,  after  his  victory,  to  the  pope ; 
it  was  sumptuously  embroidered  with  gold  and  precious 
stones,  and  represented  the  figure  of  a man  fighting. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  Normans  passed  the  whole  night 
in  confessing  their  sins,  and  received  the  communion  of  the 
Lord’s  body  in  the  morning.  Their  infantry,  with  bows  and 
arrows,  formed  the  vanguard,  while  their  cavalry,  divided 
into  wings,  was  placed  in  the  rear.  The  duke,  with  serene 
countenance,  declaring  aloud  that  God  would  favor  his  as 
being  the  righteous  side,  called  for  his  arms  ; and  when, 
through  the  haste  of  his  attendants,  he  had  put  on  his 
hauberk  the  hind  part  before,  he  corrected  the  mistake  with 
a laugh,  saying,  ‘‘  The  power  of  my  dukedom  shall  be 
turned  into  a kingdom.”  Then  starting  the  song  of  Roland, 
in  order  that  the  warlike  example  of  that  hero  might  stimu- 
late the  soldiers,  and  calling  on  God  for  assistance,  the 
battle  commenced  on  both  sides,  and  was  fought  with  great 
ardor,  neither  side  giving  ground  during  the  greater  part  of 
the  day. 

Observing  this,  William  gave  a signal  to  his  troops,  that, 
feigning  flight,  they  should  withdraw  from  the  field.  By  means 
of  this  device  the  solid  phalanx  of  the  English  opened  for  the 
purpose  of  cutting  down  the  fleeing  enemy  and  thus  brought 
upon  itself  swift  destruction;  for  the  Normans,  facing  about, 
attacked  them,  thus  disordered,  and  compelled  them  to  fly. 
In  this  manner,  deceived  by  a stratagem,  they  met  an  hon- 
orable death  in  avenging  their  country;  nor  indeed  were 
they  at  all  without  their  own  revenge,  for,  by  frequently 
making  a stand,  they  slaughtered  their  pursuers  in  heaps. 
Getting  possession  of  an  eminence,  they  drove  back  the 
Normans,  who  in  the  heat  of  pursuit  were  struggling  up 
the  slope,  into  the  valley  beneath,  where,  by  hurling  their 


The  Nor- 
mans, by  a 
feigned 
retreat,  rout 
the  English. 


226 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  author 
discreetly 
declares  that 
the  leaders 
were  equally  . 
brave. 


The  char- 
acter and 
habits  of  the 
English. 


javelins  and  rolling  down  stones  on  them  as  they  stood  below, 
the  English  easily  destroyed  them  to  a man.  Besides,  by  a i 
short  passage  with  which  they  were  acquainted,  they  avoided  ^ 
a deep  ditch  and  trod  underfoot  such  a multitude  of  their  i 
enemies  in  that  place  that  the  heaps  of  bodies  made  the  i 
hollow  level  with  the  plain.  This  alternating  victory,  first  | 
of  one  side  and  then  of  the  other,  continued  so  long  as  i 
Harold  lived  to  check  the  retreat  ; but  when  he  fell,  his  | 
brain  pierced  by  an  arrow,  the  flight  of  the  English  ceased  j 
not  until  night.  i 

In  the  battle  both  leaders  distinguished  themselves  by  ! 
their  bravery.  Harold,  not  content  with  the  functions  of  a 
general  and  with  exhorting  others,  eagerly  assumed  himself 
the  duties  of  a common  soldier.  He  was  constantly  striking 
down  the  enemy  at  close  quarters,  so  that  no  one  could 
approach  him  with  impunity,  for  straightway  both  horse  and 
rider  would  be  felled  by  a single  blow.  So  it  was  at  long 
range,  as  I have  said,  that  the  enemy’s  deadly  arrow  brought 
him  to  his  death.  One  of  the  Norman  soldiers  gashed  his 
thigh  with  a sword,  as  he  lay  prostrate ; for  which  shameful 
and  cowardly  action  he  was  branded  with  ignominy  by 
William  and  expelled  from  the  army. 

William,  too,  was  equally  ready  to  encourage  his  soldiers 
by  his  voice  and  by  his  presence,  and  to  be  the  first  to 
rush  forward  to  attack  the  thickest  of  the  foe.  He  was 
everywhere  fierce  and  furious  ; he  lost  three  choice  horses, 
which  were  that  day  killed  under  him.  The  dauntless  spirit 
and  vigor  of  the  intrepid  general,  however,  still  held  out. 
Though  often  called  back  by  the  kind  remonstrance  of  his 
bodyguard,  he  still  persisted  until  approaching  night  crowned 
him  with  complete  victory.  And  no  doubt  the  hand  of  God 
so  protected  him  that  the  enemy  should  draw  no  blood  from 
his  person,  though  they  aimed  so  many  javelins  at  him. 

This  was  a fatal  day  to  England,  and  melancholy  havoc 
was  wrought  in  our  dear  country  during  the  change  of  its 
lords.  For  it  had  long  before  adopted  the  manners  of  the 
Angles,  which  had  indeed  altered  with  the  times  ; for  in 
the  first  years  of  their  arrival  they  were  barbarians  in 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 


227 

'their  look  and  manner,  warlike  in  their  usages,  heathens 
in  their  rites. 

After  embracing  the  faith  of  Christ,  by  degrees  and,  in 
process  of  time,  in  consequence  of  the  peace  which  they 
enjoyed,  they  relegated  arms  to  a secondary  place  and  gave 
their  whole  attention  to  religion.  I am  not  speaking  of  the 
poor,  the  meanness  of  whose  fortune  often  restrains  them 
from  overstepping  the  bounds  of  justice  ; I omit,  too,  men 
of  ecclesiastical  rank,  whom  sometimes  respect  for  their  pro- 
fession and  sometimes  the  fear  of  shame  suffers  not  to  devi- 
ate from  the  true  path  ; I speak  of  princes,  who  from  the 
greatness  of  their  power  might  have  full  liberty  to  indulge 
in  pleasure.  Some  of  these  in  their  own  country,  and  others 
at  Rome,  changing  their  habit,  obtained  a heavenly  king- 
dom and  a saintly  intercourse.  Many  others  during  their 
whole  lives  devoted  themselves  in  outward  appearance  to 
worldly  affairs,  but  in  order  that  they  might  exhaust  their 
treasures  on  the  poor  or  divide  them  amongst  monasteries. 

What  shall  I say  of  the  multitudes  of  bishops,  hermits,  and 
abbots  1 Does  not  the  whole  island  blaze  with  such  numer- 
ous relics  of  its  own  people  that  you  can  scarcely  pass  a 
village  of  any  consequence  but  you  hear  the  name  of  some 
new  saint  ? And  of  how  many  more  has  all  remembrance 
perished  through  the  want  of  records  ? 

Nevertheless,  the  attention  to  literature  and  religion  had 
gradually  decreased  for  several  years  before  the  arrival  of 
■:he  Normans.  The  clergy,  contented  with  a little  confused 
earning,  could  scarcely  stammer  out  the  words  of  the  sac- 
raments ; and  a person  who  understood  grammar  was  an 
')bject  of  wonder  and  astonishment.  The  monks  mocked 
*:he  rule  of  their  order  by  fine  vestments  and  the  use  of 
ivery  kind  of  food.  The  nobility,  given  up  to  luxury  and 
vantonness,  went  not  to  church  in  the  morning  after  the 
manner  of  Christians,  but  merely,  in  a careless  manner, 
’leard  matins  and  masses  from  a hurrying  priest  in  their 
:hambers,  amid  the  blandishments  of  their  wives.  The  com- 
monalty, left  unprotected,  became  a prey  to  the  most  power- 
ul,  who  amassed  fortunes,  either  by  seizing  on  their  property 


General  in- 
tellectual 
and  religious 
decline 
before  the 
Norman 
Conquest 


228 


Readings  in  European  History 


Manners  and 
customs  of 
the  English. 


Character  of 
the  Normans, 


or  by  selling  their  persons  into  foreign  countries  ; although 
it  is  characteristic  of  this  people  to  be  more  inclined  to  rev- 
eling than  to  the  accumulation  of  wealth.  . . . 

Drinking  in  parties  was  an  universal  practice,  in  which 
occupation  they  passed  entire  nights  as  well  as  days.  They 
consumed  their  whole  substance  in  mean  and  despicable 
houses,  unlike  the  Normans  and  French,  who  live  frugally  in 
noble  and  splendid  mansions.  The  vices  attendant  on  drunk- 
enness, which  enervate  the  human  mind,  followed ; hence  it 
came  about  that  when  they  engaged  William,  with  more  rash- 
ness and  precipitate  fury  than  military  skill,  they  doomed 
themselves  and  their  country  to  slavery  by  a single,  and 
that  an  easy,  victory.  For  nothing  is  less  effective  than 
rashness ; and  what  begins  with  violence  quickly  ceases 
or  is  repelled. 

The  English  at  that  time  wore  short  garments,  reaching 
to  the  mid-knee;  they  had  their  hair  cropped,  their  beards 
shaven,  their  arms  laden  with  golden  bracelets,  their  skin 
adorned  with  tattooed  designs.  They  were  accustomed  to 
eat  till  they  became  surfeited,  and  to  drink  till  they  were 
sick.  These  latter  qualities  they  imparted  to  their  con- 
querors; as  to  the  rest,  they  adopted  their  manners.  I 
would  not,  however,  have  these  bad  propensities’  ascribed  to 
the  English  universally;  I know  that  many  of  the  clergy  at 
that  day  trod  the  path  of  sanctity  by  a blameless  life ; I 
know  that  many  of  the  laity,  of  all  ranks  and  conditions,  in 
this  nation  were  well-pleasing  to  God.  Be  injustice  far  from 
this  account;  the  accusation  does  not  involve  the  whole, 
indiscriminately ; but  as  in  peace  the  mercy  of  God  often 
cherishes  the  bad  and  the  good  together,  so,  equally,  does 
his  severity  sometimes  include  them  both  in  captivity. 

The  Normans  — that  I may  speak  of  them  also  — were 
at  that  time,  and  are  even  now,  exceedingly  particular  in 
their  dress  and  delicate  in  their  food,  but  not  so  to  excess. 
They  are  a race  inured  to  war,  and  can  hardly  live  without 
it ; fierce  in  rushing  against  the  enemy,  and,  where  force 
fails  of  success,  ready  to  use  stratagem  or  to  corrupt  by 
bribery.  As  I have  said,  they  live  in  spacious  houses  with 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages  229 

economy,  envy  their  superiors,  wish  to  excel  their  equals, 
and  plunder  their  subjects,  though  they  defend  them  from 
others;  they  are  faithful  to  their  lords,  though  a slight  offense 
alienates  them.  They  weigh  treachery  by  its  chance  of 
success,  and  change  their  sentiments  for  money.  The  most 
hospitable,  however,  of  all  nations,  they  esteem  strangers 
worthy  of  equal  honor  with  themselves;  they  also  inter- 
marry with  their  vassals.  They  revived,  by  their  arrival,  the 
rule  of  religion  which  had  everywhere  grown  lifeless  in  Eng- 
land. You  might  see  churches  rise  in  every  village,  and 
monasteries  in  the  towns  and  cities,  built  after  a style 
unknown  before;  you  might  behold  the  country  flourishing 
with  renovated  rites;  so  that  each  wealthy  man  accounted 
that  day  lost  to  him  which  he  had  neglected  to  signalize  by 
some  munificent  action. 

III.  Rule  of  William  the  Conqueror 

At  Midwinter  the  king  was  at  Gloucester  with  his  ‘‘witan,’’ 
and  there  held  his  court  five  days;  and  afterwards  the  arch- 
bishop and  clergy  had  a synod  three  days.  There  was 
Maurice  chosen  bishop  of  London,  and  William,  of  Norfolk, 
and  Robert,  of  Cheshire.  They  were  all  the  king’s  clerks. 
After  this  the  king  had  a great  council,  and  very  deep  speech 
with  his  “ witan  ” about  this  land,  how  it  was  peopled,  or  by 
what  men  ; then  he  sent  his  men  over  all  England,  into  every 
shire,  and  caused  to  be  ascertained  how  many  hundred  hides 
were  in  the  shire,  or  what  land  the  king  himself  had,  and 
cattle  within  the  land,  or  what  dues  he  ought  to  have,  in 
twelve  months,  from  the  shire.  Also  he  caused  to  be  written 
how  much  land  his  archbishops  had,  and  his  suffragan 
bishops,  and  his  abbots,  and  his  earls;  and  — though  I 
imay  narrate  somewhat  prolixly  — what  or  how  much  each 
man  had  who  was  a landholder  in  England,  in  land,  or  in 
cattle,  and  how  much  money  it  might  be  worth.  So  very 
narrowly  he  caused  it  to  be  traced  out,  that  there  was  not 
one  single  hide,  nor  one  yard  of  land,  nor  even  — it  is 
shame  to  tell,  though  it  seemed  to  him  no  shame  to  do  — 


98.  King 
William 
orders 
Doomsday 
Book  to  be 
drawn  up. 
(From  the 
Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle.) 


William’s 

character. 


230  Readings  in  Eiiropean  History 

an  ox,  nor  a cow,  nor  a swine,  left  that  was  not  set  down 
in  his  writ. 

King  William,  about  whom  we  speak,  was  a very  wise 
rhan,  and  very  powerful,  more  dignified  and  strong  than  any 
of  his  predecessors  were.  He  was  mild  to  the  good  men  who 
loved  God,  and  beyond  all  measure  severe  to  the  men  who 
gainsaid  his  will.  . . . He  was  also  very  dignified;  thrice 
every  year  he  wore  his  crown,  as  oft  as  he  was  in  England. 
At  Easter  he  wore  it  in  Winchester ; at  Pentecost,  in  West- 
minster; at  Midwinter,  in  Gloucester.  And  then  were  with 
him  all  the  great  men  over  all  England,  archbishops  and 
suffragan  bishops,  abbots  and  earls,  thanes  and  knights. 

So  also  was  he  a very  rigid  and  cruel  man,  so  that  no 
one  durst  do  anything  against  his  will.  He  had  earls  in 
bonds  who  had  acted  against  his  will ; bishops  he  cast  from 
their  bishoprics,  and  abbots  from  their  abbacies,  and  thanes 
into  prison;  and  at  last  he  spared  not  his  own  brother,  named 
Odo  : he  was  a very  rich  bishop  in  Normandy;  at  Bayeux 
was  his  episcopal  see  ; and  he  was  the  foremost  man  besides 
the  king;  and  he  had  an  earldom  in  England,  and  when  the 
king  was  in  Normandy,  then  was  he  the  most  powerful  in 
this  land  : and  him  the  king  put  in  prison. 

Among  other  good  things  is  not  to  be  forgotten  the  good 
peace  that  he  made  in  this  land  ; so  that  a man  who  had  any 
confidence  in  himself  might  go  over  his  realm,  with  his  bosom 
full  of  gold,  unhurt.  Nor  durst  any  man  slay  another  man 
had  he  done  ever  so  great  evil  to  the  other.  He  reigned 
over  England,  and  by  his  sagacity  so  thoroughly  surveyed  it 
that  there  was  not  a hide  of  land  within  England  that  he 
knew  not  who  had  it,  or  what  it  was  worth,  and  afterwards 
set  it  in  his  writ. 

Brytland  (Wales)  was  in  his  power,  and  therein  he  built 
castles,  and  completely  ruled  over  that  race  of  men.  In 
like  manner  he  also  subjected  Scotland  to  him  by  his  great 
strength.  The  land  of  Normandy  was  naturally  his,  and  over 
the  country  which  is  called  Le  Maine  he  reigned ; and  if  he 
might  yet  have  lived  two  years  he  would,*  by  his  valor,  have 
won  Ireland,  and  without  any  weapons. 


England  hi  the  Middle  Ages 


231 


Certainly  in  his  time  men  had  great  hardship  and  very 
many  injuries.  Castles  he  caused  to  be  made,  and  poor 
men  to  be  greatly  oppressed.  The  king  was  very  rigid, 
and  took  from  his  subjects  many  a mark  of  gold,  and  more 
hundred  pounds  of  silver,  all  which  he  took,  by  right  and 
with  great  unright,  from  his  people,  for  little  need.  He  had 
fallen  into  covetousness,  and  altogether  loved  greediness. 

He  planted  a great  preserve  for  deer,  and  he  laid  down 
laws  therewith,  that  whosoever  should  slay  hart  or  hind 
should  be  blinded.  He  forbade  the  harts  and  also  the 
boars  to  be  killed.  As  greatly  did  he  love  the  tall  deer  as 
if  he  were  their  father.  He  also  ordained  concerning  the 
hares  that  they  should  go  free.  His  great  men  bewailed  it, 
and  the  poor  men  murmured  thereat ; but  he  was  so  obdu- 
rate that  he  recked  not  of  the  hatred  of  them  all ; but  they 
must  wholly  follow  the  king’s  will  if  they  would  live,  or 
have  land,  or  property,  or  even  his  peace.  Alas  that  any 
man  should  be  so  proud,  so  raise  himself  up,  and  account 
himself  above  all  men ! May  the  Almighty  God  show  mercy 
to  his  soul,  and  grant  him  forgiveness  of  his  sins  ! 


IV.  How  THE  Great  Charter  was  Won 


In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1215,  which  was  the  seventeenth 
year  of  the  reign  of  King  John,  he  held  his  court  at  Win- 
chester at  Christmas  for  one  day,  after  which  he  hurried  to 
London,  and  took  up  his  abode  at  the  New  Temple  ; and  at 
that  place  the  above-mentioned  nobles  came  to  him  in  gay 
military  array,  and  demanded  the  confirmation  of  the  liberties 
and  laws  of  King  Edward  [the  Confessor],  with  such  other 
liberties  granted  to  them  and  to  the  kingdom  and  church  of 
England  as  were  contained  in  the  charter  and  the  above- 
mentioned  laws  of  Henry  the  First.  They  also  asserted  that 
at  the  time  of  his  absolution  at  Winchester  he  had  promised 
to  restore  those  laws  and  ancient  liberties,  and  was  bound 
by  his  own  oath  to  observe  them.  The  king,  hearing  the 
bold  tone  of  the  barons  in  making  this  demand,  much  feared 


99.  The 
barons 
demand 
that  King 
John  should 
confirm  their 
ancient 
rights. 
(From  the 
Chronicle 
of  Roger  of 
Wendouer.) 


232  Readings  in  European  History 

an  attack  from  them,  as  he  saw  that  they  were  prepared  for 
battle ; he  however  made  answer  that  their  demands  were  a 
matter  of  importance  and  difficulty,  and  he  therefore  asked 
a truce  till  the  end  of  Easter,  that  he  might,  after  due  delib- 
eration, be  able  to  satisfy  them  as  well  as  the  dignity  of  his 
crown.  . . . 

In  Easter  week  of  this  same  year  the  above-mentioned 
nobles  assembled  at  Stamford  with  horses  and  arms,  since 
they  had  now  induced  almost  all  the  nobility  of  the  whole 
kingdom  to  join  them  and  constituted  a very  large  army. 
There  were  computed  to  be  two  thousand  knights,  besides 
horse  soldiers,  attendants,  and  foot  soldiers,  who  were  vari- 
ously equipped.  . . . All  of  these  were  united  by  oath,  and 
were  supported  by  the  concurrence  of  Stephen,  archbishop 
of  Canterbury,  who  was  at  their  head.  The  king  at  this  time 
was  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  nobles  at  Oxford. 

On  the  Monday  next  after  the  octaves  of  Easter  the  said 
barons  assembled  in  the  town  of  Brackley ; and  when  the 
king  learned  of  them,  he  sent  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury 
and  William  Marshall,  earl  of  Pembroke,  with  some  other 
prudent  men,  to  them,  to  inquire  what  the  laws  and  liberties 
were  which  they  demanded.  The  barons  then  delivered  ta 
the  messengers  a paper,  containing  in  great  measure  the 
laws  and  ancient  customs  of  the  kingdom,  and  declared  that 
unless  the  king  immediately  granted  them  and  confirmed 
them  under  his  own  seal  they  would,  by  taking  possession  of 
his  fortresses,  force  him  to  give  them  sufficient  satisfaction 
as  to  their  before-named  demands. 

The  archbishop  with  his  fellow-messengers  then  carried 
the  paper  to  the  king  and  read  to  him  all  the  heads  of  the 
paper,  one  by  one.  The  king,  when  he  heard  the  purport 
of  these  heads,  derisively  said,  with  the  greatest  indignation, 
‘‘  Why,  amongst  all  these  unjust  demands,  did  not  the  barons 
ask  for  my  kingdom  also  ? Their  demands  are  vain  and 
visionary,  and  are  unsupported  by  any  plea  of  reason  what- 
ever.^^  And  at  length  he  angrily  declared,  with  an  oath,  that 
he  would  never  grant  them  such  liberties  as  would  render 
him  their  slave.  . . . 


233 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 

King  John,  when  he  saw  that  he  was  deserted  by  almost 
all,  so  that  out  of  his  regal  superabundance  of  followers  he 
scarcely  retained  seven  knights,  was  much  alarmed  lest  the 
barons  should  attack  his  castles  and  reduce  them  without 
difficulty,  as  they  would  find  no  obstacle  to  their  so.  doing. 

So  he  deceitfully  pretended  to  make  peace  for  a time  with 
the  aforesaid  barons,  and  sent  William  Marshall,  earl  of 
Pembroke,  with  other  trustworthy  messengers,  to  them,  and 
told  them  that,  for  the  sake  of  peace  and  for  the  exaltation 
and  honor  of  the  kingdom,  he  would  willingly  grant  them 
the  laws  and  liberties  they  required  ; he  also  sent  word  to  the 
barons  by  these  same  messengers,  to  appoint  a fitting  day 
and  place  to  meet  and  carry  all  these  matters  into  effect. 

The  king’s  messengers  then  came  in  all  haste  to  London, 
and  without  deceit  did  report  to  the  barons  all  that  had 
been  deceitfully  imposed  on  them  ; they,  in  their  great  joy, 
appointed  the  15th  of  June  for  the  king  to  meet  them  at  a 
field  lying  between  Staines  and  Windsor.  Accordingly,  at 
the  time  and  place  pre-agreed  upon,  the  king  and  nobles 
came  to  the  appointed  conference,  and  when  each  party  had 
stationed  themselves  apart  from  the  other,  they  began  a long 
discussion  about  terms  of  peace  and  the  aforesaid  liberties. 

. . . At  length,  after  various  points  on  both  sides  had  been 
discussed.  King  John,  seeing  that  he  was  inferior  in  strength 
to  the  barons,  without  raising  any  difficulty,  granted  the 
underwritten  laws  and  liberties  and  confirmed  them  by  his 
charter  as  follows  : 

V.  Principal  Provisions  of  the  Great  Charter 

John^  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  England^  Lord  of  Ireland^  100.  Princi- 

Duke  of  Normafidy  a7id  Aquitaine,  Coimt  of  Anjou,  to  the  , 

77-7X  7-7  77  7 7 . ..  ^ visions  of 

arcnbtsnops,  bishops,  abbots,  earls,  barons,  justiciars,  foresters,  Magna 

sheriffs,  reeves,  servants,  and  all  bailiffs  and  to  his  faithful  Charta. 

people,  greeting: 

Know  that  by  the  suggestion  of  God  and  for  the  good  of 
our  soul  and  of  those  of  all  our  predecessors  and  of  our  heirs, 
to  the  honor  of  God  and  the  exaltation  of  holy  Church,  and 


234 


Readings  in  European  History 


Feudal  dues 

carefully 

restricted. 


for  the  improvement  of  our  kingdom,  by  the  advice  of  our 
venerable  fathers,  Stephen,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  pri- 
mate of  all  England  and  cardinal  of  the  holy  Roman  Church, 
Henry,  archbishop  of  Dublin,  William  of  London,  Peter  of 
Winchester,  Jocelyn  of  Bath  and  Glastonbury,  Hugh  of  Lin- 
coln, Walter  of  Worcester,  William  of  Coventry,  and  Benedict 
of  Rochester,  bishops ; of  Master  Pandulf,  subdeacon  and 
member  of  the  household  of  the  lord  pope,  of  Brother 
Aymeric,  master  of  the  Knights  of  the  Temple  in  England ; 
and  of  the  noblemen  William  Marshall,  earl  of  Pembroke, 
William,  earl  of  Salisbury,  William,  earl  of  Warren,  William, 
earl  of  Arundel,  Alan  of  Galloway,  constable  of  Scotland, 
Warren  Fitz-Gerald,  Peter  Fitz-Herbert,  Hubert  de  Burgh, 
steward  of  Poitou,  Hugh  de  Nevil,  Matthew  Fitz-Herbert, 
Thomas  Bassett,  Alan  Bassett,  Philip  d’Albini,  Robert  de 
Roppelay,  John  Marshall,  John  Fitz-Hugh,  and  others  of 
our  faithful. 

1.  In  the  first  place,  we  have  granted  to  God,  and  by  this 
our  present  charter  confirmed  for  us  and  our  heirs  forever, 
that  the  English  church  shall  be  free,  and  shall  hold  its 
rights  entire  and  its  liberties  uninjured  ; and  that  we  will  that 
it  should  thus  be  observed  is  shown  by  this  : that  the  freedom 
of  elections,  which  is  considered  to  be  most  important  and 
especially  necessary  to  the  English  church,  we,  of  our  pure 
and  spontaneous  will,  granted,  and  by  our  charter  confirmed, 
before  the  contest  between  us  and  our  barons  had  arisen ; 
and  we  obtained  a confirmation  of  it  by  the  lord  pope  Inno- 
cent III,  which  we  will  observe,  and  which  we  will  shall  be 
observed  in  good  faith  by  our  heirs  forever. 

We  have  granted,  moreover,  to  all  free  men  of  our  kingdom, 
for  us  and  our  heirs  forever,  all  the  liberties  written  below, 
to  be  had  and  holden  by  themselves  and  their  heirs  from  us 
and  our  heirs. 

2.  If  any  of  our  earls  or  barons,  or  others  holding  from 
us  in  chief  by  military  service,  shall  have  died,  and  when  he 
has  died  his  heir  shall  be  of  full  age  and  owe  relief,  he  shall 
have  his  inheritance  by  the  ancient  relief;  that  is  to  say, 
the  heir  or  heirs  of  an  earl,  for  the  whole  barony  of  an  earl, 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 


235 


a hundred  pounds  ; the  heir  or  heirs  of  a baron,  for  a whole 
barony,  a hundred  pounds  ; the  heir  or  heirs  of  a knight, 
for  a whole  knight’s  fee,  a hundred  shillings  at  most ; and 
who  owes  less,  let  him  give  less,  according  to  the  ancient 
custom  of  fiefs.  . . . 

5.  The  custodian  [of  the  lands  of  a minor],  moreover,  so 
long  as  he  shall  have  the  custody  of  the  land,  must  keep 
up  the  houses,  parks,  warrens,  fish  ponds,  mills,  and  other 
things  pertaining  to  the  land,  from  the  proceeds  of  the  land 
itself;  and  he  must  return  to  the  heir,  when  he  has  come  to 
full  age,  all  his  land,  furnished  with  plows  and  implements  of 
husbandry,  according  as  the  time  of  wainage  requires  and  as 
the  proceeds  of  the  land  are  able  reasonably  to  sustain.  . . . 

7.  A widow,  after  the  death  of  her  husband,  shall  have 
her  marriage  portion  and  her  inheritance  immediately  and 
without  obstruction.  . . . 

8.  No  widow  shall  be  compelled  to  marry  so  long  as  she 
prefers  to  live  without  a husband,  provided  she  gives  secu- 
rity that  she  will  not  marry  without  our  consent,  if  she  holds 
from  us,  or  without  the  consent  of  her  lord  from  whom  she 
holds,  if  she  holds  from  another.  . . . 

12.  No  scutage  or  aid  shall  be  imposed  in  our  kingdom 
save  by  the  common  council  of  our  kingdom,  except  for  the 
ransoming  of  our  body,  for  the  making  of  our  oldest  son 
a knight,  and  for  once  marrying  our  oldest  daughter;  and 
for  these  purposes  it  shall  be  only  a reasonable  aid;  in  the 
same  way  it  shall  be  done  concerning  the  aids  of  the  city  of 
London. 

13.  And  the  city  of  London  shall  have  all  its  ancient 
liberties  and  free  customs,  as  well  by  land  as  by  water. 
Moreover  we  will  and  grant  that  all  other  cities  and  boroughs 
and  villages  and  ports  shall  have  all  their  liberties  and  free 
customs. 

14.  And  for  holding  a common  council  of  the  kingdom 
concerning  the  assessment  of  an  aid  otherwise  than  in  the 
three  cases  mentioned  above,  or  concerning  the  assessment 
of  a scutage,  we  shall  cause  to  be  summoned  the  archbishops, 
bishops,  abbots,  earls,  and  greater  barons  by  our  letters 


Except  in 
specified 
cases,  no  tax 
to  be  imposed 
without  the 
consent  of  the 
common 
council. 


236  Readings  m European  History 

under  seal ; and,  besides,  we  shall  cause  to  be  summoned 
generally,  by  our  sheriffs  and  bailiffs,  all  those  who  hold 
from  us  in  chief,  for  a certain  day,  at  the  end  of  at  least 
forty  days,  and  for  a certain  place ; and  in  all  the  letters  of 
that  summons  we  will  state  the  cause  of  the  summons,  and 
when  the  summons  has  thus  been  given  the  business  shall 
proceed  on  the  appointed  day,  on  the  advice  of  those  who 
shall  be  present,  even  if  not  all  of  those  who  were  sum- 
moned have  come. 

15.  We  will  not  grant  to  any  one,  moreover,  that  he  shall 
take  an  aid  from  his  free  men,  except  for  ransoming  his 
body,  for  making  his  oldest  son  a knight,  and  for  once  marry- 
ing his  oldest  daughter;  and  for  these  purposes  only  a 
reasonable  aid  shall  be  taken.  ... 

20.  A free  man  shall  not  be  lined  for  a small  offense, 
except  in  proportion  to  the  gravity  of  the  offense ; and  for 
a great  offense  he  shall  be  fined  in  proportion  to  the  magni- 
tude of  the  offense,  saving  his  freehold ; and  a merchant  in 
the  same  way,  saving  his  merchandise  ; and  the  villein  shall 
be  lined  in  the  same  way,  saving  his  wainage,  if  he  shall  be 
at  our  mercy ; and  none  of  the  above  lines  shall  be  imposed 
except  by  the  oaths  of  honest  men  of  the  neighborhood.  . . . 

28.  No  constable  or  other  bailiff  of  ours  shall  take  any 
one’s  grain  or  other  chattels  without  immediately  paying 
for  them  in  money,  unless  he  is  able  to  obtain  a postpone- 
ment at  the  good  will  of  the  seller. 

29.  No  constable  shall  require  any  knight  to  give  money 
in  place  of  his  ward  of  a castle  if  he  is  willing  to  furnish 
that  ward  in  his  own  person,  or  through  another  honest  man 
if  he  himself  is  not  able  to  do  it  for  a reasonable  cause  ; 
and  if  we  shall  lead  or  send  him  into  the  army  he  shall  be 
free  from  ward  in  proportion  to  the  amount  of  time  which  he 
has  been  in  the  army  through  us. 

30.  No  sheriff  or  bailiff  of  ours,  or  any  one  else,  shall  take 
horses  or  wagons  of  any  free  man,  for  carrying  purposes, 
except  on  the  permission  of  that  free  man. 

31.  Neither  we  nor  our  bailiffs  will  take  the  wood  of 
another  man  for  castles,  or  for  anything  else  which  we  are 


Engla7id  in  the  Middle  Ages  237 

doing,  except  by  the  permission  of  him  to  whom  the  wood 
belongs.  . . . 

39.  No  free  man  shall  be  taken,  or  imprisoned,  or  dispos- arbitrary 
sessed,  or  outlawed,  or  banished,  or  in  any  way  injured,  i^P^ison- 
nor  will  we  go  upon  him,  nor  send  upon  him,  except  by  the 

legal  judgment  of  his  peers,  or  by  the  law  of  the  land. 

40.  To  no  one  will  we  sell,  to  no  one  will  we  deny  or 
delay,  right  or  justice. 

41.  All  merchants  shall  be  safe  and  secure  in  going  out  Protection  of 
from  England  and  coming  into  England,  and  in  remaining  "merchants, 
and  going  through  England,  as  well  by  land  as  by  water,  for 

buying  and  selling,  free  from  all  evil  tolls,  by  the  ancient 
and  rightful  customs,  except  in  time  of  war,  or  if  they  are 
of  a land  at  war  with  us ; and  if  such  are  found  in  our  land 
at  the  beginning  of  war,  they  shall  be  attached  without  injury 
to  their  bodies  or  goods,  until  it  shall  be  known  from  us,  or 
from  our  principal  justiciar,  in  what  way  the  merchants  of 
our  land  are  treated  who  shall  be  then  found  in  the  country 
which  is  at  war  with  us  ; and  if  ours  are  safe  there,  the 
others  shall  be  safe  in  our  land.  . . . 

47.  All  forests  which  have  been  afforested  in  our  time 
shall  be  disafforested  immediately;  and  so  it  shall  be  concern- 
ing river  banks  which  in  our  time  have  been  fenced  in.  . . . 

51.  And  immediately  after  the  reestablishment  of  peace 
we  will  remove  from  the  kingdom  all  foreign-born  soldiers, 
crossbowmen,  servants,  and  mercenaries  who  have  come  with 
horses  and  arms  for  the  injury  of  the  realm. 

52.  If  any  one  shall  have  been  dispossessed  or  removed 
by  us,  without  legal  judgment  of  his  peers,  from  his  lands, 
castles,  franchises,  or  his  right,  we  will  restore  them  to  him 
immediately ; and  if  contention  arises  about  this,  then  it 
shall  be  done  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  twenty-five 
barons,  of  whom  mention  is  made  below  concerning  the 
security  of  the  peace.  Concerning  all  those  things,  how- 
ever, from  which  any  one  has  been  removed,  or  of  which  he 
has  been  deprived,  without  legal  judgment  of  his  peers,  by 
King  Henry  our  father,  or  by  King  Richard  our  brother, 
which  we  have  in  our  hand,  or  which  others  hold,  and  which 


238  Readings  in  European  History 

it  is  our  duty  to  guarantee,  we  shall  have  respite  till  the 
usual  term  of  crusaders ; excepting  those  things  about  which 
the  suit  has  been  begun  or  the  inquisition  made  by  our  writ 
before  our  assumption  of  the  cross.  When,  however,  we  shall 
return  from  our  journey,  or  if  by  chance  we  desist  from  the 
journey,  we  will  immediately  show  full  justice  in  regard  to 
them.  . . . 

61.  Since,  moreover,  for  the  sake  of  God,  and  for  the 
improvement  of  our  kingdom,  and  for  the  better  quieting  of 
the  hostility  sprung  up  lately  between  us  and  our  barons,  we 
have  made  all  these  concessions;  wishing  them  to  enjoy 
these  in  a complete  and  firm  stability  forever,  we  make  and 
concede  to  them  the  security  described  below;  that  is  to  say, 
that  they  shall  elect  twenty-five  barons  of  the  kingdom,  whom- 
soever they  will,  who  ought  with  all  their  power  to  observe, 
hold,  and  cause  to  be  observed,  the  peace  and  liberties  which 
we  have  conceded  to  them,  and  by  this  our  present  charter 
confirmed  to  them;  . . . 

63.  ...  It  has  been  sworn,  moreover,  as  well  on  our  part 
as  on  the  part  of  the  barons,  that  all  these  things  spoken  of 
above  shall  be  observed  in  good  faith  and  without  any  evil 
intent.  Witness  the  above-named  and  many  others.  Given 
by  our  hand  in  the  meadow  which  is  called  Runnymede, 
between  Windsor  and  Staines,  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  June, 
in  the  seventeenth  year  of  our  reign. 


VI.  Writs  of  Summons  to  the  Model  Parliament 

(1295) 

Summons  to  a Bishop 

By  the  following  writs  of  summons  Edward  I secured 
a perfect  representation  of  the  three  estates  in  an  assem- 
bly which  should  have  the  power  of  taxing  the  whole 
nation  for  the  war  with  France;  in  short,  a parliament 
was  constituted  '^on  the  model  of  which  every  succeeding 
assembly  bearing  that  name  was  formed  (Stubbs). 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 


239 


The  Ki?ig  to  the  venerable  father  m Christy  Robert^  by  the 
same  grace  Archbishop  of  Canterbury^  Primate  of  all  Eng- 
land, greeting  : 

As  a most  just  law,  established  by  the  careful  providence 
of  sacred  princes,  exhorts  and  decrees  that  what  affects  all 
by  all  should  be  approved,  so  also,  very  evidently,  should 
common  danger  be  met  by  means  provided  in  common. 
You  know  sufficiently  well,  and  it  is  now,  as  we  believe, 
divulged  through  all  regions  of  the  world,  how  the  king  of 
France  fraudulently  and  craftily  deprives  us  of  our  land  of 
Gascony  by  withholding  it  unjustly  from  us. 

Now,  however,  not  satisfied  with  the  before-mentioned 
fraud  and  injustice,  having  gathered  together  for  the  con- 
quest of  our  kingdom  a very  great  fleet  and  an  abounding 
multitude  of  warriors,  with  which  he  has  made  a hostile  attack 
on  our  kingdom  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  same  kingdom,  he 
now  proposes  to  destroy  the  English  language  altogether  from 
the  earth,  if  his  power  should  correspond  to  the  detestable 
proposition  of  the  contemplated  injustice,  which  God  forbid. 

Because,  therefore,  darts  seen  beforehand  do  less  injury, 
and  your  interest  especially,  as  that  of  the  rest  of  the  citizens 
of  the  same  realm,  is  concerned  in  this  affair,  we  command 
you,  strictly  enjoining  you  in  the  fidelity  and  love  in  which 
you  are  bound  to  us,  that  on  the  Lord’s  day  next  after  the 
feast  of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approaching  winter,  you  be  pres- 
ent in  person  at  Westminster  ; citing  beforehand  the  dean 
and  chapter  of  your  church,  the  archdeacons  and  all  the 
clergy  of  your  diocese,  causing  the  same  dean  and  arch- 
deacons in  their  own  persons,  and  the  said  chapter  by  one 
suitable  proctor,  and  the  said  clergy  by  two,  to  be  present 
along  with  you,  having  full  and  sufficient  power  from  the 
same  chapter  and  clergy,  to  consider,  ordain,  and  provide, 
along  with  us  and  with  the  rest  of  the  prelates  and  principal 
men  and  other  inhabitants  of  our  kingdom,  how  the  dangers 
and  threatened  evils  of  this  kind  are  to  be  met. 

Witness  the  king,  at  Wangham,  the  30th  of  September.^ 

1 The  other  bishops  and  abbots  received  identical  or  similar  sum- 
monses. 


101.  Sum- 
mons of  a 
bishop  to 
Parliament 
(1295). 


Summons  of 
a baron  to 
Parliament 

(1295)- 


Summons  of 
representa- 
tives of  shires 
and  towns  to 
Parliament 
(1295). 


240  Readings  in  Enropea7i  History 


Summons  to  a Baron 

The  King  to  his  beloved  a?id  faithful  relative^  Edmund^  Earl 

of  Cornwall^  greethig : 

Because  we  wish  to  have  a consultation  and  meeting  with 
you  and  with  the  rest  of  the  principal  men  of  our  kingdom, 
as  to  provision  for  remedies  against  the  dangers  which  in 
these  days  are  threatening  our  whole  kingdom,  we  com- 
mand you,  strictly  enjoining  you  in  the  fidelity  and  love  in 
which  you  are  bound  to  us,  that  on  the  Lord’s  day  next 
after  the  feast  of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approaching  winter, 
you  be  present  in  person  at  Westminster,  for  considering, 
ordaining,  and  doing,  along  with  us  and  with  the  prelates 
and  the  rest  of  the  principal  men  and  other  inhabitants  of 
our  kingdom,  as  may  be  necessary  for  meeting  dangers  of 
this  kind. 

Witness  the  king,  at  Canterbury,  the  ist  of  October.^ 

Summons  to  the  Representatives  of  the  Shires  and  Towns 
The  Kmg  to  the  Sheriff  of  Northamptonshire : 

Since  we  intend  to  have  a consultation  and  meeting  with 
the  earls,  barons,  and  other  principal  men  of  our  kingdom 
with  regard  to  providing  remedies  against  the  dangers  which 
are  in  these  days  threatening  the  same  kingdom,  and  on 
that  account  have  commanded  them  to  be  with  us  on  the 
Lord’s  day  next  after  the  feast  of  St.  Martin,  in  the  approach- 
ing winter,  at  Westminster,  to  consider,  ordain,  and  do  as 
may  be  necessary  for  the  avoidance  of  those  dangers,  we 
strictly  require  you  to  cause  two  knights  from  the  aforesaid 
county,  two  citizens  from  each  city  in  the  same  county,  and 
two  burgesses  from  each  borough,  of  those  who  are  espe- 
cially discreet  and  capable  of  laboring,  to  be  elected  without 
delay,  and  to  cause  them  to  come  to  us  at  the  aforesaid  time 
and  place. 

Moreover,  the  said  knights  are  to  have  full  and  sufficient 
power  for  themselves  and  for  the  community  of  the  aforesaid 


^ Similar  summonses  were  sent  to  seven  earls  and  forty-one  barons. 


Ertgland  in  the  Middle  Ages 


241 


county,  and  the  said  citizens  and  burgesses  for  themselves, 
and  the  communities  of  the  aforesaid  cities  and  boroughs 
separately,  then  and  there,  for  doing  what  shall  then  be 
ordained  according  to  the  common  council  in  the  premises ; 
so  that  the  aforesaid  business  shall  not  remain  unfinished  in 
any  way  for  defect  of  this  power.  And  you  shall  have  there 
the  names  of  the  knights,  citizens,  and  burgesses,  together 
with  this  writ. 

Witness  the  king,  at  Canterbury,  on  the  3d  of  October.^ 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Summary  : Adams,  Civilization^  pp.  339-348  ; B^mont  and  A.  Refer 
Monod,  pp.  445-466;  Munro,  Chapters  VIII  and  XIX,  pp.  74-85 
and  214-223. 

The  Danish  Invasions  and  Alfred:  Cheyney,  A Short  History  of 
England^  pp.  59-68;  Andrews,  History  of  England^  pp.  21-33; 
Gardiner,  pp.  55-62;  Green,  Chapter  I,  sect.  5,  pp.  44-53;  Terry, 

A History  of  E^tgland  to  igoi,  Chapter  IV,  pp.  57-77  ; Colby,  pp.  19-24  ; 

Kendall,  Source  Book  of  English  History^  pp.  17-24  ; Lee,  Source  Book 
of  English  History^  pp.  96-99. 

The  Danish  Conquest  and  Cnut:  Andrews,  pp.  53-60;  Gardiner, 
pp.  79-85;  Green,  Chapter  II,  sect,  i,  pp.  63-67  ; Terry,  pp.  106-123; 

Kendall,  pp.  31-38  ; Lee,  pp.  99-107  ; Colby,  pp.  24-27. 

English  Institutions  before  the  Norman  Conquest : Cheyney, 
pp.  78-83;  Andrews,  Chapter  III,  pp.  40-52;  Gardiner,  pp.  29-33 
and  69-77 ; Green,  Chapter  I,  sect.  6,  latter  part,  pp.  58-61 ; Lee, 
pp.  87-95. 

The  Norman  Conquest  and  William  I:  Cheyney,  pp.  85-115; 
Andrews,  pp.  66-81;  Gardiner,  pp.  91-114;  Green,  Chapter  II, 
sects.  3-5  and  beginning  of  sect.  6,  pp.  71-89;  Terry,  pp.  130-183; 

Gee  and  Hardy,  Documents  Illustrative  of  English  Church  History^ 
pp.  56-59. 

Henry  II:  Cheyney,  pp.  145-170;  Andrews,  pp.  93-108;  Gar- 
diner, Chapter  X,  pp.  138-158  ; Green,  Chapter  H,  sect.  8,  pp.  104- 
112;  Terry,  pp.  21 1-229;  Kendall,  pp.  51-58. 

The  Quarrel  with  a Becket : Colby,  pp.  56-59 ; Kendall,  pp.  59- 
61 ; Lee,  pp.  130-138. 


1 Identical  summonses  were  sent  to  the  sheriffs  of  each  county. 


242 


Readings  in  European  History 


Henryks  Judicial  Reforms:  Adams  and  Stephens,  Select  Documents 
of  English  Constitutional  History^  pp.  14-18;  Henderson,  Select  His- 
torical Documents^  pp.  16-20;  Lee,  pp.  117-119;  Traitslatiotts  and 
Reprmts^  Vol.  I,  No.  6,  pp.  22-26. 

Richard  the  Lion-Hearted:  Andrews,  pp.  108-112;  Gardiner, 
Chapter  XI,  pp.  159-171;  Green,  Chapter  II,  sect.  9,  first  part,  pp. 
112-115;  Terry,  pp.  230-244;  Colby,  pp.  68-70. 

King  John:  Cheyney,  pp.  174-184;  Andrews,  pp.  112-121 ; Gar- 
diner, Chapter  XII,  pp.  173-185  ; Green,  Chapter  II,  sect.  9,  end,  and 
Chapter  III,  sects.  2-3,  pp.  115-116  and  1 22-1 32  ; Terry,  pp.  245-265; 
Adams  and  Stephens,  pp.  34,  35;  Magna  Charta,  full  text  in  Adams 
and  Stephens,  pp.  42-52;  Henderson,  pp.  135-148 ; Lee,  pp.  169-180; 
Translations  and  Reprints ^ Vol.  I,  No.  6,  pp.  6-17. 

Henry  III:  Andrews,  pp.  123-136;  Gardiner,  Chapter  XH,  pp. 
1S5-208;  Green,  Chapter  III,  sects.  5,  7,  pp.  141-147  and  152-160; 
Terry,  pp.  266-296;  Colby,  pp.  78-83;  Kendall,  pp.  81-87. 

Edward  I:  Cheyney,  pp.  209-216;  Andrews,  pp.  136-156;  Gar- 
diner, pp.  208-224 ; Green,  Chapter  IV,  sects.  1-3  and  5,  first  part, 
pp.  161-193  and  201-207;  Terry,  pp.  296-333. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


Green,  The  Conquest  of  England^  2 vols.,  new  ed.,  1899.  Comes 
down  to  1071. 

Ramsay,  Foundations  of  England^  2 vols.,  1898. 

Norgate,  England  under  the  Angevin  Kings.,  2 vols.,  1887.  These 
cover  more  satisfactorily  than  any  other  works  the  general  history  of 
England  to  the  thirteenth  century.  They  may  be  supplemented  by  the 
following  accounts  : Plummer,  Life  and  Times  of  Alfred  the  Great.,  1902, 
and  CoNYBEARE,  Alfred  in  the  Chronicles,  1900;  Stubbs,  The  Early 
Plantagenets ; Green,  Henry  II,  1888  ; Norgate,  foh7t  Lackland,  1902; 
Richardson,  The  National  Movement  ht  the  Reign  of  Henry  III,  1897; 
Medley,  English  Constitutional  History  (excellent). 

Traill,  Social  England,  6 vols.,  1894-1897;  new,  revised,  and  finely 
illustrated  edition,  1902  sqq.  This  is  a sort  of  encyclopedia  of  history, 
made  up  of  special  contributions  by  various  writers  upon  all  the  various 
phases  of  the  social  and  intellectual  life.  Naturally  valuable  as  a work 
of  reference  rather  than  to  be  read  consecutively.  Vols.  I and  II  relate 
to  the  Middle  Ages. 

History  of  England,  edited  by  Hunt  and  Poole.  A cooperative 
history  in  twelve  volumes,  now  in  preparation,  which  promises  to  prove 
the  best  continuous  narrative. 


243 


England  in  the  Middle  Ages 

English  History  from  Conteynporary  Writers^  edited  by  York- 
PowELL.  Little  volumes  of  interesting  extracts  from  the  sources, — 
Thomas  of  Canterbury^  1899;  Crusade  of  Richard  /,  1889;  Misrule  of 
Henry  II P 1887  ; Simoft  de  Montfort^  1888. 

P'or  additional  information  in  regard  to  the  books  for  England,  espe- 
cially the  various  series  which  have  appeared,  see  the  admirable  bibliog- 
raphies in  Andrews,  History  of  Engla7id^  especially  pp.  549  sqq. 


P'reeman,  History  of  the  Norman  Conquest,  1867  sqq.,  6 vols.,  — a very 
elaborate  work  but  open  to  serious  criticism  ; Ramsay,  The  Angevin 
Empire,  1903;  Pollock  and  Maitland,  History  of  Efiglish  Law 
through  the  Reign  of  Edward  I,  2 vols.,  1899,  — a remarkably  interest- 
ing and  thoroughly  scholarly  presentation  of  the  subject;  Maitland, 
Domesday  Book  and  Beyond ; Round,  Feudal  England.  The  above 
are  examples  of  the  careful  work  on  English  institutional  history  which 
has  been  carried  on  since  the  appearance  of  Stubbs’  well-known  Co7i- 
stitutio7tal  History. 

Stephens  and  Hunt,  History  of  the  English  Church,  1898  sqq., 
Vols.  I and  II  (to  Edward  I).  To  be  completed  in  seven  volumes,  by 
various  writers. 

Ashley,  English  Economic  History,  Vol.  I,  Part  I. 

Cunningham,  Growth  of  E7tglish  Industry  and  Commerce,  2 vols., 
3d  ed.,  1 901 -1903. 

Other  works  relating  to  the  social  and  economic  history  will  be  found 
at  the  close  of  Chapter  XVIII,  pp.  429  sq. 

Gairdner,  Early  Chroniclers  of  England.  A useful  introduction  to 
the  historiography  of  mediaeval  England. 

Select  Charters  and  Other  Illustraiio7ts  of  English  Constitutional  His- 
tory  from  the  Earliest  Times  to  the  Reign  of  Edward  I,  edited  by 
William  Stubbs.  A very  remarkable  and  convenient  collection  of 
documents  in  the  original  tongues. 

The  great  national  collection  of  sources  for  England  is  The  Chronicles 
and  Memorials  of  Great  Britain,  London,  1858  sqq.  This  is  issued  under 
the  direction  of  the  Master  of  the  Rolls,  and  is  commonly  called  “The 
Rolls  Series.”  Some  230  volumes  and  parts  have  appeared.  For  a list 
of  the  contents,  see  Gross,  Sources  and  Literature  of  English  History  to 
\j48g,  1901.  Fortunately  some  of  the  more  important  chronicles  have 
^'Leen  translated  into  English  in  the  Bohn  Library. 

j 


C.  Materials 
for  adva7iccd 
study. 


The  sources. 


244 


Readings  in  European  History 


Gildas,  a monk  of  Britain  {ca.  516-573),  who  lived  two  centuries 
before  Bede,  has  left  a melancholy  account  of  the  calamities  of  his  time, 
— Liber  querulus  de  calamitate^  excidio  et  conquestu  Britanniae^  quam 
Angliam  nunc  vacant.  (Edited  by  Mommsen  in  the  Monu?nenta  Ger- 
maniae  Historica  and  in  Six  English  Chronicles  in  the  Bohn  Library.) 

Bede,  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  English  ; see  above,  p.  1 1 2. 

Asser,  Life  of  Alfred.  Very  interesting.  New  edition,  edited  by 
Stevenson,  1904.  Translation  in  Bohn’s  Six  English  Chronicles. 

The  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle  is  all  important  for  the  period  to  the 
Norman  Conquest.  It  is  not  very  voluminous,  and  can  speedily  be  read 
through.  (Rolls  Series  in  the  original  and  translation.  Better  edited, 
without  translation,  by  Plummer  and  Earle,  2 vols.  (Clarendon  Press) ; 
also  in  the  Bohn  Library,  in  the  volume  containing  Bede’s  history.) 

Ordericus  Vitalis;  see  above,  p.  221. 

William  of  Malmesbury,  The  History  of  the  Kings  of  England. 
An  entertaining  and  sagacious  monk,  who  brought  his  work  down 
to  Stephen’s  time,  and  probably  died  about  1150.  See  extract  given 
above,  pp.  224  sqq.  (Rolls  Series,  translated  in  the  Bohn  Library,  and 
by  Stevenson  in  The  Church  Historia7ts  of  England^  1854.) 

Roger  of  Hoveden,  Annals  of  English  History.,  bringing  the  story 
down  to  1201,  and  very  important  for  the  reign  of  Richard.  (Rolls 
Series  and  Bohn.) 

The  monks  of  St.  Albans  were  distinguished,  like  the  monks  of 
St.  Denis  (see  above,  p.  221),  for  their  historical  writings  in  the  thir- 
teenth century.  Among  these  historians  two  may  be  mentioned  : Roger 
OF  Wendover,  whose  chronicle,  The  Elowers  of  History,  reviews  the 
history  of  the  world,  but  is  especially  valuable  for  the  quarter  of  a cen- 
tury of  his  own  time  (it  closes  with  the  year  1235). 

The  more  famous  Matthew  of  Paris  — an  ardent  Englishman  in 
spite  of  his  name  — in  his  so-called  Greater  Chronicle,  after  the  customary 
review  of  the  world’s  history,  carried  the  work  of  Roger  of  Wendover 
down  to  the  year  1259.  His  history  Cardinal  Baronius  declared  to  be 
“a  golden  book,  only  marred  by  hostility  to  the  Holy  See.”  It  is  prob- 
ably the  most  generally  useful  historical  production  of  the  thirteenth 
century.  The  writings  of  both  these  monks  of  St.  Albans  are  in  the 
Rolls  Series  and  in  the  Bohn  Library.  Another  so-called  Flowers  of 
History  is  a compilation  reaching  the  year  1307,  long  attributed  without 
any  particular  reason  to  an  apparently  imaginary  Matthew  of  West- 
minster and  commonly  cited  under  his  name.  (In  the  Rolls  Series  and 
in  the  Bohn  Library.) 


CHAPTER  XII 


GERMANY  AND  ITALY  IN  THE  TENTH  AND  ELEVENTH 
CENTURIES 

I.  The  Times  of  Henry  I and  Otto  the  Great 

The  following  account  of  the  events  in  Germany  in 
the  first  half  of  the  tenth  century  was  prepared  by  a 
monk  at  Treves  in  960-96  [.  He  made  use,  for  the 
earlier  part  of  his  narrative,  of  certain  meager  annals, 
some  of  which  have  come  down  to  us.  The  sources  all 
agree  in  giving  a gloomy  account  of  invasion,  pillage, 
and  civil  war,  which  even  wise  and  energetic  German 
kin  js  were  unable  to  prevent. 

In  the  year  907^  of  the  Incarnation  the  Bavarians  were 
defeated  with  great  bloodshed  by  the  Hungarians.  Duke 
Luitbald  was  killed  in  this  battle,  and  his  son  Arnulf  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  duchy. 

In  the  year  908  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  again 
I crossed  the  borders  and  devastated  Saxony  and  Thuringia. 

In  the  year  909  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  forced 
:heir  way  into  Alemannia. 

In  the  year  910  of  the  Incarnation  the  Franconians  fought 
i on  the  frontier  of  Franconia  and  Bavaria  with  the  Hungarians 
md  were  miserably  defeated  or  put  to  flight.  Count  Geb- 
■lard  lost  his  life  in  the  battle  and  left  behind  him  two  sons, 
;till  boys,  Udo  and  Hermann,  who  were  later  to  become  dis- 
1 inguished  in  Franconia. 

^ Regino’s  Chrorticle  (see  above,  p.  169),  of  which  the  present  work 
[ 5 a continuation,  closes  with  the  year  906. 

! 245 


102.  Ger- 
many in  the 
early  tenth 
century. 
(From  the 
continuation 
of  Regino’s 
Chronicle.) 


246 


Readings  in  Ettropean  History 


Death  of 
Louis  the 
Child,  who 
was  followed 
by  Conrad. 


Death  of 
Conrad,  who 
nominates 
Henry  I as 
his  successor. 


In  the  year  91 1 of  the  Incarnation  King  Louis,  the  son 
of  Emperor  Arnulf,  died,  and  since  the  royal  line  was  now 
extinct,  he  was  succeeded  by  Conrad,  son  of  that  Conrad 
who  had  been  killed  by  Adalbert. 

In  the  year  912  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  again 
devastated  without  opposition  Franconia  and  Thuringia. 
Archbishop  Hatto  [of  Mayence],  a very  keen  and  able  man, 
died,  and  Heriger  succee;ded  him.  Otto,  duke  of  Saxony, 
died. 

In  the  year  913  of  the  Incarnation  there  was  a very  severe 
winter.  The  Hungarians  wasted  the  fields  of  the  Alemannians 
and  were  defeated  by  the  Bavarians  and  Alemannians  at  the 
river  Inn.  In  the  same  year  Einhard,  bishop  of  Speyer,  was 
blinded  by  Counts  Bernhard  and  Conrad. 

In  the  year  914  of  the  Incarnation  Otbert,  bishop  of  Stras- 
burg,  was  killed.  Bishop  Salomon  [of  Constance]  was  taken 
prisoner.^ 

In  the  year  915  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  wasted 
all  Alemannia  with  fire  and  sword  ; they  harried  all  Thuringia 
and  Saxony  and  came  as  far  as  the  abbey  of  Fulda. 

In  the  year  917  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  came 
through  Alemannia  into  Alsace  and  to  the  borders  of  Lor- 
raine. Erchanger  and  Berthold  were  beheaded.  Arnulf, 
duke  of  Bavaria,  revolted  against  the  king. 

In  the  year  918  of  the  Incarnation  King  Conrad  celebrated 
the  birth  of  St.  John  in  the  cloister  of  Hersfeld. 

In  the  year  919  of  the  Incarnation  King  Conrad  died. 
He  was  in  all  respects  a man  of  insight,  gentle,  and  a friend 
of  divine  learning.  As  he  perceived  that  the  day  of  his  death 
was  near,  he  summoned  his  brethren  and  relatives,  namely 
the  great  among  the  Franconians.  He  said  to  them  that  his 

^ By  Erchanger,  duke  of  Alemannia,  as  we  learn  from  the  annals  of 
the  monastery  of  St.  Gall.  His  execution  is  mentioned  below. 


Germany  and  Italy 


247 


end  was  near,  and  exhorted  them  as  a father  that  there  should 
be  no  discord  in  the  realm  over  the  choice  of  a king  to  follow 
him.  He  commanded  them  to  choose  Henry,  duke  of  Sax- 
ony, a man  of  energy  and  a strong  friend  of  peace.  More- 
over since  he,  Conrad,  had  been  unable  to  find  any  other 
person  so  well  fitted  for  the  position,  he  sent  to  Henry 
the  scepter  and  crown  and  other  decorations  associated  with 
the  kingly  dignity,  on  condition  that  he  should  shield  and 
protect  the  realm.  He  himself  passed  from  this  life  and  was 
honorably  buried  in  the  monastery  of  Fulda.  He  was  worn 
out  during  the  few  years  of  his  reign  by  the  Bavarians  and 
Alemannians  and  Saxons,  for  they  rose  against  him  in  many 
a battle ; but  with  God’s  help  before  his  death  he  got  the 
better  of  them. 

In  the  year  920  of  the  Incarnation  Duke  Henry  was  chosen 
king  by  agreement  of  the  Franconians,  Alemannians,  Bava- 
rians, Thuringians,  and  Saxons.^  He  began  his  reign  by 
strictly  enforcing  the  peace  ; for  many,  even  among  the  nobles, 
had  turned  their  attention  in  those  days  to  robbery.^  . . . 

In  the  year  928  of  the  Incarnation  Henry  made  a hostile 
expedition  into  the  land  of  the  Bohemians,  and  won  the  vic- 
tory over  them  with  God’s  aid.  At  this  time  a son,  William, 
was  born  to  Otto,  the  king’s  son.  The  winter  was  uncom- 
monly cold.  Ruodger,  archbishop  of  Treves,  died.  Ruod- 
bert  succeeded  him. 

In  the  year  929  of  the  Incarnation  Duke  Gisalbert  took 
to  wife  Gerburga,  the  daughter  of  King  Henry. 

In  the  year  930  of  the  Incarnation  Otto,  the  son  of  King 
Henry,  took  to  wife  Edith,  the  daughter  of  the  king  of  the 
Angles. 

1 The  fact  that  the  peoples  of  the  several  duchies  were  viewed  as 
subnations  is  clear  in  this  and  other  references  to  them. 

2 In  his  account  of  the  years  here  omitted,  our  chronicler  tells  of 
Hungarian  raids,  and  of  trouble  between  King  Charles  of  France  and 
Henry  I over  Lorraine,  and  of  its  ultimate  cession  to  Henry. 


248 


Readings  in  European  History 


In  the  year  931  of  the  Incarnation  King  Henry  induced 
the  king  of  the  Abotrites  and  the  king  of  the  Danes  to  be- 
come Christians.  In  the  same  year  the  king  was  invited  to 
Franconia  by  Eberhard  and  others,  — Franconian  counts  and 
bishops,  — and  was  honored  by  each  of  them,  in  his  house 
or  in  his  see,  with  banquets  and  gifts  as  befitted  a king. 

In  the  year  932  of  the  Incarnation  the  Hungarians  destroyed 
many  towns  in  eastern  Franconia  and  Alemannia  with  fire  and 
sword.  They  then  crossed  the  Rhine  near  Worms,  wasted 
Gaul  as  far  as  the  sea,  and  then  returned  by  way  of  Italy. 

In  the  year  934  of  the  Incarnation  King  Henry  overcame 
the  Hungarians  in  a great  battle  and  took  many  of  them 
prisoners.  In  the  same  year  he  attacked  the  Slavs,  who  are 
called  Bucranes,  conquered  them,  and  made  them  tributary. 
The  church  of  St.  Maximin  was  blown  down  in  a storm. 
Through  the  king’s  favor  the  right  of  election  was  given 
back  to  the  monks;  Hugo,  who  had  been  prior,  was  chosen 
abbot,  and  the  monks  who  did  not  live  according  to  the  rule 
were  driven  out.^ 

In  the  year  935  of  the  Incarnation  King  Henry  suffered 
from  a stroke. 

In  the  year  936  of  the  Incarnation  a number  of  bishops 
of  Thuringia  held  a synod  at  Erfurt.  King  Henry,  who  had 
diligently  promoted  peace  and  steadily  pursued  the  heathen, 
reached  his  life’s  end  on  the  2d  of  July,  after  he  had  won 
many  a brave  victory  and  pushed  put  the  bounds  of  his  realm 
in  every  direction.  His  son  Otto  was  chosen  his  successor 
by  a unanimous  vote  of  all  the  great  of  the  realm. 

The  annals  of  the  reign  of  Henry  I are  fragmentary 
and  gloomy,  but  we  have  much  fuller  accounts  of  Otto’s 
difficulties  and  his  manner  of  surmounting  them.  Among 
the  historians  of  his  time  Widukind,  a monk  of  Corvei, 
holds  a high  place. 

1 These  statements  relate  to  the  writer’s  own  monastery  at  Treves. 


Gernimiy  and  Italy 


249 


When  Henry  [I],  the  father  of  his  country  and  the  greatest 
and  best  of  kings,  was  dead,  all  the  people  of  the  Franks  and 
Saxons  chose  as  their  chief  Otto,  his  son,  whom  his  father 
had  wished  to  have  them  choose.  They  decided  to  hold  the 
general  election  at  the  palace  of  Aix-la-Chapelle.  . . . When 
they  were  come  thither  the  dukes  and  chief  counts  and 
soldiers  came  together  in  the  portico  of  the  basilica  of  the 
great  Charles,  and  put  the  new  king  on  a throne  built  there, 
and  gave  him  their  hands,  promising  to  be  faithful  to  him, 
and  pledging  him  their  aid  against  their  enemies.  So  they 
made  him  king  after  their  custom. 

While  these  things  were  done  by  the  dukes  and  the  other 
magistrates,  the  chief  pontiff  [of  Germany,  i.e.  the  bishop  of 
Mayence],  with  all  the  priests  and  the  people,  awaited  below 
in  the  basilica  the  coming  of  the  new  king.  When  he  came 
toward  them  the  pontiff  met  him  and  touched  the  king’s 
right  hand.  Now  the  bishop  was  clad  in  linen  and  was 
adorned  with  a stole  and  pallium  and  bore  a staff  in  his 
right  hand  ; and  he  went  forward  among  the  people  and 
stood  at  the  altar.  He  then  turned  toward  the  people  who 
stood  around  that  all  might  see  him.  ‘‘  Behold,”  he  said, 
“I  present  to  you  Otto,  chosen  by  God,  and  previously  des- 
ignated by  Henry,  lord  of  this  realm,  and  now  made  king 
by  all  the  princes.  If  this  choice  is  pleasing  to  you,  signify 
it  by  raising  your  right  hands  toward  heaven.”  And  all  the 
people  raised  their  right  hands  on  high,  and  with  a mighty 
voice  prayed  for  the  prosperity  of  their  new  ruler. 

Then  the  king,  clad  according  to  the  Frankish  custom  in 
a close  tunic,  marched  with  the  bishop  behind  an  altar  on 
which  lay  the  royal  regalia,  — the  sword  with  the  belt,  the 
mantle  and  bracelets,  the  staff  with  the  scepter  and  diadem. 
. . . Then  Hildebert,  bishop  of  Mayence,  came  forward  to 
the  altar,  took  the  sword  and  belt,  and  turning  to  the  king 
said:  “Take  this  sword,  that  thou  mayst  cast  out  all  the 
adversaries  of  Christ,  all  barbarians  and  false  Christians, 
by  the  divine  authority  given  to  thee,  by  all  the  power  of 
the  whole  empire  of  the  Franks,  to  the  lasting  peace  of 
Christendom.” 


103.  Elec- 
tion of  Otto 
the  Great 
(936).  (From 
Widukind’s 
Deeds  of  the 
Saxons.) 


250  Readings  in  Eitropean  History 

Then  he  took  the  mantle  and  bracelets  and  put  them  upon 
him : “As  the  border  of  this  mantle  flows  to  the  ground,  be 
thou  admonished  that  thou  shouldst  glow  with  the  zeal  of 
faith  and  that  thou  shouldst  endure  to  the  end  to  maintain 
peace.’’  Then  he  took  the  scepter  and  staff : “ By  these 
tokens  be  thou  admonished  that  thou  shouldst  reprove  thy 
subjects  with  fatherly  chastisement  and  that  thou  shouldst 
above  all  things  extend  the  hand  of  mercy  to  the  ministers 
of  God  and  to  widows  and  orphans.  And  may  thy  head 
never  lack  the  oil  of  compassion,  that  thou  mayst  be  crowned 
now  and  hereafter  with  an  eternal  reward.” 

And  he  was  anointed  with  the  holy  oil  and  crowned  by 
the  pontiffs,  Hildebert  and  Wicfried  [archbishop  of  Cologne], 
with  a golden  crown.  When  the  consecration  was  accom- 
plished according  to  the  law,  the  king  was  led  by  those  same 
bishops  to  the  throne,  which  was  built  between  two  marble 
columns  and  was  reached  by  a winding  stairway,  whence  he 
could  see  all  and  be  seen  by  all. 

When  the  divine  praise  had  been  sung  and  the  mass  sol- 
emnly celebrated,  the  king  descended  to  the  palace.  There 
he  drew  near  a marble  table  adorned  with  royal  pomp,  and 
seated  himself  with  the  bishops  and  all  the  people ; and  the 
dukes  ministered  to  him. 


II.  Rome  and  the  Papacy  in  the  Time  of  Otto  the 
Great  • 


104.  Degra- 
dation of 
the  papacy 
in  the  tenth 
century. 
(From  the 
Chronicle  of 
Benedict  of 
St.  Andrea, 
condensed.) 


We  get  an  idea  of  the  papacy  in  the  middle  of  the 
tenth  century  from  the  chronicle  of  a monk  living  in 
the  monastery  of  St.  Andrea  at  the  foot  of  Mt.  Soracte, 
not  far  from  Rome.  He  was  near  the  scenes  of  the 
events  he  describes  and  wrote,  according  to  Wattenbach, 
about  968,  when  Otto’s  Italian  expeditions  were  fresh  in 
his  mind.  But  he  was  ignorant;  his  Latin  is  incredibly 
bad ; he  seems  scarcely  to  know  the  difference  between 
France  and  Germany,  and  makes  many  obvious  historical 


Germany  and  Italy  ^ ^ t 

blunders.  Yet  there  is  good  reason  to  assume  that  he 
gives  us  a tolerably  correct  general  impression  of  the 
situation  in  Italy  and  Rome  as  Otto  found  it. 

Marozia,  mentioned  below,  belonged  to  a powerful 
Roman  family,  and,  through  her  energy  and  ambition,  had 
become  the  leader  of  the  so-called  senatorial  party  in 
Rome.  Alberic,  her  son  by  her  first  husband,  succeeded, 
as  will  appear  in  the  selections  given  below,  to  her  power; 
he  ruled  Rome,  and  quietly  controlled  the  popes  for  more 
than  a score  of  years  until  his  death  in  954.  He  was  in 
turn  followed  by  his  son  Octavian,  who  as  a boy  of  six- 
teen sought  to  combine  the  position  which  his  father 
had  held  with  the  papal  office.  Finally  he  decided  to 
call  in  Otto  the  Great  to  help  him  out  of  his  difficulties.^ 

The  pope  having  died,  the  lady  senatress  Marozia  [in  931] 
ordained  her  son  John  to  the  most  sacred  seat ; wherefore 
he  is  called  John  XI.  Rome  was  ruled  by  the  power  of  a 
woman’s  hand  ; as  we  read  in  the  words  of  the  prophets, 
‘‘Women  shall  rule  Jerusalem.” 

Again  the  Hungarians  came  to  Rome,  and  appeared  before 
the  gate  of  St.  John,  and  the  Romans  went  forth  and  fought 
with  the  people  of  the  Hungarians.  And  the  Hungarians 
cut  down  the  Roman  nobles  so  that  they  lay  unburied  by  the 
very  doors  of  the  church.  Then  the  Hungarians  came  to 
the  city  of  Reatina,  and  Joseph,  the  wise  Lombard,  went 
forth  from  the  gates  with  a great  army  of  the  Lombards. 
He  put  some  of  the  Hungarians  to  the  sword  and  took  many 
alive.  Then  the  Hungarians  saw  that  the  strength  of  their 
people  was  growing  less  in  every  way.  They  returned  to  their 
own  country,  and  came  no  more  to  Italy  for  pillage.  . . . 

1 An  excellent  brief  account  of  the  tangled  history  of  Italy  during  the 
period  in  question  will  be  found  in  Emerton,  Mediceval  Europe,  pp.  115- 
128  and  1 35-1 44.  Corrections  of  Benedict’s  inaccuracies  are  given  in 
Gregorovius,  History  of  the  City  of  Rome  in  the  Middle  Ages,  Vol.  IV, 
pp.  276  sqq. 


Marozia  has 
her  son  John 
made  pope. 


The  Hunga- 
rians driven 
out  of  Italy 
by  the  Lom- 
bards. 


Alberic 
frustrates  the 
schemes  of 
King  Hugo 
and  makes 
himself 
master  of 
Rome  and 
the  papacy. 


^52  Readings  in  European  History 

Marozia,  mother  of  Alberic,  prince  of  the  Romans,  sent 
legates  to  a certain  Hugo,  king  of  the  Lombards,^  asking 
that  he  unite  himself  with  her  in  marriage.  And  this  was 
done  [932].  But  after  the  marriage  had  been  solemnized 
in  the  Castle  of  St.  Angelo  and  the  king  had  retired  with 
the  queen,  the  king  had  evil  thoughts,  — that  he  would  tear 
jut  the  eyes  of  his  stepson  Alberic,  and  so  bring  the  Roman 
kingdom  under  his  own  power. 

Alberic  the  prince  learned  of  this  plot,  and  he  made  a 
covenant  with  the  Romans.  The  trumpets  in  the  churches 
sounded  with  fearful  clamor,  the  people  rushed  to  arms,  and 
the  earth  echoed  with  outcries.  The  hearts  of  the  king  and  the 
queen  quaked  with  fear,  and  the  king  returned  to  Lombardy. 
The  face  of  Alberic,  prince  of  the  Romans,  shone  like  his 
father’s,  and  he  grew  in  strength  and  power.  Indeed,  he  was 
too  terrible,  and  his  yoke  grew  heavy  upon  the  Romans  and 
upon  the  holy  apostolic  see.  The  pope  dared  not  to  do 
anything  without  the  commands  of  Prince  Alberic.^  And  in 
his  time  no  hostile  force  entered  Italy  from  the  land  of  the 
Lombards  or  from  across  the  Alps. 

Alberic  had  a son,  to  whom  he  gave  the  name  Octavian. 
The  Romans,  according  to  their  evil  habit,  took  counsel  how 
they  might  kill  Prince  Alberic,  and  Alberic  became  aware  of 
this  plan.  Marinus  the  bishop  and  Benedict  the  bishop,  with 
many  others,  worked  secretly  from  that  time  to  bring  Prince 
Alberic  to  death.  But  their  evil  plans  came  to  naught.  The 
glorious  prince  had  sisters  of  senatorial  rank,  who  plotted 
secretly  among  themselves  the  death  of  their  brother.  Then 
one  of  them  abandoned  the  plot  and,  feigning  to  be  grieved, 
in  the  goodness  of  her  heart  hinted  to  her  brother  how  she 
had  chanced  upon  the  knowledge  of  a plot  against  him. 
When  Alberic  heard  her  story  the  bishops  we  named  were 
seized.  Some  of  the  conspirators  were  made  executioners 
of  others,  some  were  scourged,  some  thrust  into  prison,  some 

1 See  below,  p.  255. 

2 Alberic  kept  his  half-brother,  John  XT,  who  died  in  936,  in  honor- 
able confinement  and  appears  to  have  held  the  four  succeeding  popes  in 
complete  subordination. 


Germany  and  Italy 


253 


put  to  the  sword.  Thus  was  the  prince  delivered  from  the 
treason  of  the  Romans.  . . . 

There  was  at  this  time  [946-955]  in  the  holy  apostolic 
see  a pope  named  Agapetus.  Not  long  after  the  plot  of 
which  we  have  told,  the  illustrious  prince  [Alberic]  began 
to  sicken.  He  came  straightway  to  the  church  of  the  chief  of 
the  apostles,  and  sent  messengers  to  all  the  Roman  nobles, 
and  made  them  come  to  him.  They  all  promised  faithfully 
upon  oath  that  after  the  death  of  Pope  Agapetus  they  would 
elect  Octavian  pope.  Having  arranged  for  his  daughter’s 
welfare  and  for  his  son  Octavian,  and  having  confessed  to 
St.  Peter  the  apostle.  Prince  Alberic  ended  his  life. 

And  not  long  afterward  Pope  Agapetus  died.  Octavian 
was  elected  to  the  holy  see  and  was  called  John  XH.  He 
led  a life  so  licentious  and  so  openly  wicked  that  he  might 
have  been  a heathen.  He  hunted  constantly,  not  as  a pope 
but  like  a wild  man.  He  was  given  over  to  vain  desires  and 
surrounded  himself  with  a crowd  of  evil  women.  So  great 
was  his  iniquity  that  it  cannot  be  told. 

Now  there  were  in  the  city  of  Rome  a deacon  of  the  holy 
Roman  church  named  John,  and  Azzo,  a papal  scribe,  who 
hated  the  pontiff.  Because  his  life  was  so  evil,  we  consulted 
how  we  might  call  the  Saxon  kings  into  Italy  to  possess  the 
Roman  power.  John  and  Azzo  were  sturdy  men,  and  they 
were  of  one  heart  and  one  mind, — that  it  were  better  to  do 
the  pontiff  to  death  than  to  let  him  live,  and  that  the  Roman 
power  should  be  bestowed  upon  the  Saxon  king,  to  the  end 
that  he  might  rule  justly  as  the  protector  of  holy  Church. 
They  sent  legates  to  Otto,  the  first  Saxon  king,  asking  him 
to  come  and  possess  Italy  and  the  Roman  power. 

The  pope  heard  of  this  plot.  He  seized  John  the  deacon 
and  Azzo  the  scribe.  He  ordered  the  hand  to  be  cut  off 
with  which  Azzo  had  written  the  letter  to  Otto,  and  had 
John  the  deacon’s  nose  cut  off.^  . . . 


Death  of 
Alberic  (954) 


Octavian, 
Alberic’s 
son,  becomes 
John  XII 
(955).  His 
evil  life. 


1 It  would  appear,  however,  from  other  sources  that  it  was  really 
John  himself  who  called  Otto  into  Italy.  Even  Benedict  says  just 
below  that  the  pope  received  the  Saxon  king  honorably. 


254 


Readings  in  European  History 


Coronation 
of  Otto  the 
Great  as 
emperor. 


Otto  sets  up 
an  antipope, 
Leo. 


Otto  the  king  came  into  Italy  [961]  with  a great  multitude 
of  people  that  well-nigh  filled  the  face  of  the  earth  like 
locusts.  He  had  with  him  many  nations  whose  tongues  the 
people  did  not  know.  The  Roman  people  met  him,  together 
with  the  pontiff,  and  received  him  honorably.  Masses  were 
celebrated  in  the  church  of  the  chief  of  the  apostles.  Otto 
was  extolled  with  high  praises,  and  was  called  “August.’’  In 
this  wise  was  the  Italian  kingdom,  or  the  Roman  power, 
made  subject  to  the  Saxon  king. 

The  king  and  the  queen,  whose  name  was  Adelaide,  were 
crowned  in  the  church  of  the  chief  of  the  apostles ; and  they 
gave  many  gifts  throughout  the  holy  Roman  church.  Then 
much  trouble  came  upon  the  Italian  kingdom,  for  it  was 
devastated  by  pestilence,  famine,  fire,  and  sword.  The  cattle 
perished,  the  land  became  a wilderness,  and  the  famine 
ever  increased. 

A great  conflict  arose  between  the  emperor  and  the  pope, 
— how,  we  do  not  say.  John  withdrew  into  Campania, 
leaving  the  apostolic  see  for  fear  of  the  emperor.  The 
Romans  were  in  great  confusion,  and  they  begged  the 
emperor  that  he  would  elect  a certain  Leo  pope.  This 
seemed  good  to  the  emperor,  and  Leo  was  elected  and 
enthroned  in  the  most  holy  see.  . . . 

The  Romans,  as  was  their  ancient  habit,  were  divided 
among  themselves;  and  John  the  pope  was  recalled  from 
Campania,  and  entered  Rome  with  a strong  army.  Leo^ 
took  flight  and  withdrew  to  a distance.  They  say  he  went 
across  the  Alps.  Not  long  afterward  the  emperor  returned 
with  the  pope  and  a great  army  into  Italy.  John  the  pope 
heard  of  the  king’s  furious  onslaughts  : he  left  Rome  and 
fled  to  Campania.  [Soon  after,  he  died.]  The  Romans 
elected  Benedict,  the  subdeacon,  pope,  a prudent  man  well 
versed  in  grammar. 

The  emperor  heard  of  this  schism  and  grew  very  angry. 
He  swore  by  his  royal  power  that  he  would  besiege  the  city 
of  Rome  on  all  sides  unless  Benedict  would  give  way  to 
the  rightful  pope  [Leo].  Rome  was  surrounded  by  the 
people  of  the  Lombards,  the  Saxons,  and  the  Gauls,  in  a 


Germany  and  Italy 


255 


great  circle,  so  that  none  dared  to  go  beyond  the  walls.  Fire 
and  sword  caused  great  famine  in  Rome,  and  the  hearts  of 
the  people  quailed  within  them  because  their  strength  was 
brought  to  naught.  There  was  but  one  voice  among  them 
from  the  least  to  the  greatest.  Forced  by  dire  need,  they 
took  Benedict  the  pope  and  gave  him  into  the  hands  of 
the  emperor,  and  said  to  one  another : “ It  is  better  for  one 
alone  to  die  for  all,  that  we  may  save  all  other  lives  from 
destruction  by  hunger.’^  The  emperor  sent  the  pontiff  into 
exile  in  Saxony,  and  Leo  returned  to  the  most  sacred  seat, 
amid  the  praises  of  the  Roman  people.  . . . 

Woe  unto  thee,  Rome,  oppressed  and  trodden  under  foot 
by  so  many  nations!  Thou  art  taken  captive  by  the  Saxon 
king,  thy  people  are  put  to  the  sword,  thy  strength  is  brought 
to  naught.  Thy  gold  and  thy  silver  are  carried  away  in  their 
purses.  The  mother  thou  wast  — a daughter  thou  hast  be- 
come. What  thou  hadst,  thou  hast  lost.  Thou  art  despoiled 
of  thy  former  strength.  . . . 

Formerly,  glorying  in  thy  power,  thou  hast  triumphed  over 
nations,  hast  cast  the  world  into  the  dust,  hast  strangled 
the  kings  of  the  earth.  Thou  hast  grasped  the  scepter  and 
wielded  great  power.  Now  art  thou  plundered  and  utterly 
despoiled  by  the  Saxon  king.  As  some  wise  men  say,  and 
as  it  will  be  found  written  in  thy  histories,  thou  didst  once 
fight  with  foreign  nations  and  conquer  them  from  north  to 
south.  Now  the  people  of  Gaul  have  encamped  in  the  midst 
of  thee.  Thou  wast  too  beautiful. 


III.  Liutprand  and  his  Book  of  Retribution^' 

The  most  entertaining  and  at  the  same  time  one  of 
the  most  instructive  historians  of  the  tenth  century  is 
Liutprand,  an  Italian  contemporary  of  Otto  the  Great. 
He  spent  his  early  years  at  Pavia,  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  of  Italy,  and  was  closely  associated  with  both 
King  Hugo  (mentioned  above)  and  with  his  successor. 


Liutprand's 
importance 
as  an  histor- 
ical writer. 


105.  Liut- 
prand  ex- 
plains why 
he  wrote  the 
Book  of 
Retribution. 


256  Readings  in  European  History 

Berengar  II.  The  latter  sent  him  on  an  embassy  to 
Constantinople  in  949,  where  he  added  a knowledge  of 
Greek,  of  which  he  was  evidently  very  vain,  to  his  al- 
ready remarkable  attainments  in  Latin  literature.  Five 
or  six  years  later  he  fell  out  with  Berengar  and  fled  to 
the  court  of  Otto  the  Great,  whose  ardent  supporter 
he  remained  thereafter.  When  Otto  had  conquered  his 
Italian  kingdom  in  962  he  made  the  helpful  Liutprand 
bishop  of  Cremona.  In  968  he  undertook  a mission  to 
Constantinople  for  the  emperor.  Here  he  was  badly 
treated,  and  on  his  way  back  wrote  a lively  account  of  his 
experiences  at  the  Byzantine  court. ^ He  died  about  973. 

Besides  his  account  of  his  embassy  to  Constantinople, 
we  have  from  Liutprand’s  pen  a history  of  Europe  relat- 
ing chiefly  to  Italy  and  Germany  during  his  own  early 
years,  and  closing  abruptly  in  the  middle  of  the  year  950. 
This  is  his  Book  of  Retribution,  extracts  from  which 
are  given  below.  Later  he  undertook  an  account  of  the 
deeds  of  Otto  the  Great,  which  he  never  finished.  This 
deals  almost  exclusively  with  Otto’s  troubles  with  Pope 
John  XI I in  963.  . Liutprand  is  our  best  source  for  the 
matters  of  which  he  had  personal  knowledge,  and  few 
knew  more  of  the  politics  of  the  time.  Yet  even  more 
important  than  his  narrative  of  events  is  the  light  which 
he  casts  upon  the  thought  and  customs  of  his  age, 
especially  the  life  at  the  court  of  the  eastern  emperors.^ 

In  the  name  of  the  Father,  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost, 
herewith  begins  the  book  ai/raTroSoo-eto?  {ant  apo  do  seas')  — that 
is  to  say,  ‘‘of  retribution  — for  the  kings  and  princes  of  a part 
of  Europe,  which  Liutprand,  deacon  of  the  church  at  Pavia, 

1 Translated  by  Henderson  in  the  appendix  to  his  Select  Documents. 

2 See  below,  pp.  340  sqq. 


Germa^ty  and  Italy 


257 


has  composed  ev  v^QLoXofyia  avTov  (en  ti  echmalosia  antic)^ 
— that  is  to  say,  during  his  wanderings,’’  — and  has  dedi- 
cated to  Recemund,  bishop  of  Elvira,  in  Spain. ^ 

2^0  the  Honorable  Lord  and  Mirror  of  Holiness^  Lord  Rece- 
mund ^ Bishop  of  Elvira^  Liutprand,  not  owing  to  any  merit 
of  his  own,  deacoii  of  the  church  at  Pavia,  Greeting : 

Owing  to  a want  of  confidence  in  my  powers,  I have  now 
for  two  years  hesitated  to  fulfill  your  request,  my  dearest 
father,  that  I should  narrate  the  deeds  of  the  emperors  and 
kings  of  all  Europe,  since  I knew  them  not  through  doubt- 
ful hearsay  but  from  my  own  observation.  I was  deterred 
from  the  undertaking  by  my  complete  want  of  eloquence  and 
by  the  ill  will  of  the  critics.  For  these  arrogant  fellows,  who 
are  too  lazy  to  read  themselves  and,  as  the  learned  Boethius 
says,  think  that  they  wear  the  philosophic  mantle  when  they 
have  on  scarcely  a rag  of  it,  will  say  mockingly  to  me,  “ Our 
predecessors  have  written  so  much  that  there  is  now  a dearth 
of  readers  rather  than  of  books.”  And  they  will  quote  that 
verse  of  the  comedy,  ‘‘  We  shall  hear  nothing  that  others 
have  not  said  before.”  ^ 

I answer  all  such  barking  curs  by  the  observation  that 
just  as  it  is  with  those  who  the  more  they  drink  the  thirstier 
they  are,  so  with  the  learned,  the  more  they  read  the  more 
they  long  for  new  books.  One  who,  for  example,  has  become 
weary  of  the  profound  works  of  the  eloquent  Cicero  may  find 
recreation  in  such  light  writings  as  the  present  one.  Just  as 
one  who  gazes  at  the  sun  directly,  with  nothing  between  his 
eye  and  it,  will  only  be  dazzled  and  not  see  it  in  its  proper 
shape,  so  the  mind,  it  seems  to  me,  which  contemplates  with- 
out intermission  the  teachings  of  the  Academy,  and  of  the 
Peripatetics  and  Stoics,  will  flag  unless  it  finds  refreshment 
in  the  salutary  laughter  called  forth  by  comedy,  or  in  the 
entertaining  tales  of  the  heroes. 

1 Liutprand  probably  began  his  book  in  958,  at  the  urgent  request  of 
the  bishop  of  Elvira,  who  was  sojourning  at  the  court  of  Otto  as  the 
representative  of  the  Spanish  caliph,  Abderrahman.^ 

2 A quotation  from  memory  from  Terence. 


258 


Readings  in  European  History 


Since  the  abhorrent  practices  of  the  ancient  heathen,  the 
knowledge  of  which  is  not  only  useless  but  positively  hurt- 
ful, are  recorded  in  books  so  that  it  may  not  be  lost,  why 
should  we  say  nothing  of  the  warlike  deeds  of  the  men  of 
our  own  time,  who  are  in  no  way  behind  the  famous  generals 
Julius,  Pompey,  Hannibal,  his  brother  Hasdrubal,  and  Scipio 
Africanus? 

Doubtless,  most  holy  father  [Liutprand  adds  at  the 
opening  of  the  third  book],  you  will  constantly  marvel  over 
the  title  of  this  work.  Why,  you  will  ask,  did  the  book 
receive  the  title  Ai/raTroSoo-T/s  (antapodosis),  since  it  narrates 
the  deeds  of  distinguished  men?  I answer,  the  aim  of  this 
work  is  to  relate,  proclaim,  shout  abroad  to  the  whole  world 
the  acts  of  that  Berengar  who  is  now  tyrant  rather  than  king 
in  Italy,  and  of  his  wife  Willa,  who,  by  reason  of  her  bound- 
less oppression,  should  be  called  a second  Jezebel,  and  for 
her  insatiable  lust  for  plunder,  by  her  true  name  of  Lamia. 
Both  of  these  have  without  cause  persecuted  me  and  my 
house,  my  relatives  and  my  associates,  with  the  poisoned 
arrows  of  lies,  and  by  tyrannical  exactions  and  godless 
intrigues  such  as  neither  tongue  can  tell  nor  pen  describe. 

So  these  pages  shall  be  for  them  antapbdosis^  — that  is  to 
say,  a “retribution,’’  — because,  for  the  evils  that  they  have 
brought  upon  me,  I propose  to  reveal  to  the  present  and  to 
future  generations  t^v  (article)  ao-e^eiav  (asevian),  — that  is 
to  say,  their  godlessness.  And  not  less  will  this  be  an  anta- 
pbdosis  for  the  benefits  which  good  and  holy  men  have  con- 
ferred upon  me.  For  among  all  those  whom  I have  mentioned 
or  shall  mention,  with  the  single  exception  of  this  godless 
Berengar,  there  are  few  or  none  to  whom  either  my  parents 
or  myself  do  not  owe  the  warmest  thanks  for  the  good  they 
have  done  us. 

It  is,  moreover,  said  of  this  book  of  mine  that  it  was  written 
cv  (that  is,  “ in  ”)  rrj  (article)  exiiaXoaCa  {en  ti  echmalosid),  to 
wit,  during  “imprisonment”  or  “wandering.”  This  refers 
to  my  exile ; for  I began  it  in  Frankfort,  which  is  twenty 
miles  from  Mayence,  and  am  now  working  on  it  on  the 


Germany  and  Italy  259 

island  of  Paxo  [south  of  Corfu],  some  nine  hundred  miles 
from  Constantinople.^ 

IV.  Bruno,  the  Ideal  of  a Scholar  in  the  Tenth 
Century 

There  was  a marked  revival  of  interest  in  learning  in 
Germany  under  Otto  the  Great.  We  can  form  some 
idea  of  its  character  from  Ruotger’s  Life  of  BrunOy 
Otto’s  scholarly  brother,  which  is  one  of  the  most  inter- 
esting biographies  of  the  earlier  Middle  Ages. 

When  [in  928]  the  noble  child  of  kings  was  four  years 
old  he  was  sent  to  Utrecht,  to  be  instructed  by  the  vener- 
able Bishop  Baldric  in  liberal  studies.  ...  Of  his  progress 
we  have  heard  from  the  bishop’s  own  lips,  for  he  was  wont 
to  tell  of  it  often  to  the  glory  of  God.  So  we  know  that 
when  the  boy  had  acquired  the  first  rudiments  of  grammar 
he  began  to  read,  under  his  teacher’s  guidance,  the  poet  Pru- 
dentius.  This  poet  is  Catholic  in  faith  and  in  aspiration, 
excellent  in  eloquence  and  in  truth,  pleasing  in  meter,  rich 
in  meaning.  His  verses  delighted  the  boy’s  heart.  He 
mastered  the  words  and  the  inner  meaning,  and,  if  I may 
say  so,  drank  the  purest  nectar  of  the  spirit  like  one  athirst. 
As  time  went  on,  his  eager  mind  grasped  all  sorts  of  liberal 
studies  within  the  range  of  Greek  and  Latin  eloquence.  . . . 
He  would  not  allow  books  which  he  had  studied  or  had 
before  him  to  be  carelessly  torn  or  creased,  or  handled  heed- 
lessly in  any  way.  . . . 

Bruno  had  given  himself  to  God  when  he  was  very  young; 
but  when  his  brother  Otto  came  to  the  throne,  he  recalled 
Bruno  from  the  retirement  of  the  schools  to  the  palace,  and 
gave  him  an  honorable  post,  as  was  fitting.  Yet  he  never 
ceased  to  seek  learning.  He  was  not  satisfied  to  gather  in 
the  treasury  of  his  mind  lore  easy  to  mine.  Nay,  he  col- 
lected from  far  and  near  riddles  and  philosophical  problems 

^ Liutprand  appears  to  have  been  on  his  way  to  Constantinople  in 
959,  for  what  reason  we  do  not  know. 


106.  From 
Ruotger’s 
Life  of  Bruno, 
condensed. 


26o  Readings  in  European  Histojy 

foreign  to  the  human  understanding  and  gave  them  room 
in  his  heart.  The  seven  liberal  arts  had  been  long  forgotten  ; 
he  brought  them  again  to  light.  Whatever  historians,  orators, 
poets,  philosophers  had  to  tell  that  was  novel  or  great  he 
closely  investigated,  aided  by  teachers  of  the  language  in 
which  the  books  were  written. 

His  Latin  style  was  well-nigh  perfect,  and  his  influence 
made  the  style  of  others  polished  and  clear.  He  was  in  no 
wise  haughty,  but  was  dignified,  courteous,  affable,  charm- 
ing. After  meals  most  men,  even,  so  we  understand,  emi- 
nent ones,  are  given  to  rest  awhile.  Bruno,  on  the  contrary, 
busied  himself  tirelessly  with  reading  and  thinking.  He 
would  not  give  up  the  morning  hours  at  any  price  and  never 
yielded  to  drowsiness.  Jests  and  buffoonery  which  make 
everybody  shake  with  laughter  when  put  into  the  mouths 
of  various  persons  in  tragedy  and  comedy,  he  read  through 
gravely  and  seriously.  He  thought  their  meaning  was  worth- 
less ; he  estimated  the  style  as  the  main  thing.  He  took 
his  library  everywhere  with  him.  When  he  followed  the  king 
he  had,  wherever  the  royal  tents  were  pitched,  the  source 
and  the  materials  for  his  studies,  — the  source  in  the  sacred 
books,  the  materials  in  secular  ones.  . . . Even  when  he 
traveled  he  was  not  idle  ; and  in  a crowd  he  was  as  if  alone. 
We  could  not  say  this  of  many  men.  . . . 

He  allowed  himself  no  luxuries.  He  refused  over  and 
over  again  in  the  king^s  palace  to  wear  the  fine  and  soft 
clothing  in  which  he  had  been  nurtured.  Among  servants 
clad  in  purple  and  soldiers  gleaming  with  gold  he  wore  the 
mean  garb  and  the  sheepskins  of  a rustic.  He  especially 
spurned  the  comforts  of  the  couch.  He  rarely  frequented 
the  bath  with  those  who  wished  to  make  their  skin  white 
and  shining.  This  is  the  more  wonderful  because  he  had 
been  used  from  the  cradle  to  the  greatest  daintiness  and  to 
royal  splendor. 

Always  and  everywhere,  in  public  and  in  private,  he  bore 
himself  as  one  who  would  avoid  human  praise  ; yet  he  served 
as  an  example  to  his  inferiors.  Many  men  profited  by  his 
words  and  yet  more  by  his  example. 


Germany  and  Italy 


261 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Outline : Adams,  pp.  227-245 ; B^mont  and  Monod, 
pp.  268-285. 

The  Stem  Duchies  : Emerton,  pp.  95-100. 

Henry  I:  Emerton,  pp.  103-110;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  pp.  1 17-1 22  ; Tout,  The  Empire  a7td  the  Papacy^  pp.  12-18. 

Otto  I : Bryce,  Chapter  VI,  last  part,  Chapter  VHI,  and  Chapter  IX, 
first  part,  pp.  80-88  and  122-145  ; Emerton,  pp.  110-114  and  128-145 ; 
Henderson,  Ger7nany  m the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  1 23-144  ; Short  History 
of  Ger7na7iy,  pp.  49-53 ; Tout,  pp.  18-35. 

Liutprand^s  Report  of  his  Mission  to  Constantinople : Hender- 
son, Historical  Docume7tts,  pp.  441-477.  An  interesting  and  amusing 
document. 

Theory  of  the  Empire : Bryce,  Chapter  VH,  pp.  89-121. 

Conrad  II:  Emerton,  pp.  174-185;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  pp.  166-173  ; Tout,  pp.  50-60. 

Henry  III:  Emerton,  pp.  185-204;  Henderson,  Ger7nany  ht  the 
Middle  Ages,  pp.  174-182  ; Short  History  of  Ge7'ma7iy,  pp.  54-58  ; Tout, 
pp.  60-64. 

The  Papacy  under  Leo  IX  and  Nicholas  II : Emerton,  pp.  204-233 ; 
Tout,  pp.  96-103  and  108-116. 

The  Decree  of  1059  in  Regard  to  Papal  Elections  : Henderson, 
Historical  Documents,  pp.  361-365. 


Herbert  Fisher,  The  Mediceval  Empire,  2 vols.  The  most  recent 
and  best  treatment  in  English.  Admirable  for  this  and  the  two  following 
chapters. 

Newman,  pp.  437-443  and  495-502. 

Milman,  Vol.  HI,  Book  V,  Chapters  XI-XIV,  and  Book  VI. 

Gregorovius,  Vol.  HI,  Book  VI,  and  Vol.  IV,  Book  VH,  Chap- 
ters I-HI. 

Alice  Greenwood,  The  E77ipire  and  the  Papacy  i7t  the  Middle  Ages, 
1902. 

Dollinger,  Fables  respectuig  the  Popes  in  the  Middle  Ages,  1872.  An 
interesting  refutation  of  some  celebrated  legends. 

Mathews,  Select  Mediceval  Docwnents,  pp.  19-35.  Gives  a few 
important  documents  for  this  period  in  the  original  Latin. 


fahrbiicher  der  deutschen  Geschichte,  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the 
Bavarian  Academy  of  Sciences,  Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1866  sqq.  Thirty 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional 
reading  in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


262 


Readings  in  European  History 


Richter’s 

Annalen. 


Detailed 
narrative 
histories, 
which  may 
generally  be 
neglected. 


volumes  have  appeared,  coming  down  to  the  thirteenth  century.  This 
is  an  extraordinary  treatment  of  the  whole  field  of  German  history  by 
reigns  and  years,  and  is  designed  for  the  exacting  student  rather  than 
for  the  reader  of  history,  as  there  is  much  technical  discussion  of  minute 
questions  of  scholarship.  The  volumes  for  the  Carolingian  period  have 
already  been  mentioned.  For  the  tenth  and  early  eleventh  century  there 
are  the  following:  Waitz,  Kdnig  Heinrich  /,  1863  ; Dummler,  Kaiser 
Otto  der  Grosse^  1876 ; U HLIRZ,  Otto  llund  Otto  II  Vol.  I,  1902  ; Hirsch 
and  Bresslau,  Heinrich  //,  3 vols.,  1862-1875;  Bresslau,  //, 

2 vols.,  1879-1884;  Steindorff,  Heinrich  ///,  2 vols.,  1874-1881. 

Richter,  Annalen  der  deutschen  Geschichte  im  Mittelalter  mit  durch- 
gdngiger  kritischer  Erlduterung  aus  Quellen  und  Literaturangaben.  Ein 
Handbuch  fur  das  wissenchaftliche  Studium  der  deutschen  Geschichte  im 
Mittelalter^  3 vols.,  Halle,  1873-1898.  This  is  a sort  of  condensation 
of  the  Jahrbiicher  mentioned  above.  The  events  are  briefly  recounted 
in  the  text,  while  in  the  voluminous  notes,  which  fill  a great  part  of  the 
page,  special  points  are  discussed  and  extracts  are  given  from  the  sources. 
It  is  by  far  the  most  important  work  within  its  compass  for  the  advanced 
student  of  German  mediaeval  history.  Volumes  I and  II  have  already 
been  mentioned;  Vol.  Ill,  Part  I (1890),  covers  the  period  919-1056; 
Vol.  Ill,  Part  II  (1898),  comes  down  to  1137. 

There  are  a number  of  more  or  less  voluminous  modern  narrative 
histories  of  Germany  in  German.  The  most  suggestive  of  these  is 
Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichte^  Berlin,  1891  sqq.^  an  original  treat- 
ment, with  much  attention  to  the  social  and  economic  phases.  Other 
works  of  this  class  are  briefly  described  by  Dr.  Henderson,  A History 
of  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  21  sqq. 

It  may  not  be  amiss  to  suggest  that  the  student  will  do  well  after  he 
has  gained  a tolerably  clear  notion  of  the  general  course  of  German 
history  to  proceed  directly  to  such  a work  as  RichtePs  Annalen,  which 
brings  him  close  to  the  sources,  rather  than  to  plod  through  the  detailed 
and  often  rather  heavy  and  unprofitable  secondary  accounts. 

Ebert,  Litter atur  des  Mittelalters  (see  above,  p.  34),  Vol.  III.  Con- 
tains the  best  account  of  the  literary  activity  of  the  tenth  century. 


The  Monu- 
menta 
Germaniae 
Historic  a. 


In  the  preceding  bibliographies  frequent  references  have  already  been 
made  to  the  great  collection  of  the  sources  of  German  history  in  the 
Middle  Ages  known  as  the  Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica,  Hannover 
and  Berlin,  1826  sqq.  The  first  portions  of  this  vast  collection  were 
issued  in  folio  under  the  editorship  of  the  distinguished  scholar  Pertz. 
Of  this  folio  edition  there  are  29  volumes,  known  as  the  Scriptores 


Germany  and  Italy  263 

rerum  Germanicarum.  This  series,  beginning  with  the  sources  of  the 
Carolingian  period,  is  sometimes  referred  to  as  “ Pertz,”  from  its  editor. 
There  are  besides  in  folio  five  volumes  of  laws  — Leges — and  one  of 
Diplomata.  Portions  of  this  folio  edition  are  out  of  print  and  are  very 
expensive. 

A reorganization  of  the  whole  great  enterprise  was  undertaken  after 
the  death  of  Pertz,  and  since  1877  volumes  have  been  appearing  in 
quarto  in  several  divisions.  The  Auctores  antiquissimiy  13  volumes, 
include  the  Roman  writers  who  deal  with  the  earliest  history  of  the 
Germans.  Then  there  are  the  Scriptores  rerum  Merovingicarum  and 
the  Scriptores  rerum  Langobardicarum.  All  these  relate  almost  exclu- 
sively to  a period  anterior  to  Pippin  and  Charlemagne,  and  so  bear 
rather  on  the  history  of  western  Europe  than  on  that  of  Germany,  in 
the  later  and  narrower  sense  of  the  term.  There  are  other  sections  of 
the  quarto  series,  for  example,  the  Legesy  the  Epistolaey  etc. 

Many  of  the  more  important  annals  and  chronicles  included  in  the 
Monumenta  have  been  reprinted  in  a very  inexpensive  form  in  the 
Scriptores  rerum  Germanicarum  in  usum  scholarumy  Hannover,  1840 
sqq.y  42  vols.,  octavo.  In  some  cases  the  text  of  the  octavo  edition  is 
more  recent  and  critical  than  that  in  the  expensive  Monumenta. 

Under  the  title  Die  Geschichtschreiber  der  deutschen  Vorzeity  90  vols., 
2d  ed.,  Berlin  and  Leipzig,  1885  228.15,  admirable  translations 

by  distinguished  German  scholars  have  been  issued  of  the  chief  sources 
of  German  history  for  the  whole  period  from  Caesar  to  the  end  of  the 
fourteenth  century.^ 

It  is  hardly  necessary  to  add  that  the  Monumenta  and  its  offshoots,  — 
the  octavo  edition  and  the  Geschichtschreiber y — although  edited  with 
special  attention  to  Germany,  are  far  the  best  of  all  the  collections  of 
sources  for  the  student  of  the  general  history  of  western  Europe  during 
the  Middle  Ages. 

The  annals  for  the  early  tenth  century  are  very  meager.  The  extract 
from  The  Continuation  of  ReginOy  given  above,  pp.  245  sqq.y  affords  an 
idea  of  their  character;  but  in  the  latter  half  of  the  century  several 
important  historical  works  appeared  : 

WiDUKiND,  Deeds  of  the  Saxonsy  covering  the  period  of  Henry  I and 
Otto  the  Great.  The  author  was  a monk  of  Corvei,  and  began  his 

1 References  to  the  Monumenta  are  usually  abbreviated,  e.g.  MG.  or  M.G.H. 
SS.  rer.  Mer.  = Monumenta  Ger7naniae  Historical  Scriptores  rerum  Merovingi- 
carum. For  a fuller  description  and  an  analysis  of  this  and  other  great  sets,  see 
Potthast,  Wegweiser  durch  die  Geschichtswerke  des  europ'dischen  MittelalterSy 
2d  ed.,  pp.  xxxii  sqq. 


The  octavo 
edition  of  the 
Monumenta. 


Die 

Geschicht- 
schreiber der 
deutschen 
Vorzeit. 


Sources  for 
the  tenth 
and  early 
eleventh 
centuries. 


264 


Readings  m European  History 


work  in  967,  when  Otto  was  at  the  height  of  his  power.  See  extracts 
above,  pp.  249  sq.  (In  the  octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta^  and  in  the 
Geschichtschreiber^  Vol.  XXXIII.) 

Liutprand  of  Cremona  (d.  ca.  973).  See  above,  pp.  255  sqq.  (In 
the  octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta^  and  long  extracts  with  excellent 
introduction  by  Wattenbach  in  Geschichtschreiber^  Vol.  XXIX.) 

Hrosvita,  a nun  of  Gandersheim,  who  died  about  the  year  1000,  com- 
posed a metrical  account  of  Otto’s  deeds,  but  is  especially  well  known  for 
her  dramas,  which  were  suggested  by  those  of  Terence,  but  have  little  in 
common  with  their  model  either  in  style  or  substance.  (Her  historical 
works  are  in  the  octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta,  and  in  the  Geschicht^ 
schreiber^ o\.  XXXII.  Her  dramas  may  be  found  in  her  works  edited 
by  Winterfeld,  1902,  and  with  a French  version  in  Magnin,  Theatre  de 
Hrosvita,  See  Ebert,  Vol.  Ill,  pp.  285  sqq.) 

Ruotger,  Life  of  Bruno,,  written  about  966,  immediately  after  the 
archbishop’s  death.  See  extracts  above,  pp.  259  sq,  (In  the  octavo 
edition,  and  Geschichtschreiber,  Vol.  XXX.) 

For  the  early  eleventh  century  the  following  writers  are  of  especial 
note : 

Thietmar,  bishop  of  Merseburg,  completed  a history  of  the  three 
Ottos  and  Henry  II  in  1018.  (In  the  octavo  edition,  and  Geschicht- 
schreiber,  Vol.  XXXIX.) 

Hermann  of  Reichenau  (called  Contractus,  i.e.  the  lame),  who  died 
in  1054,  is  one  of  the  ablest  historians  of  his  time.  His  Chronicle  is,  of 
course,  especially  valuable  for  his  own  age,  but  he  used  an  excellent 
source  for  the  previous  century,  which  has  been  lost,  and  his  work  is 
therefore  as  authoritative  and  rather  more  complete  and  orderly  than  the 
Annals  of  Quedlinburg,  Hildesheim,  etc.,  which  belong  to  the  latter 
part  of  the  tenth  century.  (In  the  Monumenta,  and  Geschichtschreiber, 
Vol.  XLH.) 

Lambert  of  Hersfeld,  the  most  elegant  writer  of  the  earlier  Middle 
Ages,  brings  his  annals  down  to  1077.  Formerly  greatly  admired,  he 
has  of  late  been  accused  of  partiality  and  unfairness.  (In  the  octavo 
edition,  and  Geschichtschreiber,  Vol.  XLIII.) 

For  Gerbert’s  letters  and  the  French  sources,  see  above,  p.  219  sqq. 


Materials 
for  the 
history  of 
the  papacy. 


For  the  history  of  the  papacy  from  the  break-up  of  Charlemagne’s 
empire  to  the  time  of  Gregory  VII,  the  following  works  are  to  be 
especially  recommended : 

Langen,  Geschichte  der  romischen  Kirche  (see  above,  p.  84),  Vol.  III. 
Delarc,  St.  GrSgoire  VII  et  la  Reforme  de  VEglise  au  XH  sihle, 
3 vols.,  1889.  The  author  is  a Catholic ; he  devotes  Vols.  I and  II  of 


Germany  and  Italy  265 

his  work  to  the  period  before  Gregory’s  pontificate  and  gives  many 
extracts  from  the  sources. 

Hauck,  Kirchengeschichte  Deutschlands^  Vol.  III.  Excellent. 

Dresdner,  Kultur-  U7id  Sittengeschichte  der  italienischen  Geistlich- 
keit^  1890. 

Martens,  Die  Besetzung  des  pdpstlichen  Stuhles  Miter  Heinrich  III 
und  IV,  1887. 

Decretales  pseudo-isidorianae,  edited  by  Hinschius,  1863.  The  best 
edition  of  a famous  collection  of  the  acts  of  the  councils  and  of  the 
decrees  of  the  popes  made  about  850,  noted  for  the  spurious  decretals 
of  the  earlier  bishops  of  Rome  which  it  contains,  and  which  were 
accepted  as  genuine  for  several  centuries.  Some  discussion  of  these 
forged  decretals  will  be  found  in  the  church  histories  for  the  period. 
Most  writers  have  ascribed  far  too  much  importance  to  this  compilation 
in  explaining  the  development'  of  the  power  of  the  popes,  which  would 
hardly  have  been  less  had  the  forgeries  never  been  conceived. 

Watterich,  PontificMn  romanorum  vitae  ab  aequalibus  conscriptae, 
2 vols.,  1862.  A collection  of  the  contemporary  lives  of  the  popes  from 
872  to  1198;  a modern  continuation  of  the  Liber  pontijicalis  mentioned 
above,  p.  85. 

In  this  period,  as  elsewhere  in  the  history  of  the  mediaeval  papacy, 
Jaffe’s  Regesta  (see  above,  p.  85)  is  of  great  importance. 

Sackur,  Die  Cluniacenser  bis  zur  Mitte  des  elf  ten  Jahrhunderts, 
Vols.  I-II,  1892-1894.  By  far  the  most  thorough  treatment  of  the 
growth  and  influence  of  the  great  order  of  Cluny. 


The  pseudo 

Isidorian 

decretals. 


CHAPTER  XIII 


107.  The 
early  part  of 
Henry  IV’s 
reign. 

(From  the 
Chronicle 
of  Ekkehard 
of  Aurach.) 


THE  CONFLICT  BETWEEN  GREGORY  VII  AND  HENRY  IV 

I.  The  Early  Years  of  Henry  IV 

The  most  comprehensive  of  all  the  mediaeval  chroni- 
cles covering  the  history  of  the  world  was  written  by 
Ekkehard  of  Aurach.  He  exercised  great  patience  and 
care  and  repeatedly  revised  and  elaborated  his  work. 
He  bega:n  to  write  just  before  the  opening  of  the  First 
Crusade,  in  which  he  became  greatly  interested  (see 
extract  below,  pp.  3 1 6 sq.).  His  fair-mindedness  is  shown 
in  the  following  account  of  Henry  IV’s  early  troubles. 

In  the  year  1057  of  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord,  and  the 
year  1808  since  the  founding  of  the  City,  Henry  IV,  son  of 
Emperor  Henry,  while  still  a boy,  began  to  reign  in  the 
place  of  his  father.  At  the  time  that  this  book  is  being 
written,  he  is  reigning,  in  his  forty-second  year,  as  the  eighty- 
seventh  emperor  since  Augustus.  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1058,  Frederick,  who  as  pope 
was  called  Stephen,  died,  and  Alexander,  bishop  of  Lucca, 
followed  him.  At  that  time  Hildebrand,  who  later  became 
pope,  administered  the  office  of  archdeacon  in  Rome. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1059,  Pope  Stephen  died,  and 
Gerhard  followed  him  under  the  name  of  Nicholas  (II)d 
Henry,  king  of  France,  died,  and  Philip,  his  son,  reigned  in 
his  stead. 

1 Stephen  IX  died  in  1058  and  was  succeeded  by  Nicholas  II,  who 
was  in  turn  succeeded  by  Alexander  II  in  1061.  The  confusion  of  dates 
by  Ekkehard  seems  rather  surprising,  but  similar  mistakes  are  common 
in  most  of  the  chronicles. 


266 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  267 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1060,  Luitpold,  archbishop  of 
Mayence,  died  and  Siegfried,  abbot  of  Fulda,  followed  him, 
who  later  allied  himself  with  others  in  a conspiracy  against 
his  lord  the  king. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1062,  Archbishop  Anno  of 
Cologne,  with  the  consent  of  the  leaders  of  the  empire, 
brought  the  prince  (Henry  IV),  of  whose  person  he  had 
taken  violent  possession,  under  his  control,  and  withdrew 
from  the  prince’s  mother  the  government  of  the  empire,  as 
if  he  felt  it  to  be  unworthy  that  the  state  should  be  ruled  by 
the  empress,  who,  though  a woman,  was  enabled  to  exercise 
power  after  the  manner  of  a man.  After  he  had  given  an 
account  before  all  of  what  he  had  done,  he  again  gained  the 
favor  of  his  lord  the  king,  and  was  again  reconciled  to  the 
mother  through  the  son.  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1063,  Pope  Nicholas  died  and 
was  followed  by  Bishop  Alexander  of  Lucca.  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1064,  Siegfried,  bishop  of  May- 
ence,  Gunther  of  Babenberg,  and  William  of  Utrecht,  along 
with  many  other  bishops  and  noblemen,  set  forth  with  a 
great  following  on  a pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem.  Here  they 
suffered  much  from  the  attacks  of  the  barbarians,  but  finally, 
having  happily  reached  their  goal,  they  returned,  greatly 
reduced  in  numbers  and  strength. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1065,  Gunther,  bishop  of  Baben- 
berg, died  in  Pannonia,  as  he  was  returning  from  Jerusalem. 
His  body  was  brought  back  to  Babenberg  and  buried  there, 
and  Hermann  was  chosen  to  succeed  him.  Count  Gozmin, 
who  had  usurped  the  power  in  the  bishopric  of  Wurzburg, 
was  killed  by  the  followers  of  Bishop  Adelberon. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1066,  a comet  glowed  long  over 
the  whole  earth.  In  the  same  year  England  was  terribly 
desolated  by  the  Norman  William  and  finally  subjugated, 
and  he  had  himself  made  king.  He  then  drove  almost  all 
the  bishops  of  the  said  kingdom  into  banishment  and  had 


268 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  king’s 

youthful 

recklessness. 


the  nobles  killed.  The  commons  he  gave  over  in  bondage 
to  his  knights,  and  he  compelled  the  wives  of  the  natives  to 
marry  the  invaders. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1067,  King  Henry  took  to  wife 
Bertha,  daughter  of  a certain  Otto,  an  Italian,  and  of  Adel- 
heid;  and  he  celebrated  the  wedding  at  Tribur.  Conrad, 
councilor  of  the  church  at  Cologne,  whom  King  Henry  had 
designated  as  bishop  of  Treves,  was  taken  prisoner  by  The- 
odoric,*  count  of  that  city,  and  was  carried  into  the  forest 
by  his  followers  and  thrown  down  three  times  from  the  top 
of  a mountain,  but  since  he  still  remained  unhurt,  they  dis- 
patched him  with  a sword. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1068,  King  Henry,  with  youthful 
recklessness,  began  to  reside  in  Saxony  alone  of  all  the 
Roman  Empire,  to  despise  the  princes,  oppress  the  nobles, 
exalt  the  lowborn,  and  to  devote  himself  (as  was  said)  to 
the  chase,  to  gaming  and  other  occupations  of  this  kind, 
more  than  to  the  administration  of  justice.  He  married  the 
daughters  of  the  nobles  to  his  favorites  of  low  origin,  and, 
full  of  distrust  against  the  powerful  of  the  empire,  he  began 
to  build  certain  castles.  By  thus  recklessly  sowing  the  seeds 
of  discord  it  fell  out  that  the  number  of  those  who  proposed 
to  deprive  the  king  not  only  of  his  kingdom  but  even  of  his 
life  grew  rapidly.  However,  as  he  had  not  yet  fully  reached 
the  years  of  maturity,  many  judged  that  the  responsibility 
did  not  fall  so  much  upon  him  as  upon  Archbishop  Adelbert 
of  Bremen,  since  everything  was  done  on  his  advice. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1069,  Empress  Agnes,  mother 
of  King  Henry,  through  vexation,  or  better,  through  divine 
inspiration,  surrendered  the  duchy  of  Bavaria,  and,  discard- 
ing the  reins  of  government  in  her  devotion  to  Christ, 
betook  herself  to  Rome,  where,  with  marvelous  humility,  she 
brought  forth  the  fruits  of  repentance  and  after  a few  years 
closed  this  earthly  life  in  the  Lord. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1070,  Margrave  Teti,  not  without 
the  connivance  of  the  Saxon  princes,  established  a tyranny 


Conflict  betwee7i  Gregory  VII  and  Hcfiry  IV  269 

directed  against  the  king’s  followers.  This  was,  however, 
suppressed  through  the  intervention  of  the  heavenly  as  well 
as  the  earthly  majesty,  for  his  castles  of  Beichlingen  and 
Burgsheidungen  were  destroyed  by  the  king;  his  son,  like- 
wise a warrior,  was  killed  by  some  of  his  servants,  and  he 
himself  soon  died  a natural  death. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1071,  Duke  Otto  lost  the  duchy 
of  Bavaria.  He  was  a Saxon  by  origin,  a man  of  excellent 
rank,  to  whom  few  could  be  compared  in  insight  and  mili- 
tary power.  He  enjoyed  such  respect  among  all  the  princes 
that  the  king,  who  was  already  an  object  of  suspicion  and 
hate  to  the  Saxons,  was  fearful  lest  this  Otto  might,  should  the 
king’s  influence  decline,  attempt  to  win  the  royal  throne  itself. 

A certain  Egino,  of  mean  origin  and  insignificant  re- 
sources, took  advantage  of  the  situation  for  his  evil  ends. 
Although  well  known  for  his  impudence  and  shameless 
conduct,  he  managed  to  slip  into  the  court  under  the  pro- 
tection of  certain  of  the  king’s  adherents.  He  lied  to  the 
king,  saying  that  that  great  hero,  Otto,  who  in  reality  had 
never  known  him,  had  conspired  with  him  to  murder  the 
king.  He  offered  himself,  as  was  the  custom,  as  a hostage 
until  the  truth  of  what  he  had  said  should  be  settled 
by  a duel  between  him  and  the  duke.  What  more  need 
be  said  ? After  royal  councils  had  been  announced,  one  at 
Mayence  and  the  other  at  Goslar,  Otto  disdained  to  fight  with 
Egino,  — the  duke  with  the  rogue,  the  prince  with  the  com- 
mon man,  — nevertheless  his  innocence  and  Egino’s  shame- 
lessness remained  by  no  means  concealed. 

So  Otto,  guilty  of  leze  majesty,  lost  the  duchy  of  Bavaria, 
which  a certain  Welf  received,  a distinguished,  brave,  war- 
like person,  a Swabian  by  birth.  From  this  seed,  alas,  did 
great  dissension  spring,  which  grew  into  the  wretched  fruit 
of  continuous  battles,  of  rebelliousness,  robbery,  and  de- 
struction, division  in  the  Church,  heresy,  and  many  deaths. 


How  the 
duchy  of 
Bavaria  was 
taken  from 
Duke  Otto. 


The  duchy 
of  Bavaria 
given  to 
Welf. 


In  the  3^ear  of  our  Lord  1072,  the  king  followed  Otto 
everywhere,  destroyed  as  many  of  his  fortresses  as  he  could, 


2/0 


Readmgs  in  Etcropean  History 


Duke  Otto 
rouses  the 
Saxons  to 
revolt. 


wasted  his  lands,  and  strove  completely  to  annihilate  him,  as 
an  enemy  of  the  state.  Nevertheless,  Otto,  with  a select 
following,  and  with  his  own  stout  arm  and  his  heart  full  of 
bitter  hate,  since  he  might  not  fight  directly  with  the  royal 
troops,  sought  to  avenge  the  injury  which  he  had  suffered, 
now  by  plundering,  now  by  fire,  now  by  the  sword,  wherever 
opportunity  offered. 

At  his  inspiration  the  Saxon  people  — of  a very  violent 
disposition  as  they  are  — ceased  not,  with  one  accord,  to 
organize  a conspiracy  against  the  king ; sent  letters  full  of 
insulting  and  unheard-of  accusations  against  the  king  to  the 
apostolic  see,  and  sought  allies  by  letter  and  messenger 
throughout  the  whole  German  empire. 

In  the  first  place  they  made  friends  with  Siegfried,  the 
archbishop  of  Mayence,  Adelbert  of  Worms,  Adelberon  of 
Wurzburg,  Gebhardt  of  Salzburg,  and  other  bishops,  as  many 
as  they  could,  and  then  through  these  they  gained  Pope 
Alexander.  Many  assert  too  that,  last  and  greatest.  Anno, 
archbishop  of  Cologne,  was  one  of  those  privy  to  this  con- 
spiracy. Frightened  at  last  by  these  intrigues,  the  king  left 
Saxony  and  conducted  the  business  of  the  empire  in  other 
regions. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1073,  the  archbishop  of  Cologne 
and  Hermann  of  Babenberg  were  sent  to  Rome  in  order  to 
get  together  the  money  which  was  owing  the  king  there. 
They  brought  back,  on  their  return,  a letter  from  Pope 
Alexander,  in  which  the  king  was  ordered  to  give  an  ac- 
count of  his  heresy,  simony,  and  many  other  similar  matters 
which  called  for  improvement,  rumors  of  which  had  reached 
him  in  Rome. 

Thereupon  the  Saxons  built  many  strongholds,  for  up  to 
this  time  that  country  had  had  but  few  of  them.  Moreover 
they  completely  destroyed  the  castles  which  the  king  had 
built  some  time  before.  Among  these  they  tore  down  the 
castle  which  was  called  Harzburg,  the  cathedral  and  the 
abbey  which  stood  there,  destroying  all  these  in  their  rage  and 
perversity,  down  to  the  very  ground.  Horrible  to  say,  they 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  2^1 

took  up  the  bones  of  the  innocent  son  of  the  king,  who  had 
been  buried  there,  and  scattered  them  about  as  an  insult  to 
the  father. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1074,  after  Pope  Alexander  of 
blessed  memory  had  died,  Hildebrand,  later  called  Gregory, 
followed  him  ; by  profession  and  rank  he  was  a monk  and 
archdeacon.  Under  him  the  Roman  Empire  and  the  whole 
Church  began  to  be  threatened  by  new  and  unheard-of  divi- 
sions and  turmoil.  Since  Gregory  had  reached  this  height 
of  power  without  the  king’s  permission,  simply  through  the 
favor  of  the  Romans,  some  asserted  that  he  was  not  right- 
fully chosen,  but  had  seized  the  papal  dignity  with  his 
own  hand.  Therefore  he  was  not  recognized  by  some  of 
the  bishops.  Gregory  repeatedly  summoned  King  Henry 
through  messengers  and  letters  to  answer  for  his  deeds 
before  a synod. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1074,  Pope  Gregory,  after  hold- 
ing a synod,  condemned  the  simonists,  namely  those  who 
bought  and  sold  the  gift  of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  provided  that 
the  Nicolaitae,  that  is  to  say,  the  priests  who  had  married, 
should  be  removed  from  the  service  of  the  altar,  and  forbade 
the  laity  to  attend  masses  performed  by  them. 

In  the  year  of  the  Lord  1075,  King  Henry  moved  against 
the  Saxons,  after  he  had  collected  a strong  army  from 
Alemannia,  Bavaria,  and  Germania,  and  from  Bohemia. 
He  fought  with  the  Saxons  on  the  river  Unstrut  and  after 
much  blood  had  been  shed  on  both  sides,  he  finally  returned 
home  victorious. 

Rudolph,  duke  of  Alemannia  and  Burgundy,  who  later 
usurped  the  imperial  crown,  fought  bravely  there  with  his 
followers  for  the  king.  Bishop  Hermann  of  Babenberg 
was  deposed,  on  account  of  his  simoniacal  practices,  by 
command  of  Pope  Hildebrand,  and  Ruotpert  was  put  in 
his  place  by  the  king.  In  this  year  died  Anno,  archbishop 
of  Cologne,  rich  in  merits  of  piety,  and  was  buried  in  the 
cloister  of  Siegburg,  which  he  himself  had  built.  He  was 
followed  by  Hildolf. 


Hildebrand, 
the  monk, 
becomes 
pope  as 
Gregory  VII 


2/2 


Readings  in  European  History 


108.  The 
conference 
at  Chalons 
sur  Marne 
in  regard 
to  the 
question  of 
investiture 
(1107).  (From 
Suger’s 
Life  of  Louis 
the  Fat.) 


II.  The  Issue  between  Pope  and  Emperor  in  the 
Matter  of  Investiture 

A conference  was  arranged  at  ChMons  in  1107  between 
the  representatives  of  the  pope  and  those  of  the  emperor, 
where  the  demands  of  each  party  might  be  clearly  stated. 
Although  this  did  not  occur  until  just  after  the  death  of 
Henry  IV,  it  seems  best  to  introduce  at  this  point  an 
account  of  the  arguments  advanced  by  each  side,  since 
they  serve  to  show  the  real  nature  of  the  troubles  between 
Henry  and  Gregory.  The  report  which  follows  is  given 
by  Suger  in  his  Life  of  Louis  the  Fat  (see  above,  p.  198). 
He  was  himself  present  at  the  conference  and  evidently 
neither  liked  the  Germans  nor  approved  of  their  argu- 
ments and  point  of  view. ' 

The  pope  (Paschal  II)  having  spent  some  time  in  Chalons, 
the  representatives  of  the  emperor,  men  void  of  humility, 
hard  and  rebellious,  betook  themselves  according  to  agree- 
ment to  the  place  of  meeting,  with  much  display  and  a nu- 
merous escort,  all  richly  appareled.  These  envoys  were  the 
archbishop  of  Treves,  the  bishops  of  Halberstadt  and  of 
Munster,  several  counts,  and  Duke  Welf,  who  had  his  sword 
carried  before  him.  The  latter  was  a man  of  great  corpu- 
lence, truly  astonishing  in  the  length  and  breadth  of  his 
surface,  and  a loud-mouthed  fellow  withal.  These  turbu- 
lent men  seemed  to  have  been  dispatched  with  a view  to 
terrify  those  they  met  rather  than  to  discuss  matters  in  a 
rational  way. 

We  should  make  a single  exception  of  the  archbishop  of 
Treves:  he  was  an  agreeable  person,  of  good  manners,  well 
educated,  a good  speaker,  and  with  a touch  of  French  polish. 
He  made  a clever  speech,  saluting  the  lord  pope  and  the 
assembly  in  the  name  of  his  master,  and  offering  the  empe- 
ror’s services,  saving  always  the  rights  of  the  imperial  throne. 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  273 


Then,  reaching  the  real  object  of  their  mission,  he  con- 
tinued as  follows: 

‘‘This  is  the  reason  that  the  emperor  has  sent  us  hither. 
It  is  well  known  that  in  the  time  of  our  predecessors  it  was 
recognized  by  holy  and  truly  apostolic  men,  like  Gregory  the 
Great  and  others,  that,  according  to  the  law  of  the  empire, 
in  every  election  the  following  method  should  be  observed. 
First,  the  election  was  brought  to  the  emperor^s  attention 
before  it  was  publicly  announced.  Before  deciding  the 
matter  measures  were  taken  to  learn  whether  he  approved 
of  the  candidate  proposed,  and  his  sanction  was  obtained. 
Then,  following  the  canons,^  the  election  was  proclaimed 
in  a general  meeting,  as  having  been  carried  out  by  the 
clergy  with  the  ratification  of  the  people  and  the  assent  of 
the  distributor  of  honors.  The  person  chosen,  freely  elected 
without  simony  in  the  manner  above  described,  should  then 
present  himself  to  the  emperor  to  be  invested  with  the 
regalia  by  the  ring  and  the  staff,  to  pledge  his  fidelity  and 
to  do  homage.  Nor  is  it  any  wonder  that  there  should  be 
no  other  way  by  which  one  should  be  able  to  get  possession 
of  towns,  castles,  markets,  tolls,  and  other  things  associated 
with  the  imperial  dignity.  If  the  lord  pope  will  recognize 
this,  the  throne  and  the  Church  will  be  united,  to  the  glory 
of  God,  in  a firm  and  advantageous  peace. 

To  all  this  the  lord  pope  replied  judiciously,  by  the  mouth 
of  the  bishop  of  Piacenza,  a distinguished  orator,  as  follows  : 
“ The  Church,  redeemed  and  made  free  by  the  precious  blood 
of  Jesus  Christ,  may  in  no  way  become  a slave  again.  Now 
if  the  Church  cannot  choose  a prelate  without  the  permis- 
sion of  the  emperor,  she  is  subject  to  him,  and  Christ’s  death 
is  made  of  no  avail.  To  invest  with  the  ring  and  the  staff, 
since  these  belong  to  the  altar,  is  to  usurp  the  powers  of 
God  himself.  For  a priest  to  place  his  hands,  sanctified  by 
the  body  and  blood  of  the  Lord,  in  the  blood-stained  hands 
of  a layman,  as  a pledge,  is  to  dishonor  his  order  and  holy 
consecration.” 


The  claims 
of  the 
emperor. 


The  counter- 
claims of 
the  pope. 


1 See  History  of  Western  Europe^  p.  155. 


109.  The 
Dictatus  of 
Gregory  VII 
(1075). 


274  Readings  in  European  History 

III.  Gregory  VIPs  Conception  of  the  Pope’s 
Prerogatives 

Among  the  letters  and  decrees  of  Gregory  VII  a list 
of  propositions  is  found  which  briefly  summarizes  the 
claims  of  the  papacy.  The  purpose  of  this  so-called 
Dictatus  is  unknown ; it  was  probably  drawn  up  shortly 
after  Gregory’s  accession  and  no  doubt  gives  an  official 
statement  of  the  powers  which  he  believed  that  he  rightly 
possessed.  The  more  important  of  the  twenty-seven 
propositions  contained  in  the  Dictatus  are  given  below. 

The  Roman  church  was  founded  by  God  alone. 

The  Roman  bishop  alone  is  properly  called  universal. 

He  alone  may  depose  bishops  and  reinstate  them. 

His  legate,  though  of  inferior  grade,  takes  precedence,  in 
a council,  of  all  bishops  and  may  render  a decision  of  depo- 
sition against  them. 

He  alone  may  use  the  insignia  of  empire.^ 

The  pope  is  the  only  person  whose  feet  are  kissed  by  all 
princes. 

His  title  is  unique  in  the  world. ^ 

He  may  depose  emperors. 

No  council  may  be  regarded  as  a general  one  without  his 
consent. 

No  book  or  chapter  may  be  regarded  as  canonical  without 
his  authority. 

A decree  of  his  may  be  annulled  by  no  one  ; he  alone 
may  annul  the  decrees  of  all. 

1 The  Donation  of  Constantine  describes  the  emperor  Constantine 
as  leaving  his  imperial  scepter,  cloak,  etc.,  to  Pope  Sylvester.  The 
word  “ use  ” (Latin  uti^  here  employed  may  perhaps  be  used  in  the 
sense  of  “ dispose  of,’’  referring  to  the  pope’s  asserted  claim  to  control 
the  election  of  the  emperor. 

2 This  is  the  first  distinct  assertion  of  the  exclusive  right  of  the  bishop 
of  Rome  to  the  title  of  pope,  once  applied  to  all  bishops.  See  History 
of  Western  Europe^  p.  52,  note. 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  mui  Henry  IV  275 

He  may  be  judged  by  no  one. 

No  one  shall  dare  to  condemn  one  who  appeals  to  the 
papal  see. 

The  Roman  church  has  never  erred,  nor  ever,  by  the 
witness  of  Scripture,  shall  err  to  all  eternity.^ 

He  may  not  be  considered  Catholic  who  does  not  agree 
with  the  Roman  church. 

The  pope  may  absolve  the  subjects  of  the  unjust  from 
their  allegiance. 


IV.  Origin  of  the  Troubles  between  Gregory  VII  and 
Henry  IV 

In  1075  a synod  held  at  Rome  under  Gregory  VII 
denounced  the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  prohibited  lay 
investiture,  and  then  excommunicated  five  of  Henry  IV’ s 
councilors  on  the  ground  that  they  had  gained  the 
church  offices  which  they  held,  by  simony.  While  the 
text  of  this  decree,  which  in  a way  began  the  trouble 
between  Gregory  and  Henry,  is  lost,  it  was  probably 
similar  to  the  following  decrees  issued  respectively 
three  and  five  years  later. 

Inasmuch  as  we  have  learned  that,  contrary  to  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  holy  fathers,  the  investiture  with  churches  is, 
in  many  places,  performed  by  lay  persons,  and  that  from 
this  cause  many  disturbances  arise  in  the  Church  by  which 
the  Christian  religion  is  degraded,  w’e  decree  that  no  one 
of  the  clergy  shall  receive  the  investiture  with  a bishopric, 
or  abbey,  or  church,  from  the  hand  of  an  emperor,  or  king,  or 
of  any  lay  person,  male  or  female.  If  he  shall  presume  to 
do  so,  let  him  know  that  such  investiture  is  void  by  apostolic 
authority,  and  that  he  himself  shall  lie  under  excommuni- 
cation until  fitting  satisfaction  shall  have  been  made. 


110.  Decree 
of  Novem- 
ber 19,  1078, 
forbidding 
lay  investi- 
tures. 


1 See  sermon  of  Leo  the  Great,  above,  pp.  70-71. 


Decree  of 
March  7, 
1080,  for- 
bidding 
the  same. 


111.  Greg- 
ory’s letter 
of  Decem- 
ber, 1075, 
upbraiding 
Henry  for 
his  neglect 
of  the  papal 
decrees. 


276  Readings  in  European  History 

Following  the  ordinances  of  the  holy  fathers,  as  we  decreed 
in  our  former  councils  held  by  the  mercy  of  God  concerning 
the  regulation  of  ecclesiastical  offices,  so  also  now  by  apos- 
tolic authority  we  decree  and  confirm  : that,  if  any  one  shall 
henceforth  receive  a bishopric  or  abbey  from  the  hands  of 
any  lay  person,  he  shall  by  no  means  be  reckoned  among 
the  bishops  and  abbots ; nor  shall  any  hearing  be  granted 
him  as  bishop  or  abbot.  Moreover  we  further  deny  him 
the  favor  of  St.  Peter  and  entrance  to  the  Church,  until, 
coming  to  his  senses,  he  shall  surrender  the  position  that 
he  has  appropriated  through  criminal  ambition  and  disobe- 
dience— which  is  the  sin  of  idolatry.  We  decree,  more- 
over, that  the  same  rule  be  observed  in  the  case  of  inferior 
ecclesiastical  positions. 

Likewise  if  any  emperor,  king,  duke,  margrave,  count,  or 
any  secular  dignitary  or  person  shall  presume  to  bestow  the 
investiture  with  bishoprics,  or  with  any  ecclesiastical  office, 
let  him  know  that  he  is  bound  by  the  bonds  of  the  same 
condemnation.  And,  furthermore,  unless  he  come  to  his 
senses  and  relinquish  her  prerogatives  to  the  Church,  let 
him  feel,  in  this  present  life,  the  divine  wrath  both  in  body 
and  estate,  in  order  that  at  the  Lord’s  coming  his  soul  may 
be  saved. 

The  two  letters  which  follow  serve  to  show  the  atti- 
tude of  mind  of  the  pope  and  of  the  emperor  on  the 
eve  of  open  hostilities. 

Bishop  Gregory^  servant  of  the  servafits  of  God^  to  King  Henry ^ 
greeting  and  apostolic  benediction : — that  is^  if  he  be  obedi- 
ent to  the  apostolic  chair  as  beseems  a Christian  king: 

For  we  cannot  but  hesitate  to  send  thee  our  benediction 
when  we  seriously  consider  the  strictness  of  the  Judge  to 
whom  we  shall  have  to  render  account  for  the  ministry 
intrusted  to  us  by  St.  Peter,  chief  of  the  apostles.  For 
thou  art  said  knowingly  to  associate  with  men  excommu- 
nicated by  a judgment  of  the  apostolic  chair  and  by 
sentence  of  a synod.  If  this  be  true,  thou  thyself  dost 


Co7iJlict  between  Gregory  VII  and  He^iry  IV  277 

know  that  thou  mayst  not  receive  the  favor  of  the  divine, 
nor  of  the  apostolic  benediction,  unless  those  who  have 
been  excommunicated  be  separated  from  thee  and  com- 
pelled to  do  penance,  and  thou,  with  condign  repentance 
and  satisfaction,  obtain  absolution  and  pardon  for  thy  mis- 
deeds. Therefore  we  counsel  thy  Highness  that,  if  thou 
dost  feel  thyself  guilty  in  this  matter,  thou  shouldst  seek 
the  advice  of  some  devout  bishop,  with  prompt  confession. 
He,  with  our  permission,  enjoining  on  thee  a proper  pen- 
ance for  this  fault,  shall  absolve  thee,  and  shall  take  care  to 
inform  us  by  letter,  with  thy  consent,  of  the  exact  measure 
of  thy  penance. 

In  the  next  place,  it  seems  strange  to  us  that  although  thou 
dost  so  often  send  us  such  devoted  letters  ; and  although 
thy  Highness  dost  show  such  humility  in  the  messages  of 
thy  legates,  — calling  thyself  the  son  of  holy  mother  Church 
and  of  ourselves,  subject  in  the  faith,  foremost  in  love  and 
devotion  ; — although,  in  short,  thou  dost  commend  thyself 
with  all  the  sweetness  of  devotion  and  reverence,  yet  in 
conduct  and  action  thou  dost  show  thyself  most  stubborn, 
and  in  opposition  to  the  canonical  and  apostolic  decrees  in 
those  matters  which  the  religion  of  the  Church  deems  of 
chief  importance.  For,  not  to  mention  other  things,  in  the 
affair  of  Milan  ^ the  actual  outcome  shows  with  what  intent 
thou  didst  make,  and  how  thou  didst  carry  out,  the  promises 
made  through  thy  mother  and  through  our  brothers  the 
bishops  whom  we  sent  to  thee.  And  now,  indeed,  inflicting 
wound  upon  wound,  thou  hast,  contrary  to  the  rules  of  the 
apostolic  chair,  given  the  churches  of  Fermo  and  Spoleto  — 
if  indeed  a church  can  be  given  or  granted  by  a mere  man  — 
to  certain  persons  not  even  known  to  us,,  on  whom,  unless 
they  are  previously  well  known  and  proven,  it  is  not  lawful 
regularly  to  perform  the  laying  on  of  hands. 

It  would  have  beseemed  thy  royal  dignity,  since  thou  dost 
confess  thyself  a son  of  the  Church,  to  have  treated  more 

1 There  had  been  trouble  even  before  Gregory’s  accession  over  the 
question  of  filling  the  bishopric  of  Milan. 


2/8 


Readings  in  European  History 


A reference 
to  the 
decree  of 
1075  for- 
bidding 
investitures 
by  laymen. 


The  pope 
willing  to 
moderate 
his  decree. 


respectfully  the  master  of  the  Church,  — that  is,  St.  Peter, 
the  chief  of  the  apostles.  For  to  him,  if  thou  art  of  the 
Lord’s  sheep,  thou  wast  given  over  by  the  Lord’s  voice  and 
authority  to  be  fed ; Christ  himself  saying,  “ Peter,  feed 
my  sheep.”  And  again  : “To  thee  are  given  over  the  keys 
of  the  kingdom  of  heaven ; and  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind 
on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven  ; and  whatsoever  thou 
shalt  loose  on  earth  shall  be  loosed  in  heaven.” 

Inasmuch  as  in  his  seat  and  apostolic  ministration  we, 
however  sinful  and  unworthy,  do,  by  the  providence  of  God, 
act  as  the  representative  of  his  power,  surely  he  himself  is 
receiving  whatever,  in  writing  or  by  word  of  mouth,  thou 
hast  sent  to  us.  And  at  the  very  time  when  we  are  either 
perusing  thy  letters  or  listening  to  the  voices  of  those  who 
speak  for  thee,  he  himself  is  observing,  with  discerning  eye, 
in  what  spirit  the  instructions  were  issued.  Wherefore  thy 
Highness  should  have  seen  to  it  that  no  lack  of  good  will 
should  appear  toward  the  apostolic  chair  in  thy  words  and 
messages.  . . . 

In  this  year  a synod  was  assembled  about  the  apostolic 
chair,  over  which  the  heavenly  dispensation  willed  that  we 
should  preside,  and  at  which  some  of  thy  faithful  subjects 
were  present.  Seeing  that  the  good  order  of  the  Christian 
religion  has  now  for  some  time  been  disturbed,  and  that 
the  chief  and  proper  methods  of  winning  souls  have,  at 
the  instigation  of  the  devil,  long  been  neglected  and  sup- 
pressed, we,  struck  by  the  danger  and  impending  ruin  of 
the  Lord’s  flock,  reverted  to  the  decrees  and  teachings  of  the 
holy  fathers,  — decreeing  nothing  new,  nothing  of  our  own 
invention.^  . . . 

Lest  these  things  should  seem  unduly  burdensome  or 
unjust  to  thee,  we  did  admonish  thee,  through  thy  faithful 
servants,  that  the  changing  of  an  evil  custom  should  not 
alarm  thee  ; that  thou  shouldst  send  to  us  wise  and  religious 
men  from  thy  land,  to  demonstrate  or  prove,  if  they  could, 
by  any  reasoning,  in  what  respects,  saving  the  honor  of  the 


1 See  above,  pp.  275  sqq. 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  279 


Eternal  King  and  without  danger  to  our  soul,  we  might 
moderate  the  decree  as  passed  by  the  holy  fathers,  and  we 
would  yield  to  their  counsels.  Even  without  our  friendly 
admonitions  it  would  have  been  but  right  that,  before  thou 
didst  violate  apostolic  decrees,  thou  shouldst  reasonably 
have  appealed  to  us  in  cases  where  we  oppressed  thee  or 
infringed  thy  prerogatives.  But  how  little  thou  didst  esteem 
our  commands  or  the  dictates  of  justice  is  shown  by  those 
things  which  thou  afterwards  didst. 

But  since  the  long-suffering  patience  of  God  still  invites 
thee  to  amend  thy  ways,  we  have  hopes  that  thy  under- 
standing may  be  awakened,  and  thy  heart  and  mind  be  bent 
to  obey  the  mandates  of  God  : we  exhort  thee  with  paternal 
love  to  recognize  the  dominion  of  Christ  over  thee  and  to 
reflect  how  dangerous  it  is  to  prefer  thine  own  honor  to 
his. 

Henry,  irritated  not  so  much  by  the  tone  of  the  above 
letter  as  by  the  reproaches  of  Gregory’s  legates,  sent  the 
following  violent  reply,  January  24,  1076.^ 

Henry ^ King  not  by  usurpation  hut  by  holy  ordination  of  God^ 

to  Hildebrand^  now  7io  Pope  but  false  monk : 

Such  greeting  as  this  hast  thou  merited  through  thy  dis- 
turbances, for  there  is  no  rank  in  the  Church  but  thou  hast 
brought  upon  it,  not  honor  but  disgrace,  not  a blessing  but 
a curse.  To  mention  a few  notable  cases  out  of  the  many, 
thou  hast  not  only  dared  to  assail  the  rulers  of  the  holy 
Church,  the  anointed  of  the  Lord,  — archbishops,  bishops, 
and  priests,  — but  thou  hast  trodden  them  under  foot  like 
slaves  ignorant  of  what  their  master  is  doing.  By  so  crush- 
ing them  thou  hast  won  the  favor  of  the  common  herd; 
thou  hast  regarded  them  all  as  knowing  nothing,  — thyself 
alone  as  knowing  all  things.  Yet  this  knowledge  thou  hast 

1 Henry  appears  to  have  prepared  two  replies  to  the  pope’s  letter. 
This  is  the  second  draft,  more  violent  than  one  which  Henry  had 
dispatched  just  before.  See  discussion  in  A fmalen  der  deut- 

schen  GeschichtCy  Vol.  II,  pp.  202-203. 


112.  Henry 
IV ’s  violent 
reply  to 
Gregory. 


28o 


Readings  in  Eztropean  History 


exerted,  not  for  their  advantage  but  for  their  destruction; 
so  that  with  reason  we  believe  St.  Gregory,  whose  name 
thou  hast  usurped,  prophesied  of  thee  when  he  said,  “ The 
pride  of  the  magistrate  commonly  waxes  great  if  the  number 
of  those  subject  to  him  be  great,  and  he  thinks  that  he  can 
do  more  than  they  all.’’ 

We,  forsooth,  have  endured  all  this  in  our  anxiety  to  save 
the  honor  of  the  apostolic  see,  but  thou  hast  mistaken  our 
humility  for  fear,  and  hast,  accordingly,  ventured  to  attack 
the  royal  power  conferred  upon  us  by  God,  and  threatened 
to  divest  us  of  it.  As  if  we  had  received  our  kingdom  from 
thee  ! As  if  the  kingdom  and  the  empire  were  in  thy  hands, 
not  in  God’s ! For  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  did  call  us  to  the 
kingdom,  although  he  has  not  called  thee  to  the  priesthood: 
that  thou  hast  attained  by  the  following  steps. 

By  craft  abhorrent  to  the  profession  of  monk,  thou  hast 
acquired  wealth;  by  wealth,  influence;  by  influence,  arms; 
by  arms,  a throne  of  peace.  And  from  the  throne  of  peace 
thou  hast  destroyed  peace  ; thou  hast  turned  subjects  against 
their  governors,  for  thou,  who  wert  not  called  of  God,  hast 
taught  that  our  bishops,  truly  so  called,  should  be  despised. 
Thou  hast  put  laymen  above  their  priests,  allowing  them  to 
depose  or  condemn  those  whom  they  themselves  had  received 
as  teachers  from  the  hand  of  God  through  the  laying  on  of 
bishops’  hands. 

Thou  hast  further  assailed  me  also,  who,  although  unworthy 
of  anointing,  have  nevertheless  been  anointed  to  the  king- 
dom, and  who,  according  to  the  traditions  of  the  holy  fathers, 
am  subject  to  the  judgment  of  God  alone,  to  be  deposed 
upon  no  charge  save  that  of  deviation  from  the  faith,  — 
which  God  avert  ! For  the  holy  fathers  by  their  wisdom 
committed  the  judgment  and  deposition  of  even  Julian  the 
Apostate  not  to  themselves  but  to  God  alone.  Likewise 
the  true  pope,  Peter,  himself  exclaims:  “Fear  God.  Honor 
the  king.”  But  thou,  who  dost  not  fear  God,  art  dishonor- 
ing me,  his  appointed  one.  Wherefore,  St.  Paul,  since  he 
spared  not  an  angel  of  heaven  if  he  should  preach  other 
than  the  gospel,  has  not  excepted  thee,  who  dost  teach  other 


Conflict  betzveen  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  281 


doctrine  upon  earth.  For  he  says,  “ If  any  one,  whether  I, 
or  an  angel  from  heaven,  shall  preach  the  gospel  other  than 
that  which  has  been  preached  to  you,  he  shall  be  damned.’’ 

Thou,  therefore,  damned  by  this  curse  and  by  the  judg- 
ment of  all  our  bishops  and  ourselves,  come  down  and 
relinquish  the  apostolic  chair  which  thou  hast  usurped. 
Let  another  assume  the  seat  of  St.  Peter,  who  will  not  prac- 
tice violence  under  the  cloak  of  religion,  but  will  teach  St. 
Peter’s  wholesome  doctrine.  I,  Henry,  king  by  the  grace 
of  God,  together  with  all  our  bishops,  say  unto  thee  : ‘‘  Come 
down,  come  down,  to  be  damned  throughout  all  eternity  ! ” 


V.  Gregory’s  Deposition  of  Henry  IV.  Henry’s 
Penance  at  Canossa 

O St.  Peter,  chief  of  the  apostles,  incline  to  us,  I beg,  thy 
holy  ear,  and  listen  to  thy  servant,  whom  from  infancy  thou 
hast  nurtured,  and  whom,  until  this  day,  thou  hast  shielded 
from  the  hand  of  the  wicked  that  hated  me,  and  do  hate 
me,  for  my  faithfulness  to  thee.  Thou  and  my  Lady,  the 
Mother  of  God,  and  thy  brother,  St.  Paul,  are  witnesses  for 
me  among  all  the  saints  that  thy  holy  Roman  church  placed 
me  in  control  against  my  will ; that  I had  no  thought  of 
violence  in  ascending  to  thy  chair,  and  that  I should  rather 
have  ended  my  life  as  a pilgrim  than  by  worldly  means  to 
have  gained  thy  throne  for  the  sake  of  earthly  glory. 

Therefore,  through  thy  grace  and  through  my  own  merit, 
I believe  that  it  has  been  and  is  thy  will  that  the  Christian 
people  especially  committed  to  thee  should  pbey  me.  To 
me,  in  particular,  as  thy  representative  and  the  recipient  of 
thy  favor,  has  God  granted  the  power  of  binding  and  loosing 
in  heaven  and  earth.  In  this  confidence,  therefore,  for  the 
honor  and  security  of  thy  Church,  in  the  name  of  Almighty 
God,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  by  thy  power  and 
authority,  I withdraw  from  Henry  the  king,  son  of  Henry 
the  emperor,  a rebel  of  incredible  insolence  against  thy 
Church,  his  right  to  rule  over  the  whole  kingdom  of  the 


113.  First 
deposition 
and  excom- 
munication 
of  Henry  IV 
(February 
22,  1076). 


282 


Readings  in  European  History 


Germans  and  over  Italy.  And  I absolve  all  Christians  from 
the  bonds  of  the  oath  which  • they  have  taken  to  him  or 
which  they  shall  in  future  take  ; and  I forbid  any  one  to 
serve  him  as  king. 

For  it  is  fitting  that  he  who  strives  to  lessen  the  honor 
of  thy  Church  should  himself  lose  the  honor  which  seems 
to  belong  to  him.  And  since  he  has  scorned  to  obey  as 
a Christian,  and  has  not  returned  to  God  whom  he  has 
deserted,  but  has  had  intercourse  with  the  excommunicated ; 
practiced  manifold  iniquities;  spurned  the  counsels  which, 
as  thou  art  witness,  I sent  to  him  for  his  own  salvation ; 
separated  himself  from  thy  Church  and  endeavored  to  rend 
it  asunder ; I bind  him,  in  thy  stead,  with  the  chain  of  the 
anathema.  Relying  upon  thee,  I bind  him,  that  the  people 
may  know  and  prove  that  thou  art  Peter,  and  upon  thy  rock 
the  Son  of  the  living  God  hath  built  his  Church,  and  the 
gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it. 


114.  Greg- 
ory’s ac- 
count of 
Henry’s 
penance  at 
Canossa 

(1077). 


Bishop  Gregory^  servant  of  the  servants  of  Gof  to  all  the 
Archbishops,  Bishops,  Dukes,  Counts,  and  other  princes  of 
the  realm  of  the  Germans,  defenders  of  the  Christian  faith, 
greeting  and  apostolic  benediction: 

Inasmuch  as  for  the  love  of  justice  ye  have  assumed 
common  cause  and  danger  with  us  in  the  stress  of  this 
Christian  warfare,  we  have  bethought  us  to  relate  to  you, 
beloved,  in  sincere  affection,  how  the  king,  humbled  to  pen- 
ance, has  obtained  the  pardon  of  absolution,  and  how  the 
whole  matter  has  progressed  since  his  entry  into  Italy  up 
to  the  present  day. 

As  had  been  arranged  with  the  legates  whom  you  dis- 
patched to  us,  we  came  into  Lombardy  about  twenty  days 
before  the  date  on  which  one  of  the  nobles  was  to  meet  us 
at  the  pass,  and  awaited  his  coming  before  we  crossed  over 
to  the  other  side  of  the  Alps. 

When  the  time  fixed  upon  had  quite  passed,  we  were  told, 
as  we  could  well  believe,  that  at  that  season,  on  account 
of  the  numerous  obstacles,  an  escort  could  not  be  sent  to 
meet  us.  We  were  then  involved  in  no  little  anxiety  as 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  283 

to  what  we  would  best  do,  since  we  had  no  means  of  cross- 
ing over  to  you. 

Meanwhile,  however,  we  learned  positively  that  the  king 
was  approaching.  Indeed,  before  he  entered  Italy  he  had 
sent  us  suppliant  messages,  offering  to  render  satisfaction, 
in  all  respects,  to  God,  St.  Peter,  and  ourselves.  He  also 
renewed  his  promise  that  he  would  be  perfectly  obedient  in 
the  matter  of  amending  his  life  if  only  he  might  win  from 
us  the  favor  of  absolution  and  of  the  apostolic  benediction. 

When,  after  many  delays  and  after  much  consultation,  we 
had,  through  all  the  envoys  who  passed  between  us,  severely 
reprimanded  him  for  his  offenses,  he  at  length  came  of  his 
own  accord,  accompanied  by  a few  followers,  with  no  hos- 
tility or  arrogance  in  his  bearing,  to  the  town  of  Canossa, 
where  we  were  tarrying.  And  there,  laying  aside  all  the 
trappings  of  royalty,  he  stood  in  wretchedness,  barefooted 
and  clad  in  woolen,  for  three  days  before  the  gate  of  the 
castle,  and  implored  with  profuse  weeping  the  aid  and  con- 
solation of  the  apostolic  mercy,  until  he  had  moved  all  who 
saw  or  heard  of  it  to  such  pity  and  depth  of  compassion 
that  they  interceded  for  him  with  many  prayers  and  tears 
and  wondered  at  the  unaccustomed  hardness  of  our  heart ; 
some  even  protested  that  we  were  displaying  not  the  serious- 
ness of  the  apostolic  displeasure  but  the  cruelty  of  tyrannical 
ferocity. 

At  last,  overcome  by  his  persistent  remorse  and  by  the 
earnest  entreaties  of  those  with  us,  we  loosed  the  chain  of 
anathema  and  received  him  into  the  favor  of  ohr  fellowship 
and  into  the  lap  of  the  holy  mother  Church,  accepting  the 
pledges  given  below. ^ We  also  obtained  a confirmation  of 
the  transaction  from  the  abbot  of  Cluny,  from  our  daughters 
Matilda^  and  the  countess  Adelaide,  and  from  such  princes, 
ecclesiastical  and  lay,  as  seemed  to  us  proper. 

1 Henry  took  an  oath  that  he  would  carry  out  the  wishes  of  the 
pope  ; this  may  be  found  in  Henderson,  Select  Documents^  pp.  387- 
388. 

2 The  countess  of  Tuscany,  to  whom  the  castle  of  Canossa  belonged. 


284 


Readings  in  European  History 


115.  Letter 
of  Greg- 
ory VII  to 
the  bishop 
of  Metz 
(March,  1081). 


Diabolical 
origin  of 
civil  rule. 


VI.  The  Pope  fully  explains  the  Natural  Supremacy 
OF  THE  Spiritual  over  the  Civil  Power 

The  following  is  one  of  the  fullest  and  most  instructive 
general  justifications  of  the  papal  supremacy  that  has 
come  down  to  us. 

Bishop  Gregory,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to  his  beloved 
brother  in  Christ,  Hermann,  Bishop  of  Metz,  greeting  and 
the  apostolic  benediction: 

It  is  doubtless  through  God’s  grace  that  thou  art  ready, 
as  we  hear,  to  endure  trials  and  dangers  in  the  defense  of 
the  truth.  . . . However,  thy  request  to  be  supported  and 
fortified  by  a letter  from  us  directed  against  those  persons 
who  are  constantly  asserting,  with  perverse  tongues,  that 
the  holy  and  apostolic  see  had  no  authority  to  excommuni- 
cate Henry  — the  scorner  of  Christian  law,  the  destroyer 
of  churches  and  of  the  empire,  the  patron  and  companion 
of  heretics  — nor  to  absolve  any  one  from  the  oath  of  fidel- 
ity to  him,  hardly  seems  necessary  to  us  when  so  many  and 
such  absolutely  decisive  warrants  are  to  be  found  in  the 
pages  of  Holy  Scriptures.  ... 

Shall  not  an  office  instituted  by  laymen  — by  those  even 
who  did  not  know  God — be  subject  to  that  office  which 
the  providence  of  God  Almighty  has  instituted  for  his  own 
honor,  and  in  compassion  given  to  the  world  ? For  his 
Son,  even  as  he  is  unquestioningly  believed  to  be  God  and 
man,  so  is  he  considered  the  chief  of  priests,  sitting  on  the 
right  hand  of  the  Father  and  always  interceding  for  us. 
Yef  he  despised  a secular  kingdom,  over  which  the  men  of 
this  world  swell  with  pride,  and  came  of  his  own  will  to 
the  priesthood  of  the  cross.  Whereas  all  know  that  kings 
and  princes  are  descendants  of  men  who  were  ignorant  of 
God,  and  who,  by  arrogance,  robbery,  perfidy,  murder,  — in  a 
word  by  almost  every  crime,  — at  the  prompting  of  the  prince 
of  this  world,  the  devil,  strove  with  blind  avarice  and  intol- 
erable presumption  to  gain  the  mastery  over  their  equals, 
that  is,  over  mankind. 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  285 

To  whom,  indeed,  can  we  better  compare  them,  when  they 
seek  to  make  the  priests  of  God  bend  to  their  feet,  than  to 
him  who  is  chief  of  all  the  sons  of  pride  and  who  tempted 
the  highest  Pontiff  himself,  the  chief  of  priests,  the  Son 
of  the  Most  High,  and  promised  to  him  all  the  kingdoms  of 
the  world,  saying,  ‘‘All  these  will  I give  thee,  if  thou  wilt 
fall  down  and  worship  me  ’’  ? 

Who  doubts  that  the  priests  of  Christ  should  be  regarded 
as  the  fathers  and  masters  of  kings  and  princes,  and  of  all 
the  faithful  ? Is  it  not  evidently  hopeless  folly  for  a son  to 
attempt  to  domineer  over  his  father,  a pupil  over  his  master, 
or  for  any  one,  by  iniquitous  exactions,  to  claim  power  over 
him  by  whom  he  himself,  as  he  acknowledges,  can  be  bound 
and  loosed  both  on  earth  and  in  heaven  ? Constantine,  the 
great  lord  of  all  kings  and  princes  throughout  nearly  the 
whole  world,  plainly  understood  this,  as  the  blessed  Gregory 
observes  in  a letter  to  the  emperor  Mauritius,  for  Constan- 
tine took  his  seat  after  all  the  bishops  in  the  holy  Council  of 
Nicaea;  he  presumed  to  issue  no  decisions  superior  to  theirs, 
but  addressed  them  as  gods,  and  declared  that  they  should 
not  be  subject  to  his  judgment,  but  that  he  was  dependent 
upon  their  will.^  . . . 

Armed  accordingly  with  such  decrees  and  authority,  many 
bishops  have  excommunicated,  in  some  cases  kings,  in  others 
emperors.  If  the  names  of  such  princes  are  asked  for,  it 
may  be  said  that  the  blessed  pope  Innocent  excommunicated 
the  emperor  Arcadius  for  consenting  to  the  expulsion  of 
St.  John  Chrysostom  from  his  see.  Likewise  another  Roman 
pontiff,  Zacharias,  deposed  a king  of  the  Franks,  not  so 
much  for  his  iniquities,  as  for  the  reason  that  he  was  not 
fitted  to  exercise  his  great  power.  And  he  substituted 
Pippin,  father  of  the  emperor  Charles  the  Great,  in  his 
place,  — releasing  all  the  Franks  from  the  oath  of  fealty 
which  they  had  sworn  to  him,  — as,  indeed,  the  holy  Church 
frequently  does,  by  its  abundant  authority,  when  it  absolves 

1 Gregory  adds  here  some  extracts  from  the  letter  of  Pope  Gelasius, 
which  is  given  above,  pp.  72-73. 


Cases  of 
churchmen 
excommuni- 
cating kings. 


286  Readings  m European  History 

servitors  from  the  fetters  of  an  oath  sworn  to  such  bishops 
as  are  deposed  by  apostolic  sentence  from  their  pontifical 
rank. 

The  blessed  Ambrose  — who,  although  a saint,  was  yet 
not  bishop  over  the  whole  Church  — excommunicated  and 
excluded  from  the  Church  the  emperor  Theodosius  the 
Great  for  a fault  which  was  not  looked  upon  as  very  grave 
by  other  priests.  He  shows,  too,  in  his  writings  that  gold 
does  not  so  far  excel  lead  in  value  as  the  priestly  dignity 
transcends  the  royal  power.  He  speaks  in  this  fashion  near 
the  beginning  of  his  pastoral  letter:  ‘‘The  honor  and  sub- 
limity of  bishops,  brethren,  is  beyond  all  comparison.  To 
compare  them  to  resplendent  kings  and  diademed  princes 
would  be  far  more  unworthy  than  to  compare  the  base  metal 
lead  to  gleaming  gold.  For  one  may  see  how  kings  and 
princes  bow  their  necks  before  the  knees  of  priests,  and 
kiss  their  right  hands  so  as  to  believe  themselves  protected 
by  their  prayers.’’  . . . 

Furthermore  every  Christian  king,  when  he  comes  to  die, 
seeks  as  a poor  suppliant  the  aid  of  a priest,  that  he  may 
escape  hell’s  prison,  may  pass  from  the  darkness  into  the 
light,  and  at  the  judgment  of  God  may  appear  absolved  from 
the  bondage  of  his  sins.  Who,  in  his  last  hour,  whether 
layman  or  priest,  has  ever  implored  the  aid  of  an  earthly 
king  for  the  salvation  of  his  soul  1 And  what  king  or  em- 
peror is  able,  by  reason  of  the  office  he  holds,  to  rescue  a 
Christian  from  the  power  of  the  devil  through  holy  baptism, 
to  number  him  among  the  sons  of  God,  and  to  fortify  him 
with  the  divine  unction  ? Who  of  them  can  by  his  own 
words  make  the  body  and  blood  of  our  Lord,  — the  greatest 
act  in  the  Christian  religion } Or  who  of  them  possesses 
the  power  of  binding  and  loosing  in  heaven  and  on  earth 
From  all  of  these  considerations  it  is  clear  how  greatly  the 
priestly  office  excels  in  power. 

Who  of  them  can  ordain  a single  clerk  in  the  holy  Church, 
much  less  depose  him  for  any  fault  ? For  in  the  ranks  of 
the  Church  a greater  power  is  needed  to  depose  than  to 
ordain.  Bishops  may  ordain  other  bishops,  but  can  by  no 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  287 


means  depose  them  without  the  authority  of  the  apostolic 
see.  Who,  therefore,  of  even  moderate  understanding,  can 
hesitate  to  give  priests  the  precedence  over  kings  ? Then, 
if  kings  are  to  be  judged  by  priests  for  their  sins,  by  whom 
should  they  be  judged  with  better  right  than  by  the  Roman 
pontiff } 

In  short,  any  good  Christian  whatsoever  might  far  more 
properly  be  considered  as  a king  than  might  a bad  prince; 
for  the  former,  seeking  the  glory  of  God,  strenuously  governs 
himself,  whereas  the  latter,  seeking  the  things  which  are  his 
own  and  not  the  things  of  God,  is  an  enemy  to  himself  and 
a tyrannical  oppressor  of  others.  Faithful  Christians  con- 
stitute the  body  of  the  true  king,  Christ ; evil  rulers,  that  of 
the  devil.  The  former  rule  themselves  in  the  hope  that 
they  will  eternally  reign  with  the  Supreme  Emperor,  but 
the  sway  of  the  latter  ends  in  their  destruction  and  eternal 
damnation  with  the  prince  of  darkness,  who  is  king  over  all 
the  sons  of  pride. 

It  is  certainly  not  strange  that  wicked  bishops  are  of  one 
mind  with  a bad  king,  whom  they  love  and  fear  for  the 
honors  which  they  have  wrongfully  obtained  from  him. 
Such  men,  simoniacally  ordaining  whom  they  please,  sell 
God  even  for  a paltry  sum.  As  even  the  elect  are  indisso- 
lubly united  with  their  Head,  so  also  the  wicked  constitute  a 
pertinacious  league  with  him  who  is  the  head  of  evil,  with 
the  special  purpose  of  resisting  the  good.  But  surely  we 
ought  not  so  much  to  inveigh  against  them  as  to  mourn  for 
them  with  tears  and  lamentations,  beseeching  God  Almighty 
to  snatch  them  from  the  snares  of  Satan  in  which  they  are 
held  captive,  and  after  their  peril  to  bring  them  at  last  to 
a knowledge  of  the  truth. 

We  refer  to  those  kings  and  emperors  who,  too  much 
elated  by  worldly  glory,  rule  not  for  God  but  for  themselves. 
Now,  since  it  belongs  to  our  office  to  admonish  and  encour- 
age every  one  as  befits  the  special  rank  or  dignity  which  he 
enjoys,  we  endeavor,  by  God^s  grace,  to  implant  in  emperors 
and  kings  and  other  princes  the  virtue  of  humility,  that  they 
may  be  able  to  allay  the  gusts  of  passion  and  the  floods  of 


Bishops 
chosen  by 
the  emperor 
naturally 
support  him 


How  kings 
should  be 
kept  in  a 
humble 
frame  of 
mind. 


288 


Readings  in  European  Hiscu. 


’j 


Kings  and 
emperors 
rarely  attain 
salvation 


Terrible 
responsi- 
bility of  the 
royal  power. 


pride. ' For  we  know  that  mundane  glory  and  worldly  cares 
usually  foster  pride,  especially  in  those  who  are  in  authority, 
and  that,  in  consequence,  they  forget  humility  and  seek  ever 
their  own  glory,  and  dominion  over  their  brethren.  Where- 
fore it  is  well  for  kings  and  emperors,  particularly  when 
they  grow  haughty  in  spirit  and  delight  in  their  own  pomp, 
to  discover  a means  by  which  they  may  be  humbled  and  be 
brought  to  realize  that  the  cause  of  their  complacency  is 
the  very  thing  that  they  should  most  fear. 

Let  them,  therefore,  diligently  consider  how  dangerous 
and  how  much  to  be  dreaded  are  the  royal  and  imperial 
offices.  For  in  them  very  few  are  saved,  and  those  who, 
through  the  mercy  of  God,  do  attain  to  salvation  are  not  so 
glorified  in  the  holy  Church  by  the  will  of  the  Holy  Spirit 
as  are  many  of  the  poor.  From  the  beginning  of  the  world 
to  this  our  own  day,  in  the  whole  extent  of  recorded  history^ 
we  do  not  find  seven  emperors  or  kings  whose  lives  were 
as  distinguished  for  piety  and  as  beautified  by  the  gift  of 
miracles  as  were  those  of  an  innumerable  multitude  who 
despised  the  world ; yet,  notwithstanding  this,  we  believe 
that  many  of  them  achieved  salvation  through  the  almighty 
God  of  mercy. 

What  emperor  or  king  was  ever  honored  by  miracles 
as  were  St.  Martin,  St.  Anthony,  and  St.  Benedict,  not  to 
mention  the  apostles  and  the  martyrs  ? What  emperor  or 
king  raised  the  dead,  cleansed  lepers,  or  gave  sight  to  the 
blind  ? Observe  how  the  holy  Church  praises  and  reveres 
the  emperor  Constantine  of  blessed  memory,  Theodosius, 
Honorius,  Charles,  and  Louis,  lovers  of  justice,  promoters 
of  Christian  religion,  defenders  of  the  churches ; yet  it  does 
not  ascribe  even  to  them  such  resplendent  and  glorious  | 
miracles.  Furthermore,  how  many  emperors  or  kings  have  i 
chapels  or  altars  dedicated  to  them  by  order  of  the  holy 
Church,  or  masses  celebrated  in  their  honor  ? 

Let  kings  and  princes  fear  lest  the  more  they  exult  in 
their  sway  over  men  in  this  life,  the  more  they  shall  be 
subjected  to  eternal  fires  ; for  of  them  it  is  written,  “ The 
mighty  shall  suffer  mightily  in  torment.^’  They  must  needs 


Conjiict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  289 

render  account  to  God  for  as  many  as  they  had  under  their 
dominion,  and  if  it  be  no  slight  task  for  any  devout  person 
in  a private  station  to  guard  his  single  soul,  how  much 
labor  devolves  upon  them  who  rule  over  many  thousands 
of  souls  ? 

Moreover  if  the  judgment  of  the  holy  Church  severely 
punishes  a sinner  for  the  slaying  of  one  man,  what  will 
become  of  them  who,  for  the  sake  of  worldly  renown,  send 
many  thousands  of  souls  to  death  ? Such  men,  though  after 
a great  slaughter  they  may  say  with  their  lips,  “ We  have 
sinned,’^  nevertheless  inwardly  rejoice  that  they  have  ex- 
tended their  so-called  fame.  They  would  not  undo  what 
they  have  done,  nor  do  they  grieve  that  they  have  sent  their 
brethren  down  to  Tartarus.  And  so  long  as  they  do  not 
repent  with  their  whole  heart,  and  refuse  to  let  go  what  they 
have  gained  or  kept  through  the  shedding  of  human  blood, 
their  repentance  fails  in  the  sight  of  God  to  bring  forth  the 
true  fruit  of  repentance. 

They  should,  therefore,  be  in  constant  apprehension  and 
should  frequently  recall  to  mind  that,  as  we  have  already 
said,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  very  few  of  the  mul- 
titude of  kings  in  the  various  realms  of  the  earth  are  known 
to  have  been  holy,  whereas  in  one  see  alone,  the  Roman,  — 
where  bishops  have  succeeded  one  another  in  an  unbroken 
line,  — almost  a hundred,  since  the  time  of  St.  Peter  the 
apostle,  are  reckoned  among  the  most  holy.  Why  is  this, 
except  that  kings  and  princes  of  the  earth,  seduced  by  vain 
glory,  prefer,  as  has  been  said,  the  things  that  are  their  own 
to  the  things  that  are  spiritual,  whereas  the  bishops  of  the 
Church,  despising  vain  glory,  prefer  to  carnal  things  the 
things  that  are  of  God } The  former  punish  promptly 
offenders  against  themselves  and  are  indifferent  to  sinners 
against  God.  The  latter  pardon  readily  those  who  sin 
against  themselves,  but  do  not  spare  those  who  are  remiss 
toward  God.  The  former,  too  much  bent  on  earthly  achieve- 
ments, think  slightingly  of  spiritual  ones  ; the  latter,  sedu- 
lously meditating  upon  heavenly  things,  despise  the  things 
of  earth. 


290 


Readings  in  European  History 


116.  A pro- 
posed plan 
to  keep  the 
clergy  out 
of  politics. 


VII.  The  Formal  Settlement  of  the  Question  of 
Investiture 

In  the  year  iiii,  during  the  negotiations  between 
Henry  V and  Pope  Paschal  II  in  regard  to  the  adjust- 
ment of  the  long-standing  controversy  over  investitures, 
the  pope  agreed  for  a moment  that  the  bishops  should 
give  up  all  the  governmental  powers  and  privileges  which 
they  clearly  owed  to  the  emperor.  The  emperor  would 
then  no  longer  have  his  old  excuse  for  meddling  in  the 
elections  of  the  prelates.  The  opposition  was  too  strong 
to  permit  so  revolutionary  a settlement  to  be  carried 
out,  but  the  document  in  which  the  plan  is  set  forth 
gives  as  clear  a statement  as  exists  of  the  situation  of 
the  mediaeval  prelate. 

Bishop  Paschal^  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  to  his  beloved 

son  Henry  and  his  successors  forever : 

It  is  forbidden  by  the  provisions  of  divine  law,  and  inter- 
dicted by  the  holy  canons,  that  priests  should  busy  them- 
selves with  secular  concerns  or  should  attend  the  public 
tribunals  except  to  rescue  the  condemned  or  bear  aid  to 
those  who  are  suffering  wrong.  Wherefore,  also,  the  apostle 
Paul  says,  “ If  ye  have  judgments  of  things  pertaining  to 
this  life,  set  them  to  judge  who  are  least  esteemed  in  the 
church.’^  Nevertheless  in  portions  of  ^^our  kingdom  bishops 
and  abbots  are  so  absorbed  in  secular  affairs  that  they  are 
obliged  regularly  to  appear  at  court  and  to  perform  military 
service,  pursuits  rarely,  if  ever,  carried  on  without  plunder, 
sacrilege,  or  arson. 

Ministers  of  the  altar  are  become  ministers  of  the  king’s 
court,  inasmuch  as  they  receive  cities,  duchies,  margravates, 
mints,  and  other  things  which  have  to  do  with  the  king’s 
service.  Hence  the  custom  has  grown  up,  intolerable  for 
the  Church,  that  bishops  should  not  receive  consecration 
until  they  have  first  been  invested  by  the  hand  of  the  king. 


Conflict  between  G7'egory  ]CII  and  Henry  IV  291 

From  this  have  sprung  the  prevalent  vices  of  simoniacal 
heresy  and  ambition,  at  times  so  strong  that  episcopal  sees 
were  filled  without  any  previous  election.  Occasionally 
investiture  has  even  taken  place  while  the  bishop  holding 
the  office  was  still  alive. 

Alarmed  by  these  and  many  other  evils  which  had  come 
about,  owing  chiefly  to  the  method  of  investiture,  our  prede- 
cessors, the  pontiffs  Gregory  VII  and  Urban  II  of  blessed 
memory,  in  the  councils  of  the  bishops  which  they  frequently 
held,  condemned  investitures  by  lay  hands,  and  decreed 
that  those  who  had  obtained  churches  in  this  manner  should 
be  deposed  and  the  donors  also  should  be  excluded  from  the 
communion,  in  accordance  with  that  chapter  of  the  Apostolic 
Canons  which  runs : If  any  bishop  do  employ  the  powers 
of  the  world  to  obtain  a church,  he  shall  be  deposed  and 
isolated,  as  well  as  all  who  communicate  with  him.^^  We 
also,  following  in  the  path  of  these  examples,  have  confirmed 
their  decision  in  an  episcopal  council. 

So,  most  beloved  son.  King  Henry,  — now  through  our 
sanction,  by  the  grace  of  God,  emperor  of  the  Romans,  — 
we  decree  that  those  royal  appurtenances  are  to  be  restored 
to  thee  and  to  thy  kingdom  which  clearly  belonged  to  that 
kingdom  in  the  time  of  Charles,  Louis,  and  of  thy  other 
predecessors.  We  forbid  and  prohibit,  under  penalty  of 
anathema,  any  bishop  or  abbot,  present  or  future,  from  in- 
truding upon  these  same  royal  appurtenances ; in  which  are 
included  the  cities,  duchies,  margravates,  counties,  mints, 
tolls,  market  rights,  manors,  rights  of  royal  bailiffs,  and 
rights  of  the  judges  of  the  courts  of  the  hundreds,  which 
manifestly  belong  to  the  king,  together  with  what  pertains 
to  them,  the  military  posts  and  camps  of  the  kingdom.  Nor 
shall  they  henceforth,  unless  by  favor  of  the  king,  have  aught 
to  do  with  these  royal  appurtenances.  Neither  shall  it  be 
allowable  for  our  successors,  who  shall  follow  us  in  the  apos- 
tolic chair,  to  disturb  thee  or  thy  kingdom  in  this  matter.  . 

In  addition  we  decree  that  the  churches,  with  their  offer- 
ings and  hereditary  possessions  which  plainly  do  not  belong 
to  the  kingdom,  shall  remain  free  ; as  on  the  day  of  thy 


292 


Readings  in  European  History 


117.  Con- 
cordat of 
Worms 
(September 
23,  1122). 
{d)  The 
pope’s 
agreement. 


{b)  Edict  of 
Henry  V. 


coronation,  before  the  whole  church,  thou  didst  promise 
they  should  be.  It  is  right  that  the  bishops,  freed  from 
secular  cares,  should  take  charge  of  their  people  and  no 
longer  be  absent  from  their  churches  ; for,  as  the  apostle 
Paul  says,  let  them  watch,  as  men  about  to  render  an  account 
for  the  souls  of  the  people. 

The  final  compromise  between  the  emperor  and 
pope  in  regard  to  investitures,  called  the  Concordat 
of  Worms,'’  reads  as  follows  : 

I,  Bishop  Calixtus,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  do 
grant  to  thee,  beloved  son  Henry,  by  the  grace  of  God 
emperor  august  of  the  Romans,  permission  to  hold  the  elec- 
tions of  the  bishops  and  abbots  of  the  German  realm  who 
belong  to  the  kingdom,  in  thy  presence,  without  simony  or 
show  of  violence ; with  the  understanding  that,  should  any 
discord  arise  among  those  concerned,  thou,  by  the  counsel 
and  judgment  of  the  metropolitan  and  the  suffragan  bishops, 
shalt  give  support  and  aid  to  the  party  which  appears  to 
have  the  better  case.  Moreover  the  one  elected  may  receive 
the  regalia  from  thee  through  the  scepter,  subject  to  no  exac- 
tions; and  he  shall  perform  his  lawful  duties  to  thee  for  them. 

He  who  is  consecrated  in  other  parts  of  the  empire  [i.e. 
in  Burgundy  or  Italy]  shall,  within  six  months  and  subject 
to  no  exactions,  receive  the  regalia  from  thee  through  the 
scepter,  and  shall  perform  his  lawful  duties  for  them,  saving 
all  rights  which  are  known  to  pertain  to  the  Roman  Church. 
In  whatever  cases  thou  shalt  make  complaint  to  me  and  ask 
my  help,  I,  as  my  office  requires,  will  furnish  thee  aid. 
I grant,  moreover,  to  thee,  and  to  all  those  who  are  or  have 
been  of  thy  party  during  this  conflict,  a true  peace. 

In  the  name  of  the  holy  and  indivisible  Trinity,  I,  Henry, 
by  the  grace  of  God  emperor  august  of  the  Romans,  for  the 
love  of  God  and  of  the  holy  Roman  Church  and  of  our  lord. 
Pope  Calixtus,  and  for  the  cleansing  of  my  soul,  do  surrender 
to  God  and  to  the  holy  apostles  of  God,  Peter  and  Paul,  and 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  293 

to  the  holy  Catholic  Church,  all  investiture  through  the  ring 
and  the  staff ; and  do  agree  that  in  all  churches  throughout 
my  kingdom  and  empire  there  shall  be  canonical  elections 
and  free  consecration. 

All  the  property  and  regalia  of  St.  Peter  which  have  been 
seized  upon  from  the  beginning  of  this  conflict  until  this 
day  and  which  I now  hold  I restore  to  that  same  holy  Roman 
Church  ; and  will  faithfully  aid  in  the  restoration  of  that 
which  is  not  in  my  own  hands.  The  goods  also  of  all  other 
churches  and  princes  and  of  every  one,  whether  lay  or  eccle- 
siastical, which  have  been  lost  in  the  struggle,  I will  restore, 
as  far  as  I hold  them,  according  to  the  counsel  of  the  princes 
and  the  behests  of  justice.  I will  also  faithfully  promote 
the  restoration  of  that  which  I do  not  hold. 

And  I grant  a true  peace  to  our  master.  Pope  Calixtus, 
and  to  the  holy  Roman  Church,  and  to  all  those  who  are  or 
have  been  on  its  side.  In  matters  where  the  holy  Roman 
Church  shall  seek  assistance,  I will  faithfully  render  it,  and 
whensoever  it  shall  appeal  to  me  I will  see  that  justice  is 
done. 

All  this  has  been  done  by  the  consent  and  counsel  of  the 
princes,  whose  names  are  here  added  : Adalbert,  archbishop 
of  Mayence  ; F.,  archbishop  of  Cologne;  H., bishop  of  Ratis- 
bon;  O.,  bishop  of  Bamberg;  B.,  bishop  of  Speyer;  H.,  of 
Augsburg;  G.,  of  Utrecht;  Ou.,  of  Constance;  E.,  abbot  of 
Fulda ; Henry,  duke  ; Frederick,  duke ; S.,  duke ; Bertolf, 
duke;  Margrave  Teipold;  Margrave  Engelbert;  Godfrey, 
count  palatine  ; Otto,  count  palatine  ; Berengar,  count. 

I,  Frederick,  archbishop  of  Cologne  and  archchancellor, 
have  ratified  this. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Outline:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  286-300;  Bryce,  a.  Refer- 
Chapter  X,  pp.  153-166;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany^  ences. 

PP-  58-75- 

Gregory's  Character  and  Views:  Emerton,  pp.  239-246;  Tout, 
pp.  1 24-1 27. 

Gregory’s  Letter  to  William  the  Conqueror  : Colby,  pp.  36-38. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Sources. 


294  Readings  in  European  History 

Minority  of  Henry  IV : Emerton,  pp.  232-239 ; Henderson,  Ger- 
many in  the  Middle  Ages.,  pp.  183-189  ; Tout,  pp.  1 20-1 24. 

The  Struggle  between  Pope  and  Emperor:  Emerton,  pp.  246- 
259;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  189-210;  Tout, 
pp.  127-136. 

Henry  IV^s  Last  Years : Emerton,  pp.  260-266 ; Henderson, 
Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  211-217  ; Tout,  pp.  136-141. 

Henry  V : Emerton,  pp.  266-269  ; Henderson,  Germany  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  pp.  217-227  ; Tout,  pp.  141-150. 


Montalembert,  Mo7iks  of  the  West,  Vols.  V and  VII. 

Stephens,  Hildebrand  and  his  Times.  (Epochs  of  Church  History 
Series.) 

Gregorovius,  Vol.  IV,  Book  VII,  Chapters  IV-VII ; Book  VIII, 
Chapters  I-II. 

Milman,  Vol.  Ill,  Book  VII,  Chapters  I-V ; Vol.  IV,  Book  VIII, 
Chapters  I-III. 

Henderson,  Select  Docume^tts.  Contains  some  documents  not  in- 
cluded in  the  present  chapter. 

Mathews,  Select  Medi(^val  Documents,  pp.  35-68.  Examples  of 
the  documents  in  the  original  Latin. 

See  also  references  to  Fisher,  Greenwood,  Bollinger,  under  sec- 
tion B in  Chapter  XII,  above. 


Meyer  von  Knonau,  Heimnch  IV,  Vols.  I-III,  1890-1900.  This 
comes  down  to  1084  belongs  to  the  series  of  the  Jahrbiicher  der 
deutschen  Geschichte  (see  above,  p.  261). 

Mirbt,  Die  Publizistik  im  Zeitalter  Gregors  VII,  Leipzig,  1894. 
An  account  of  the  abundant  political  discussions  of  the  time. 

Martens,  Gregor  VII,  sein  Leben  und  Wirken,  2 vols.,  Leipzig, 
1894. 

Delarc,  Saint  Gregoire  VII  et  la  Reforme  de  V Eglise  au  XT  siecle, 
3 vols.,  Paris,  1889. 

See  also  the  works  of  Richter,  Lamprecht,  Hauck,  Desdner, 
and  Langen,  referred  to  above,  pp.  262  and  264  sq. 

Among  the  sources  for  this  period  are  the  continuation  of  the  Chron- 
icle of  Hermann  of  Reichenau  and,  above  all,  the  polished  writer 
Lambert  of  Hersfeld  (see  above,  p.  264). 

Ekkehard  of  Aurach,  Universal  Chronicle  (see  above,  pp.  2(^6 sqqf 


Conflict  between  Gregory  VII  and  Henry  IV  295 

] PCF¥t.y  Bibliotheca  rerum  Germanicarum^  Vol.  11.  Contains  the  letters 
of  Gregory  VII.  There  are  several  lives  of  Gregory  VII  (see  Potthast, 
pp.  1350  sqql).  Among  these  the  most  important  is  perhaps  Vita  Hein- 
rici  IV  imperatoris.  (Octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta,  and  Geschicht- 
schreiber^  Vol.  L.) 

Libelli  de  lite  imperatorum  et  pontificum  saeculis  XI  et  XII  conscripti^ 
3 vols.,  1891  sqq.  Published  in  the  Monumenta^  and  contains  the  pam- 
phlets and  treatises  which  were  called  forth  by  the  troubles  between 
pope  and  emperor. 


CHAPTER  XIV 


118.  How 
the  people 
of  Cologne 
fought 
Emperor 
Henry  V in 
1 1 14.  (From 
the  Annals 
of  Cologne.) 


THE  HOHENSTAUFEN  EMPERORS  AND  THE  POPES 

I.  The  German  Cities  begin  to  take  a Hand  in 
Politics 

The  German  towns  first  become  conspicuous  in  politi- 
cal affairs  in  the  twelfth  century.  We  find  them  par- 
ticipating in  the  struggles  of  the  time,  fighting  their 
bishops  or  neighboring  lords,  or  even  the  emperor  him- 
self. They  begin  also  to  have  their  own  annals,  in  which 
the  local  events  are  given  a prominent  place. 

No  German  town  was  more  important  than  Cologne, 
with  its  great  commerce  and  its  influential  archbishop. 
The  following  passages  from  The  Greater  Annals  of 
Cologne,  the  first  part  of  which  was  probably  written 
in  the  form  in  which  we  have  it  about  ii/S,  give  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  pride  of  the  burghers  and  their 
dubious  relations  with  the  emperor. 

Remembering  his  dislike  for  the  people  of  Cologne,  the 
emperor  got  together  a great  army  of  Alemannians  and  Bava- 
rians and  of  Saxons,  under  their  duke  Lothaire,  with  the 
purpose  of  reducing  to  shame  and  insignificance  this  most 
flourishing  among  the  cities  of  France  and  Germany.  He 
first  attempted  to  take  and  destroy  the  fortified  town  of 
Deutz,  so  that  by  stationing  a garrison  at  this  point  he 
could  cut  off  the  people  of  Cologne  from  receiving  any- 
thing by  water.  As  soon  as  the  people  of  Cologne  heard 
of  this,  they  called  together  under  their  standard  great 
numbers  of  their  most  valiant  young  men,  crossed  the 

296 


The  Hohe?istanfefi  Emperors  and  the  Popes  297 

Rhine  with  a strong  force  of  bowmen,  and,  drawing  them- 
selves up  in  battle  array,  awaited  the  attack  of  the  emperor 
with  stout  hearts.  When  the  emperor  observed  their 
bravery  he  took  counsel  with  his  followers  and  determined 
to  draw  out  the  battle  until  evening,  when  the  enemy,  sup- 
posing his  troops  to  be  worn  out,  would  begin  to  withdraw 
and  so  be  the  more  easily  overcome. 

In  the  meanwhile  the  cavaliers  of  both  sides  had  a free 
field  and  rode  against  one  another  as  if  they  were  taking 
part  in  a spectacle ; but  when  a great  cloud  of  arrows 
came  showering  in  from  the  side  of  the  Cologne  people  the 
knights  of  the  enemy  fell  dead  or  wounded.  There  was  in 
the  emperor’s  army  a corps  whose  armor  was  made  of  horn 
and  so  could  not  be  pierced  by  iron.  When  these  removed 
their  armor,  however,  in  order  to  get  a little  air,  for  it  was 
very  hot,  they  were  immediately  covered  with  arrows,  and 
all  but  six  fell  on  the  spot. 

When  the  emperor  saw  that  the  enemy  did  not  give  way 
but  steadily  held  its  own,  he  decided  that  he  would  yield 
the  field,  since  the  position  proved  ill  chosen,  and  accord- 
ingly retreated  that  night  behind  the  Wagenburg.  The  next 
day  he  directed  his  army  against  Bonn  and  Jiilich,  two  forti- 
fied places  belonging  to  Cologne,  and  plundered  and  burned 
everything  within  reach. 

On  his  return.  Archbishop  Frederick,  Duke  Gottfried  of 
Lorraine,  Henry  of  Zutphen,  and  Count  Theodoric  of  Are 
intercepted  him  with  great  bravery,  but  in  vain,  for  some  of 
the  most  distinguished  on  their  side  — Count  Gerhard  of 
Jiilich  and  Lambert  of  Mulenarke  — were  taken  prisoners,, 
and  Eberhard  of  Gandernol,  a valorous  man,  was  killed.  But 
when  Count  Frederick  of  Westphalia  and  his  brother  Henry 
came  up  with  heavy  reenforcements  the  emperor  was  forced 
to  give  way  and  barely  escaped  the  pursuing  enemy  by 
flight. 

For  the  third  time  the  combatants  met  in  a great  engage- 
ment on  the  plain  of  Andernach,  nine  miles  from  Cologne, 
and  here  the  people  of  Cologne  won  the  victory,  as  is  their 
wont.  The  emperor  had  under  his  standard  a very  strong 


2g8  Readings  hi  Eiii^opean  History 

force,  footmen  as  well  as  cavalry,  made  up  of  Saxons,  Fram 
conians,  Alemannians,  and  Bavarians,  as  well  as  valorous 
knights  from  Burgundy.  He  appeared  before  Andernach 
with  this  mighty  host,  but  proposed  to  light  the  battle  with 
the  help  of  his  dukes,  for  he  himself  took  no  part,  but 
awaited  the  outcome  of  the  conflict  at  a little  distance. 

Then  appeared  the  ranks  of  Cologne  in  battle  array,  far 
fewer  in  number  but  nowise  inferior  in  bravery,  under  the 
leadership  of  their  duke  and  archbishop,  Frederick,  and  of 
the  former  Duke  Henry  of  Lorraine,  Count  Theodoric  of 
Are,  Count  Henry  of  Kessel,  and  others  equally  valorous 
and  well  versed  in  war.  In  the  first  onset  Duke  Henry, 
with  a small  detachment,  rushed  upon  a far  superior  mass 
of  the  enemy,  but  was  forced  to  retreat  to  his  camp. 

Then  amid  a frightful  din  of  trumpets  both  armies,  eager 
for  the  conflict,  set  upon  each  other,  and  for  a long  time 
the  struggle  remained  undecided.  At  last  the  chosen  youth 
of  Cologne,  in  a wild  rage,  resolved  either  to  conquer  or  die, 
and  began  to  slash  about  them  with  fearful  effect,  so  that 
the  enemy  was  compelled  to  flee.  Then  Count  Theodoric, 
a brave  knight  to  whom  the  victory  was  chiefly  due,  since  he 
had  pressed  forward  with  his  followers  against  the  enemy 
like  a lion,  began  a fearful  slaughter  on  all  sides. 

Many  free  men  of  knightly  rank  were  killed  or  taken  pris- 
oners. Duke  Bertolf  of  Carinthia,  a faithful  adherent  of  the 
emperor,  was  captured  and  taken  in  charge  by  Count  The- 
odoric himself.  None  of  the  leaders  on  the  side  of  Cologne 
were  either  killed  or  captured  except  Count  Henry  of  Kessel, 
an  excellent  man,  who,  through  the  turpitude  of  his  follow- 
ers, fell  under  the  horses’  hoofs  and  perished.  He  was  hon- 
orably buried  in  Cologne  near  the  cathedral  of  St.  Peter. 

In  describing  the  events  of  the  year  1 187,  toward  the 
end  of  the  reign  of  PVederick  Barbarossa,  The  Greater 
Annals  of  Cologne  report  another  incident  which  serves 
to  indicate  that  no  great  degree  of  mutual  confidence 
existed  as  yet  between  the  city  and  the  emperor. 


2' he  Hohenstaiifen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  299 


In  the  bishopric  of  Cologne  there  was  fearful  apprehension. 
The  rumor  had  spread  that  the  emperor  wished  to  lead  an 
army  through  the  territory  of  Cologne,  ostensibly  to  aid  the 
French  king,  but  really  with  the  purpose  of  surrounding 
and  laying  siege  to  the  city.  He  had  already  constructed  a 
bridge  of  boats  and  planks  over  the  Moselle  in  order  that 
his  troops  might  cross.  Excited  by  this,  the  townspeople  put 
the  moat  in  order  and  set  to  work  to  construct  new  gates. 
The  archbishop  supplied  his  people  with  guards  and  provi- 
sions and  saw  to  the  walls  and  moats  of  his  various  towns. 

Now  the  archbishop  was  not  on  especially  good  terms 
with  the  emperor,  since  he  seemed  rather  to  incline  to  the 
side  of  the  pope,  who  was  hostile  to  the  imperial  party;  and 
it  was  this  suspicion  of  the  emperor^s  disfavor  that  led  the 
people  to  accept  his  rumored  plans  as  true.  Nevertheless 
it  is  clear  that  the  emperor  was  not  at  this  time  planning 
to  attack  Cologne,  and  consequently  he  was  much  irritated 
when  he  learned  of  the  excitement  and  preparations. 

On  the  day  of  the  Assumption  he  held  a diet  at  Worms 
and  complained,  in  the  presence  of  the  princes,  of  the  con- 
duct of  the  archbishop  of  Cologne  and  the  people  of  that 
city,  who  had  dared  to  bar  his  way  through  a part  of  his 
realm  and  had  circulated  such  a shameful  rumor  about  him 
throughout  the  Roman  Empire.  In  consequence  of  this  he 
had  caused  the  Rhine  to  be  blocked  since  the  festival  of 
St.  James,  so  that  the  people  of  Cologne  could  not  procure 
the  grain  and  wine  which  usually  reached  them  by  river. 

At  this  time  a mighty  feud  prevailed  between  Bishop 
Baldwin  of  Utrecht  and  Count  Otto  of  Geldern  over  Veluwe. 
Fire  and  murder  raged^  and  it  was  said  that  all  this  happened 
with  the  approbation  of  the  emperor,  for  during  the  feud 
neither  of  the  parties  engaged  could  bear  aid  to  the  people 
of  Cologne,  nor  could  any  ships  pass  up  the  river. 


Rumor  in 
Cologne  that 
Frederick 
Barbarossa 
was  about 
to  attack 
the  city. 


The  excellent  annals  of  Liege  throw  much  light  on 
the  troubles  which  were  constantly  arising  between  the 
townspeople  and  their  bishop  or  the  neighboring  secular 


119.  Situa- 
tion of  the 
towns  in 
the  Nether- 
lands. 
(From 
Reiner’s 
Annals  of 
St.  Janies  in 
Liege, 

1203.) 


300  Readings  in  European  History 

lords,  commonly  over  matters  of  feudal  dues  and  feudal 
dependence. 

In  this  year  [1203]  the  burghers  of  Huy  rose  against 
their  bishop  [of  Liege]  on  account  of  a certain  due  which 
he  had  claimed  in  an  unjust  manner.  They  took  possession 
of  the  apparatus  for  carrying  on  a siege,  which  was  coming 
by  ship  from  Namur.  The  vessel  they  dragged  overland  to 
the  market  place ; they  barricaded  the  entrance  and  exit  to 
the  burg.  But  soon  they  repented  and  all  betook  themselves 
to  Liege,  where  they  rendered  satisfaction  barefooted  to  the 
bishop  in  the  presence  of  the  clergy  and  people. 

A bitter  feud  broke  out  between  Duke  Henry  of  Louvain 
and  Count  Louis  of  Los  over  a certain  due  paid  by  the  town 
of  St.  Trond.  This  town  belonged  to  the  bishop  of  Metz ; 
he  had  taken  it  from  the  count  of  Los  and  given  it  to  the 
duke.  But  the  people  of  St.  Trond  rose  in  opposition  and 
would  not  yield  to  the  duke.  Now  Count  Louis  of  Los 
proceeded  to  grant  all  his  towns,  namely,  Montenaken, 
Brusthem,  Hallut,  and  all  the  land  he  controlled,  to  [the 
church  of]  St.  Lambert.  He  offered  all  these  at  the  altar 
of  the  church  as  a legal  gift  before  clergy  and  people,  and 
in  the  presence  of  the  bishop,  Duke  Henry  of  Ardennerland 
and  Count  Henry  of  Moha.  He  then  received  the  lands 
again  from  the  hand  of  the  bishop  as  a fief.  The  bishop 
took  possession  on  St.  John’s  day  of  the  aforementioned 
towns  and  the  lands. 

As  the  harvest  approached  the  duke  [of  Louvain]  sum- 
moned his  forces  and  proposed  to  lay  siege  to  the  town  of 
St.  Trond.  He  set  up  his  tent  in  the  village  of  Landen  and 
remained  a week  there,  destroyed  the  crops  in  the  region  in 
a manner  hard  to  believe,  and  assembled  a great  number  of 
soldiers.  The  count  of  Los,  however,  went  to  the  bishop, 
whose  man  he  had  lately  become,  and  asked  his  help.  He  also 
got  together  from  his  own  lands  and  elsewhere  heavy  reen- 
forcements. The  bishop  ordered  his  dependents — knights, 
burghers,  and  those  of  his  household  — to  defend  him,  and 
ordered  the  count  to  be  at  a village  called  Waremme  on  a 


The  Hohenstaitfen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  301 


certain  day.  They  all  came  together  accordingly  and  took 
their  station  in  the  said  village.  There  they  awaited  the 
outcome,  hoping  rather  for  war  than  peace.  In  the  mean- 
time negotiations  were  carried  on  for  a week  at  a place 
between  Montenaken  and  Landen,  but  in  spite  of  the  inter- 
vention of  the  clergy,  who  tried  to  bring  about  an  adjust- 
ment, no  peaceful  settlement  could  be  reached.  At  last 
the  count  of  Namur  intervened  and  effected  an  armistice, 
which  the  others  had  been  unable  to  arrange. 

[During  the  succeeding  years  there  was  no  end  of  dis- 
order, due  mainly  to  feudal  complications.  Finally,  in  1212,] 
on  the  I St  of  May  the  burghers  of  Liege  sallied  forth  to 
fight  Duke  Henry  of  Brabant.  But  the  next  day  they 
returned  in  disorder  and  fright.  The  third  day  the  town 
was  invested  and  immediately  taken  and  pillaged.  On  the 
fourth  and  fifth  days  the  enemy  robbed  the  people  of  all 
their  gold,  silver,  and  everything  in  the  way  of  valuables-; 
women  and  girls  were  carried  off  to  the  enemy’s  camp 
and  many  burghers  taken  prisoners.  On  the  sixth  day  the 
burghers  who  were  left  concluded  a peace,  but  a miserable 
one  ; on  the  seventh  day  the  army  withdrew  from  Liege ; on 
the  eighth  it  laid  siege  to  Musal,  but  did  not  take  the  town. 
Waleffe,  on  the  contrary,  was  turned  over  deserted  to  the 
duke.  A week  after  Ascension  day  the  army  of  the  duke  re- 
turned home.  The  count  of  Namur  demanded  some  security 
that  the  duke  would  keep  the  peace,  for  he  feared  the  duke’s 
power.  The  bishop  kept  in  hiding  with  a few  followers. 

The  next  year,  however,  fortune  favored  the  people 
of  Liege,  who  under  their  bishop  gained  a glorious  vic- 
tory over  the  duke  of  Brabant  and  his  army.  After 
a very  full  account  of  the  affair,  our  chronicler  closes 
his  report  of  the  year  with  peaceful  news  of  progress. 

This  account  of  the  year  must  come  to  an  end.  But  I 
will  first  tell  of  three  useful  products  which  we  have  discov- 
ered and  which  are  well  worth  mentioning.  ’ I mean  the 
marl,  which  is  good  for  enriching  the  soil ; the  black  earth, 


New  troubles 
in  1212. 
Liege  is 
taken  and 
plundered. 


Reference 
to  coal. 


302 


Readings  hi  European  History 


120.  Em- 
peror 

Frederick’s 
letter  to 
Otto  of 
Freising 
(1157)* 


which  is  much  like  charcoal  and  is  very  useful  to  smiths 
and  other  workers  as  well  as  to  the  poor  people  for  making 
fires  ; lastly,  lead,  which  has  been  found  in  several  places 
near  us. 

II.  Otto  of  Freising’s  Account  of  the  Italian  Cities 

Otto,  bishop  of  Freising  and  uncle  of  Frederick 
Barbarossa,  may  be  safely  assigned  the  highest  rank 
among  the  historians  of  the  twelfth  century.  In  writing 
his  great  Chronicle,  or  History  of  the  World,  he  doubt- 
less allowed  himself  to  be  too  much  influenced  by 
Augustine’s  City  of  God  and  by  the  gloomy  theory  of 
Augustine’s  pupil  Orosius,^  who  set  out  to  discover  all 
the  evil  he  could  in  the  past ; but  Otto  nevertheless  ex- 
hibits a good  deal  of  critical  ability  at  times  and  shows 
really  remarkable  philosophical  insight  in  some  of  his 
reflections.  It  would  tax  the  skill  of  a modern  historian 
better  to  state  the  conditions  in  Italy  at  the  advent  of 
Frederick  Barbarossa  than  does  Otto  in  the  passage 
given  below.  This  is  taken  from  his  Deeds  of  Frederick, 
which  he  undertook  after  the  completion  of  his  Chronicle ; 
but  he  lived  only  long  enough  to  present  the  first  four 
years  of  his  nephew’s  reign.  In  response  to  a request 
which  he  sent  to  the  emperor  for  information  in  regard 
to  his  career,  he  received  a letter  which  opens  as  follows  : 

Frederick,  by  the  grace  of  God  Emperor  of  the  Romans  and 

at  all  times  Augmenter  of  the  realm,  to  his  well-beloved 

Uncle  Otto,  with  his  favor  and  best  wishes: 

The  Chronicle  which  you  have  affectionately  sent  to  us 
and  which  your  Wisdom  has  compiled,  or  rather  brought  out 
of  dark  oblivion  into  luminous  harmony,  we  have  received 


1 See  above,  p.  58. 


The  Hohenstatifen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  303 


with  extraordinary  pleasure  : we  hope  after  the  fatigues  of 
war  to  refresh  ourselves  with  it  from  time  to  time,  and 
by  means  of  the  noble  deeds  of  the  emperors  rouse  our- 
selves to  similar  acts  of  virtue. 

As  to  what  we  have  done  since  the  opening  of  our  reign, 
that  we  would  gladly  state  briefly  for  your  information  were 
it  not  that  in  comparison  with  the  deeds  of  earlier  times 
wrought  by  the  famous  men  of  the  past,  ours  seem  but 
shadows  of  deeds.  But  since  we  are  aware  that  your  re- 
markable ability  enables  you  to  exalt  humble  things  and  to 
write  much  about  unimportant  matters,  we  consent  to  nar- 
rate in  a few  words  the  little  that  we  have  done  in  the 
Roman  Empire  during  a period  of  five  years.  In  so  doing 
we  rely  more  upon  your  flattering  presentation  than  upon 
any  merit  of  our  own.^  . . . 

The  extraordinary  account  of  the  Italian  cities  as  they 
existed  in  the  middle  of  the  twelfth  century,  which  Otto 
of  Freising  gives,  shows  that  they  already  exhibited 
many  of  the  traits  which  distinguished  them  in  later 
centuries.  Of  their  bad  habits  none  is  more  striking 
than  their  readiness  to  call  in  foreigners  to  aid  them  in 
settling  their  perpetual  broils..  Milan,  it  will  be  noted, 
had  already  begun  the  career  of  conquest,  which  was  later 
to  make  her  one  of  the  most  important  states  of  Italy. 

[The  Lombards  after  their  arrival  in  Italy]  gradually  laid 
aside  their  fierce  barbarian  customs  and  intermarried  with 
the  natives.  Thus  their  children  have  derived  from  the 
mothers^  race,  and  from  the  character  of  the  country  and  the 
climate,  something  of  Roman  culture  and  civilization,  and 
retain  the  elegance  and  refinement  of  Latin  speech  and 
manner. 

In  the  government  of  the  cities  and  in  the  management 
of  civil  affairs  they  also  imitate  the  skill  of  the  ancient 

^ Then  follows  the  emperor’s  dry  summary,  in  four  or  five  pa^es,  of 
the  previous  five  years. 


121.  The 
towns  of 
Lombardy. 
(From 
Otto  of 
Freising’s 
Deeds  of 
Frederick.) 

Democratic 

institutions. 


304 


Readings  in  European  History 


Reasons  for 
the  wealth 
and  inde- 
pendence of 
the  Lombard 
towns. 


Attitude  of 
the  towns 
toward  their 
emperor. 


Romans.  Furthermore  they  love  liberty  so  well  that,  to 
guard  against  the  abuse  of  power,  they  choose  to  be  ruled 
by  the  authority  of  consuls  rather  than  by  princes.  They 
are  divided  into  three  classes,  namely,  captains,’^  vavasors, 
and  the  people.  To  prevent  the  growth  of  class  pride,  the 
consuls  are  chosen  from  each  class  in  turn,  and,  for  fear  that 
they  may  yield  to  the  lust  of  power,  they  are  changed  nearly 
every  year. 

It  has  come  to  pass  that  almost  the  whole  country  belongs 
to  the  cities,  each  of  which  forces  the  inhabitants  of  her 
territory  to  submit  to  her  sway.  One  can  hardly  find,  within 
a wide  circuit,  a man  of  rank  or  importance  who  does  not 
recognize  the  authority  of  his  city.  ...  In  order  that  there 
shall  be  no  lack  of  forces  for  tyrannizing  over  their  neigh- 
bors, the  cities  stoop  to  bestow  the  sword-belt  and  honorable 
rank  upon  youths  of  inferior  station,  or  even  upon  laborers 
in  despised  and  mechanical  trades,  who,  among  other  peoples, 
are  shunned  like  the  pest  by  those  who  follow  the  higher 
pursuits.  To  this  practice  it  is  due  that  they  surpass  all 
other  cities  of  the  world  in  riches  and  power;  and  the  long- 
continued  absence  of  their  ruler  across  the  Alps  has  further 
contributed  to  their  independence. 

In  one  respect  they  are  unmindful  of  their  ancient  nobil- 
ity and  betray  their  barbarian  origin;  for,  although  they 
boast  of  living  under  law,  they  do  not  obey  the  law.  They 
rarely  or  never  receive  their  ruler  submissively,  although  it  is 
their  duty  to  show  him  willing  and  respectful  obedience. 
They  do  not  obey  the  decrees  that  he  issues  by  virtue  of  his 
legal  powers,  unless  they  are  made  to  feel  his  authority  by 
the  presence  of  his  great  army.  Although,  in  a civilized 
state,  the  citizens  should  submit  to  law,  and  only  an  enemy 
should  be  coerced  by  force,  yet  they  often  greet  with  hostil- 
ity him  whom  they  ought  to  receive  as  their  own  gracious 
prince,  when  he  comes  to  demand  his  own. 

This  situation  brings  double  evil  on  the  state.  The  prince’s 
attention  is  occupied  with  gathering  together  an  army  to 
subdue  the  townsmen,  and  the  citizens,  though  forced  to 
obey  the  prince,  waste  their  resources  in  the  struggle.  The 


The  Hohenstaitfen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  305 


fault,  in  such  a case,  lies  wholly  in  the  insolence  of  the 
people;  the  prince,  who  has  acted  under  necessity,  should 
be  absolved  before  God  and  man. 

Among  all  these  cities  Milan  has  become  the  leading  one. 
...  It  must  be  regarded  as  more  powerful  than  any  of  the 
others,  in  the  first  place,  on  account  of  its  size  and  its  multi- 
tude of  brave  men,  and,  secondly,  because  it  has  brought 
the  two  neighboring  cities  of  Como  and  Lodi  under  its  sway. 
Led  on  by  Fortune’s  smiles,  as  is  the  way  of  this  fleeting 
world,  Milan  has  become  so  puffed  up  with  pride  that  she 
has  dared  not  only  to  incur  the  enmity  of  all  her  neighbors, 
but,  fearing  not  even  the  majesty  of  the  emperor  himself, 
she  has  recently  courted  his  anger.  How  this  came  about 
I shall  presently  relate.  But  first  I wish  to  say  something 
of  the  prerogatives  of  the  empire. 

There  is  an  ancient  custom,  which  has  existed  ever  since 
the  Roman  power  devolved  upon  the  Franks  and  which  has 
been  preserved  until  our  own  times,  that  when  the  kings  wish 
to  visit  Italy  they  should  send  officials  of  their  household 
ahead  to  go  through  the  various  cities  and  towns  and  demand 
what  is  due  to  the  royal  treasury,  called  by  the  inhabitants 
fodrum.  The  usual  result  is  that  when  the  ruler  himself 
arrives,  most  of  those  cities,  towns,  and  castles  which  have 
ventured  either  to  refuse  to  pay  the  tax  altogether,  or  have 
paid  it  only  in  part,  are  razed  to  the  ground  as  a warning  to 
posterity. 

Another  right  which  is  said  to  be  derived  from  ancient 
custom  is  that  when  the  emperor  enters  Italy  all  magistracies 
and  offices  are  suspended  and  all  things  are  regulated  accord- 
ing to  his  will  and  the  decisions  of  men  skilled  in  the  law. 
Even  the  Italian  judges  are  said  to  recognize  his  supreme 
jurisdiction,  to  the  extent  of  assigning  to  him  for  his  own  use 
and  that  of  his  army  all  that  he  needs  of  whatsoever  the  land 
produces,  scarcely  excepting  the  oxen  and  seed  necessary  for 
the  cultivation  of  the  land. 

The  emperor  camped  for  five  days,  it  is  said,  on  the  plain 
of  Roncaglia  and  held  an  assembly  there,  to  which  came 
princes,  consuls,  and  notables  from  all  the  cities.  Many 


Greatness  of 
Milan. 


Collection 
of  the 
fodrum. 


The  em- 
peror’s 
rights. 


3o6 


Readings  in  Etiropean  History 


The  em- 
peror holds 
an  assembly 
in  the  plain 
of  Roncaglia 
(December, 
1154). 


Frederick’s 
ire  aroused 
against 
Milan. 


matters  came  up  for  discussion  in  consequence  of  the  com* 
plaints  that  were  made  from  this  quarter  and  from  that. 
The  bishop  of  Asti  and  William,  marquis  of  Monteferrat,  — a 
noble  and  great  man  and  almost  the  only  baron  in  Italy  that 
has  kept  himself  independent  of  the  cities,  — both  made 
grave  complaints  of  the  insolence  of  the  people  of  Asti,  and 
the  marquis  complained  also  of  the  people  of  Chieri. 

The  consuls  from  Como  and  Lodi  also  gave  accounts  cal- 
culated to  draw  tears  of  their  long-endured  sufferings  under 
Milan’s  oppression,  and  this  in  the  presence  of  the  consuls 
from  Milan,  Obert  de  Orto  and  Gerard  Niger.  The  emperor, 
who  wished  to  visit  the  region  of  northern  Italy  and  look 
into  these  matters,  kept  these  two  consuls  with  him  to  con- 
duct him  through  the  Milanese  territory  and  help  in  the 
choice  of  convenient  places  to  camp.  There  came  also  to 
this  assembly  ambassadors  from  the  Genoese,  who  had 
recently  returned  laden  with  ^e  spoils  of  the  Saracens 
from  Spain,  where  they  had  conquered  the  well-known  cities 
of  Almeria  and  Lisbon,  famed  for  the  manufacture  of  silk 
stuffs.  They  brought  to  the  emperor  lions,  ostriches,  par- 
rots, and  other  valuable  gifts. 

Frederick,  wishing,  as  we  have  said,  to  see  something  of 
northern  Italy,  led  his  troops  forth  from  Roncaglia  and  set 
up  his  camp  in  the  territory  of  Milan.  The  Milanese  con- 
suls aforementioned  led  him  about,  however,  through  arid 
regions  where  provisions  were  neither  to  be  found  nor  pro- 
cured at  any  price,  and  the  emperor  was  thereby  so  angered 
that  he  determined  to  turn  his  arms  against  Milan,  first 
ordering  the  consuls  to  return  home.  The  whole  army,  dis- 
tressed by  great  floods  of  rain,  was  so  exasperated  by  the 
double  discomfort  of  hunger  and  bad  weather  that  they  did 
everything  in  their  power  to  increase  the  emperor’s  irritation 
against  the  consuls  aforesaid.  Another  thing  which  contrib- 
uted not  a little  to  his  indignation  was  the  fact  that  the 
Milanese  not  only  refused  to  permit  the  towns  that  Milan 
had  destroyed  to  be  rebuilt,  but  they  insulted  his  noble  and 
upright  character  by  offering  him  money  to  bribe  him  to 
condone  their  villany. 


The  Hoheiistanfcn  Emperors  and  the  Popes  307 


III.  Struggle  over  the  Throne  between  Philip 
AND  Otto 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord  1198  there  arose  among  the 
German  princes  a great  feud  and  a most  terrific  struggle 
over  the  throne.  To  begin  with,  the  archbishops  of  Cologne 
and  Treves  claimed  that  the  choice  of  a king  belonged  of 
right  to  them;  and  after  taking  counsel  at  Andernach  with 
Duke  Bernhard  of  Saxony  and  with  other  bishops,  counts, 
and  many  nobles,  they  gave  notice  of  an  assembly  to  be 
held  in  Cologne,  on  Oculi  Sunday,^  to  which  was  also  sum- 
moned Duke  Bertolf  of  Zahringen,  whom  they  thought  of 
choosing  for  king. 

So  few  came  to  the  assembly  that  it  was  impossible  to 
carry  out  their  plan  ; at  the  same  time  they  received  news 
that  the  eastern  margraves,  together  with  Duke  Bernhard  of 
Saxony,  the  archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  and  other  princes  of 
Upper  Germany,  had  met  at  Erfurt  to  choose  the  new  king. 
Thereupon  they  sent  Bishop  Hermann  of  Munster  and  other 
men  of  note  to  the  assembled  princes  to  beg  them  not  to 
make  any  choice  in  their  absence  but  to  meet  with  them 
at  some  place  to  be  agreed  upon,  in  order  that  they  might 
together  choose  a worthy  emperor  and  protector  of  the 
Church,  acceptable  to  God. 

When  the  messengers  arrived  at  the  assembly,  they  learned 
that  the  princes  had  already  agreed  upon  Duke  Philip,  the 
[late]  emperor’s  brother,  and  chosen  him  as  king.  So  they 
returned,  and  reported  what  had  happened  to  their  bishops, 
who  were  thereby  highly  incensed,  for  no  king  had  ever 
before  been  chosen  in  Saxony,  nor  by  these  princes.  . . . 
It  is,  nevertheless,  certain  that  Duke  Philip  sent  messen- 
gers to  the  archbishop  of  Cologne,  offering  him  much  and 
promising  still  more  if  he  would  ratify  his  election.  This 
the  bishop  absolutely  refused  to  do,  for  he  felt  that  it  would 
be  neither  safe  for  him  nor  honorable  ; and,  after  hol(Jing 


122.  How 
the  rivals, 
Philip  and 
Otto,  were 
elected. 
(From  the 
Annals  of 
Cologne.) 


Evidently 
no  clearly 
defined  col- 
lege of  elect- 
ors existed 
at  this  time. 


Philip 
elected  by 
the  North 
German 
princes. 


The  arch- 
bishop of 
Cologne 
chooses  Otto 
as  emperor. 


1 Namely,  March  ist,  the  day  bn  which  a portion  of  the  church  service 
begins  with  the  word  oculi. 


3o8 


Readings  m European  History 


Philip 
assumes 
the  crown 


Otto  takes 
Aix-la-Cha- 
pelle  and  is 
crowned 
there. 


a consultation,  he  chose  as  king,  Otto  the  Pious,  count  of 
Poitou,  son  of  the  late  duke  Henry  [the  Lion]  of  Saxony.^ . . . 

Duke  Philip,  driven  by  the  necessity  of  strengthening  his 
cause  to  seek  help  on  every  side,  succeeded  by  means  of  gifts 
in  gaining  the  support  of  most  of  the  princes.  He  made 
himself  master  of  the  royal  towns,  had  all  the  people  do  him 
homage,  assumed  the  title  of  king,  and,  on  the  Sunday  after 
Easter,  entered  Worms  wearing  the  crown.  In  Lower  Ger- 
many, he  sought  to  gain  the  favor  of  the  nobles  of  Lorraine, 
among  whom  Walrav,  son  of  Duke  Henry  of  Limburg,  came 
over  to  his  side  and  was  invested  by  him  with  a royal  castle 
called  Berinstein,  as  a fief.  . . . 

At  Cologne  about  this  time,  a star  was  visible  at  about 
the  ninth  hour,^  which  was  considered  by  all  as  a good 
omen  for  their  king  who  was  chosen  there  three  days  after 
the  star  appeared.  Hastening  to  Aix-la-Chapelle — the 
royal  residence  — to  be  consecrated,  he  found  the  city  hos- 
tile to  him  and  garrisoned  with  the  troops  of  Duke  Philip 
under  the  above-mentioned  Walrav.  He  undertook  the 
siege  of  the  town  and  with  great  effort  and  expense  brought 
it  to  submission.  Upon  his  entry  he  was  consecrated  by 
Archbishop  Adolph  of  Cologne  and  placed  upon  the  throne. 

Even  Walrav  was  taken  into  his  good  graces  and  now 
received  from  him,  as  a fief,  and  as  a token  of  reconcilia- 
tion, the  same  castle  of  Berinstein  with  which  he  had  already 
been  invested  by  Duke  Philip.  The  archbishop,  however, 
who  conceived  this  to  be  a menace  to  his  territory,  con- 
quered and  destroyed  the  castle.  Walrav,  estranged  thereby 
from  King  Otto,  returned  to  his  allegiance  to  Duke  Philip, 
and,  in  all  the  wretched  confusion  to  which  Germany  now 
fell  a prey,  he  was  an  instigator  and  leader. 

Toward  the  beginning  of  October,  King  Philip  got  to- 
gether a very  large  army  and,  with  the  King  of  Bohemia 
ancj^  his  other  allies,  took  up  a position  on  the  river  Moselle, 


1 Otto  had  been  given  Poitou  as  a fief  by  his  uncle,  Richard  the 
Lion-hearted  of  England. 

2 Between  three  and  four  o’clock  in  the  afternoon. 


The  Hohenstaiifen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  309 


with  the  intention  of  moving  into  Lower  Germany  and  devas- 
tating the  bishopric  of  Cologne.  King  Otto  and  the  arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  also  gathered  together  their  adherents  and 
encamped  on  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river.  The  citizens 
of  Cologne  came  too,  in  well  armed  and  well  manned  boats. 

For  some  time  the  outcome  seemed  doubtful  for  neither 
side  dared  to  attack  the  other.  Finally,  King  Philip  and 
his  followers  took  courage  and  attempted  to  effect  a crossing, 
while  the  forces  from  Lorraine  made  a stand  against  them 
in  the  river  itself.  The  battle  continued  until  nightfall  with 
varying  fortunes.  The  following  morning  the  Lorrainers 
retired  to  their  camp,  thinking  it  unwise  to  measure  their 
own  small  forces  against  the  innumerable  host  of  the  enemy, 
who  immediately  crossed  the  river.  They  gave  the  men  of 
Lorraine,  who  prepared  to  make  a stand  at  Andernach,  no 
opportunity  for  an  engagement,  but  laid  waste  the  land  far 
and  wide  with  fire  and  sword.  Remagen  and  Bonn,  with 
many  outlying  villages,  were  burned  to  the  ground,  and  there 
was  no  one  to  stay  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  for  every  one 
fled  before  them  to  the  most  strongly  fortified  places. 

The  atrocities  which  they  committed  in  their  brutal  inso- 
lence are  too  revolting  to  relate.  I will  describe  but  a single 
case  among  many,  which  will  furnish  some  notion  of  the  rest. 
A nun  whom  they  had  stripped  of  her  clothing  was  covered 
with  honey  and  rolled  in  feathers  ; in  this  horrible  condition 
she  was  placed  on  a horse  with  her  face  toward  the  beast’s 
tail.  When  they  had  paraded  this  ridiculous,  or  rather, 
lamentable,  spectacle  for  several  days  the  matter  came  to 
King  Philip’s  ears.  He,  in  holy  indignation,  had  all  who 
had  taken  any  part  in  the  affair  drowned  in  boiling  water. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Summary:  Adams,  Civilization,  pp.  247-257;  Munro, 
pp.  184-202.  , 

Conditions  in  Germany  under  the  Hohenstaufens : Bemont  and 
Monod,  pp.  479-487. 

Frederick  Barbarossa : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  301-317;  Bryce, 
Chapter  XI,  pp.  167-181  ; Emerton,  pp.  282-312  ; Henderson, 


Philip’s 
troops  devas- 
tate the  land 


Atrocities 
committed 
by  Philip’s 
troops. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


310 


Readings  in  Europeati  History 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


C,  Materials 
for  advanced 
ivudy. 


Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages.,  pp.  246-290  ; Short  History  of  Gerinany., 
pp.  78-90  ; Tout,  pp.  245-273. 

Peace  of  Venice  : Henderson,  Historical  Documents,  pp.  425-430. 

Henry  VI:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  319-321;  Bryce,  Chapter 
XIII,  first  part,  pp.  205-207  ; Emerton,  pp.  314-316  ; Henderson,  Ger- 
many in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  291^317;  Short  History  of  Germa7iy, 
pp.  90-92;  Tout,  pp.  304-312. 

Innocent  III  and  the  Imperial  Election : Bemont  and  Monod, 
pp.  321-325;  Emerton,  pp.  316-332;  Henderson,  Germany  hi  the 
Middle  Ages,  pp.  318-337;  Tout,  pp.  313-335. 

The  Dispute  with  King  John:  Colby,  pp.  72-73;  Henderson, 
Historical  Documents,  pp.  430-432  ; Lee,  pp.  155-164. 

Frederick  II : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  325-335 ; Bryce,  Chapter 
XIII,  latter  part,  pp.  207-21 1 ; Emerton,  pp.  343-352;  Henderson, 
Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  337-401  ; Short  History  of  Germany, 
pp.  92-101 ; Tout,  pp.  358-392. 

The  Imperial  Claims  of  the  Hohenstaufens  : Bryce,  Chapter  XII, 
pp.  182-203. 


Balzani,  The  Popes  and  the  Hohenstaufens  (Epochs  of  Church 
History). 

Kington-Oliphant,  History  of  Frederick  II,  2 vols.  Rather  old, 
but  the  most  complete  account  in  English. 

Medi(2val  Empire,  referred  to  above;  also  Gregorovius, 
Vol.  IV,  Book  VII,  Chapters  III-VII ; Vol.  V,  Book  IX,  Chapters 
I-VI;  Milman,  Vol.  IV,  Book  VII,  Chapters  VII  and  IX;  Book 
IX,  Chapters  I-V ; Vol.  V,  Book  X;  Newman,  pp.  511-518;  and 
Mathews,  pp.  68—163,  for  some  of  the  documents. 


In  the  great  series  of  Jah^'hilcher  der  deutschen  Geschichte  (see 
above,  p.  261)  the  following  relate  to  the  period  under  consideration: 
Bernhardt,  Lothar  von  Supplinburg,  1879;  ^.nd  Konrad  III,  1883; 
Toeche,  Kaiser  Heinrich  VI,  1867  I WiNKELMANN,  Philipp  von 
Schwaben  und  Otto  IV  von  Braunschweig,  2 vols.,  1873-1878 ; and 
Kaiser  Friedrich  II,  2 vols.  (to  1233),  1889-1897.  The  volumes  on 
Frederick  Barbarossa  have  not  yet  appeared. 

Jastrow-Winter,  Deutsche  Geschichte  im  Zeitalter  der  Hohen- 
staufen,  Vol.  I,  1897. 

Langen,  Geschichte  der  r'6mische7t  Kirche,  Vol.  IV  (von  Gregor  VII 
bis  Innocenz  III),  1893. 

Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  Vol.  III. 


The  Hohenstaiifen  Emperors  and  the  Popes  3 1 1 

Blondel, sur  la  politique  de  V e7npereur  Frederic  II  en  Alle- 
magne,  1892.  Excellent. 

Zeller,  L' FiJipereur  Hederic  II  et  la  chute  de  V empire  gertnajjique 
du  moyen  age,  1885. 

Loserth,  Geschichte  des  spdteren  Mittelalters,  1903.  An  admirable 
general  account  of  the  thirteenth  and  fourteenth  centuries,  with  remark- 
able bibliographies. 

Otto  of  Freising’s  Deeds  of  Frederick  was  continued  after  h^s  The  sources, 
death  by  his  secretary,  Rahewin,  and  carried  down  to  1160.  (In 
the  octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta,  and  in  the  Geschichtschreiber, 

Vols.  LIX-LX.) 

Gesta  Frederici  I imperatoris  in  Lombardia,  auctore  cive  Mediolanensi, 
edited  by  Holder-Egger,  1892.  An  Italian  account  of  Frederick’s 
invasions. 

Greater  Annals  of  Cologne  (see  above,  p.  296).  (In  the  octavo  edition, 
and  the  Geschichtschreiber,  Vol.  LXIX.)  Comes  down  to  1237  ; of  great 
importance  for  the  Hohenstaufen  period. 

Chronicon  Urspergense  (to  1229).  (In  the  octavo  edition.)  Brief, 
but  excellent  for  opening  of  thirteenth  century. 

The  Chronicle  of  Arnold  of  Liibeck,  an  abbot  who  died  in  1212,  is 
especially  valuable  for  the  end  of  the  twelfth  and  the  opening  of  the 
thirteenth  century.  In  Book  IV,  Chapter  XIX,  there  is  a very  amusing 
letter  written  by  Henry  Vi’s  chancellor  to  his  old  teacher,  narrating  his 
experiences  in  Italy.  He  describes  Virgil’s  achievements  as  a magician, 
and  exhibits  the  direst  confusion  in  his  classical  reminiscences.  For 
example,  he  discovers  both  Parnassus  and  Olympus  in  Italy.  (In  the 
Monumenta,  and  in  the  Geschichtschreiber , Vol.  LX XI.) 

The  Libelli  de  lite  (mentioned  above,  p.  295),  are  useful  for  this  period. 

Huillard-Breholles,  Historia  diplomatica  F^Iderici  II,  6 vols., 

1861.  A collection  of  the  documents  relating  to  the  reign  of  Frederick, 
with  a volume  which  serves  as  an  introduction. 

Jaffe’s  Regesta  pontificum,  referred  to  above,  p.  85,  closes  with  1198. 

A similar  work,  beginning  with  the  pontificate  of  Innocent  III,  has  been 
prepared  for  the  thirteenth  century  by  Potthast,  2 vols.,  Berlin. 

Since  the  opening  of  the  Vatican  library  to  scholars,  the  French 
school  at  Rome  and  other  learned  bodies  have  undertaken  a series  of 
publications  of  sources  relating  to  the  papacy.  For  an  excellent  account 
of  these  enterprises,  see  an  article  by  Professor  Haskins  in  the  American 
Historical  Review,  Vol.  II. 


CHAPTER  XV 


123.  Urban’s 
speech  at 
Clermont  as 
reported  by 
Robert 
the  Monk. 


THE  CRUSADES 

I.  Pope  Urban's  Address  at  Clermont 

We  have  four  reports  of  Urban’s  address,  which  were 
drawn  up  by  those  who  were  apparently  actually  present 
at  the  Council  of  Clermont.  One  of  the  most  interesting 
of  these  is  that  given  by  Robert  the  Monk,  of  Rheims, 
in  the  opening  chapters  of  his  history  of  the  First  Cru- 
sade. This  was  written  toward  twenty-five  years  after 
Urban’s  visit  to  France  and  does  not  claim  to  give  more 
than  a general  idea  of  the  pope’s  arguments. 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord’s  Incarnation  one  thousand 
and  ninety-five,  a great  council  was  celebrated  within  the 
bounds  of  Gaul,  in  Auvergne,  in  the  city  which  is  called 
Clermont.  Over  this  Pope  Urban  II  presided,  with  the 
Roman  bishops  and  cardinals.  This  council  was  a famous 
one  on  account  of  the  concourse  of  both  French  and  German 
bishops,  and  of  princes  as  well.  Having  arranged  the  mat- 
ters relating  to  the  Church,  the  lord  pope  went  forth  into  a 
certain  spacious  plain,  for  no  building  was  large  enough  to 
hold  all  the  people.  The  pope  then,  with  sweet  and  per- 
suasive eloquence,  addressed  those  present  in  words  some- 
thing like  the  following,  saying : 

‘‘  Oh,  race  of  Franks,  race  from  across  the  mountains, 
race  beloved  and  chosen  by  God,  — as  is  clear  from  many  of 
your  works, — set  apart  from  all  other  nations  by  the  situa- 
tion of  your  country  as  well  as  by  your  Catholic  faith  and 
the  honor  which  you  render  to  the  holy  Church  : to  you  our 

312 


The  Crusades 


313 


discourse  is  addressed,  and  for  you  our  exhortations  are 
intended.  We  wish  you  to  know  what  a grievous  cause 
has  led  us  to  your  country,  for  it  is  the  imminent  peril 
threatening  you  and  all  the  faithful  which  has  brought  us 
hither. 

“ From  the  confines  of  Jerusalem  and  from  the  city  of 
Constantinople  a grievous  report  has  gone  forth  and  has 
repeatedly  been  brought  to  our  ears  ; namely,  that  a race 
from  the  kingdom  of  the  Persians,  an  accursed  race,  a race 
wholly  alienated  from  God,  ‘ a generation  that  set  not  their 
heart  aright,  and  whose  spirit  was  not  steadfast  with  God,’ 
has  violently  invaded  the  lands  of  those  Christians  and  has 
depopulated  them  by  pillage  and  fire.  They  have  led  away 
a part  of  the  captives  into  their  own  country,  and  a part 
they  have  killed  by  cruel  tortures.  They  have  either  de- 
stroyed the  churches  of  God  or  appropriated  them  for  the 
rites  of  their  own  religion.  They  destroy  the  altars,  after 
having  defiled  them  with  their  uncleanness.  . . . The 
kingdom  of  the  Greeks  is  now  dismembered  by  them  and 
has  been  deprived  of  territory  so  vast  in  extent  that  it  could 
not  be  traversed  in  two  months’  time. 

“ On  whom,  therefore,  is  the  labor  of  avenging  these 
wrongs  and  of  recovering  this  territory  incumbent,  if  not 
upon  you,  — you,  upon  whom,  above  all  other  nations,  God 
has  conferred  remarkable  glory  in  arms,  great  courage,  bodily 
activity,  and  strength  to  humble  the  heads  of  those  who 
resist  you  ? Let  the  deeds  of  your  ancestors  encourage 
you  and  incite  your  minds  to  manly  achievements:  — the 
glory  and  greatness  of  King  Charlemagne,  and  of  his  son 
Louis,  and  of  your  other  monarchs,  who  have  destroyed 
the  kingdoms  of  the  Turks  and  have  extended  the  sway  of 
the  holy  Church  over  lands  previously  pagan.  Let  the  holy 
sepulcher  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour,  which  is  possessed  by  the 
unclean  nations,  especially  arouse  you,  and  the  holy  places 
which  are  now  treated  with  ignominy  and  irreverently  pol- 
luted with  the  filth  of  the  unclean.  Oh,  most  valiant  soldiers 
and  descendants  of  invincible  ancestors,  do  not  degenerate, 
but  recall  the  valor  of  your  progenitors. 


The  French 
urged  to  find 
an  outlet  for 
excessive 
population. 


314  Readings  in  European  History 

‘‘  But  if  you  are  hindered  by  love  of  children,  parents,  or 
wife,  remember  what  the  Lord  says  in  the  Gospel,  ‘ He  that 
loveth  father  or  mother  more  than  me  is  not  worthy  of  me.^ 
‘ Every  one  that  hath  forsaken  houses,  or  brethren,  or  sisters, 
or  father,  or  mother,  or  wife,  or  children,  or  lands,  for  my 
name’s  sake,  shall  receive  an  hundredfold,  and  shall  inherit 
everlasting  life.’  Let  none  of  your  possessions  retain  you, 
nor  solicitude  for  your  family  affairs.  For  this  land  which 
you  inhabit,  shut  in  on  all  sides  by  the  seas  and  surrounded 
by  the  mountain  peaks,  is  too  narrow  for  your  large  popula- 
tion; nor  does  it  abound  in  wealth;  and  it  furnishes  scarcely 
food  enough  for  its  cultivators.  Hence  it  is  that  you  mur- 
der and  devour  one  another,  that  you  wage  war,  and  that 
very  many  among  you  perish  in  intestine  strife.^ 

“ Let  hatred  therefore  depart  from  among  you,  let  your 
quarrels  end,  let  wars  cease,  and  let  all  dissensions  and  con- 
troversies slumber.  Enter  upon  the  road  to  the  Holy  Sepul- 
cher; wrest  that  land  from  the  wicked  race,  and  subject  it 
to  yourselves.  That  land  which,  as  the  Scripture  says, 
‘ floweth  with  milk  and  honey  ’ was  given  by  God  into  the 
power  of  the  children  of  Israel.  Jerusalem  is  the  center  of 
the  earth  ; the  land  is  fruitful  above  all  others,  like  another 
paradise  of  delights.  This  spot  the  Redeemer  of  mankind 
has  made  illustrious  by  his  advent,  has  beautified  by  his 
sojourn,  has  consecrated  by  his  passion,  has  redeemed  by 
his  death,  has  glorified  by  his  burial. 

1 Another  of  those  present  at  the  Council  of  Clermont,  Fulcher  of 
Chartres,  thus  reports  this  part  of  Urban’s  speech:  “Let  those  who 
have  formerly  been  accustomed  to  contend  wickedly  in  private  warfare 
against  the  faithful  fight  against  the  infidel,  and  bring  to  a victorious 
end  the  war  which  ought  already  to  have  been  begun.  Let  those  who 
have  hitherto  been  robbers  now  become  soldiers.  Let  those  who  have 
formerly  contended  against  their  brothers  and  relatives  now  fight  against 
the  barbarians  as  they  ought.  Let  those  who  have  formerly  been  mer- 
cenaries at  low  wages  now  gain  eternal  rewards.  Let  those  who  have 
been  exhausting  themselves  to  the  detriment  both  of  body  and  soul 
now  strive  for  a twofold  reward.”  See  a complete  translation  of  Ful- 
cher’s report  of  Urban’s  speech  in  Translations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  I, 
No.  2. 


The  Crusades 


315 


“ This  royal  city,  however,  situated  at  the  center  of  the 
earth,  is  now  held  captive  by  the  enemies  of  Christ  and  is 
subjected,  by  those  who  do  not  know  God,  to  the  worship 
of  the  heathen.  She  seeks,  therefore,  and  desires  to  be 
liberated  and  ceases  not  to  implore  you  to  come  to  her 
aid.  From  you  especially  she  asks  succor,  because,  as  we 
have  already  said,  God  has  conferred  upon  you  above  all 
other  nations  great  glory  in  arms.  Accordingly,  undertake 
this  journey  eagerly  for  the  remission  of  your  sins,  with  the 
assurance  of  the  reward  of  imperishable  glory  in  the  king- 
dom of  heaven.’’ 

When  Pope  Urban  had  urbanely  said  these  and  very 
many  similar  things,  he  so  centered  in  one  purpose  the  desires 
of  all  who  were  present  that  all  cried  out,  It  is  the  will  of 
God  ! It  is  the  will  of  God ! ” When  the  venerable  Roman 
pontiff  heard  that,  with  eyes  uplifted  to  heaven,  he  gave 
thanks  to  God  and,  commanding  silence  with  his  hand,  said: 

“ Most  beloved  brethren,  to-day  is  manifest  in  you  what 
the  Lord  says  in  the  Gospel,  ‘ Where  two  or  three  are  gath- 
ered together  in  my  name,  there  am  I in  the  midst  of  them  ’ ; 
for  unless  God  had  been  present  in  your  spirits,  all  of  you 
would  not  have  uttered  the  same  cry;  since,  although  the 
cry  issued  from  numerous  mouths,  yet  the  origin  of  the  cry 
was  one.  Therefore  I say  to  you  that  God,  who  implanted 
this  in  your  breasts,  has  drawn  it  forth  from  you.  Let  that 
then  be  your  war  cry  in  combats,  because  it  is  given  to  you 
by  God.  When  an  armed  attack  is  made  upon  the  enemy, 
let  this  one  cry  be  raised  by  all  the  soldiers  of  God:  ‘It  is 
the  will  of  God!  It  is  the  will  of  God!’  \^Deus  vult I 
Dens  vult 

“ And  we  neither  command  nor  advise  that  the  old  or 
feeble,  or  those  incapable  of  bearing  arms,  undertake  this 
journey.  Nor  ought  women  to  set  out  at  all  without  their 
husbands,  or  brothers,  or  legal  guardians.  For  such  are 
more  of  a hindrance  than  aid,  more  of  a burden  than  an 
advantage.  Let  the  rich  aid  the  needy ; and  according  to 
their  wealth  let  them  take  with  them  experienced  soldiers. 
The  priests  and  other  clerks,  whether  secular  or  regular, 


3i6 


Readings  in  European  History 


124.  Ekke- 
hard  of 
Aurach  on 
the  opening 
of  the  First 
Crusade. 


Some  declare 
the  crusade 
inexpedient. 


are  not  to  go  without  the  consent  of  their  bishop;  for  this 
journey  would  profit  them  nothing  if  they  went  without  per- 
mission. Also,  it  is  not  fitting  that  laymen  should  enter 
upon  the  pilgrimage  without  the  blessing  of  their  priests. 

“ Whoever,  therefore,  shall  determine  upon  this  holy  pil- 
grimage, and  shall  make  his  vow  to  God  to  that  effect,  and 
shall  offer  himself  to  him  for  sacrifice,  as  a living  victim, 
holy  and  acceptable  to  God,  shall  wear  the  sign  of  the  cross 
of  the  Lord  on  his  forehead  or  on  his  breast.  When,  indeed, 
he  shall  return  from  his  journey,  having  fulfilled  his  vow, 
let  him  place  the  cross  on  his  back  between  his  shoulders. 
Thus  shall  ye,  indeed,  by  this  twofold  action,  fulfill  the  pre- 
cept of  the  Lord,  as  he  commands  in  the  Gospel,  ‘ He  that 
taketh  not  his  cross,  and  followeth  after  me,  is  not  worthy 
of  me.’  ” 


II.  The  First  Crusade 

.Ekkehard,  a well-known  German  historian  (see  above, 
p.  266),  had  completed  a history  of  the  world  in  the  year 
ijoi  when  he  determined  to  make  a pilgrimage  to  Jeru- 
salem. On  his  return  he  entirely  rewrote  the  particulars 
of  his  history  relating  to  the  First  Crusade,  and  finally 
issued  it  as  a little  separate  volume  called  Hierosolymita, 
His  work  is  regarded  by  historical  scholars  as  remark- 
ably painstaking  and  temperate. 

After  mentioning  the  capture  of  Jerusalem  by  Godfrey 
of  Bouillon  and  his  fellow-crusaders  in  1099,  Ekkehard 
continues  : 

Here  I am  very  anxious  to  add  certain  details  concerning 
these  military  undertakings,  which  are  due  to  divine  rather 
than  human  inspiration.  This  I do  for  the  especial  purpose 
of  refuting  those  imprudent  — or,  better,  impudent  — critics, 
who,  bound  by  prejudice,  take  it  upon  themselves  with  inso- 
lent lips  to  blame  this  novel  enterprise,  so  necessary  to  a 
world  that  is  growing  old  and  nearing  its  end.  They,  like 


The  Critsades 


317 


the  Epicureans,  prefer  the  brc^d  way  of  pleasure  to  the 
narrow  way  of  God’s  service.  M To  them  love  of  the  world 
is  wisdom  and  those  who  despise  it  are  fools.  ...  I, 
however,  since  I trust  in  the  Lord  and  strive  not  for  pres- 
ent but  for  future  things,  would,  although  only  as  an  idle 
spectator  yet  a kindly  well-wisher,  exalt  the  glorious  men 
of  our  time  who  have  overcome  the  kingdoms  of  this  world 
and  who,  for  the  sake  of  the  blessed  Shepherd  who  sought 
the  hundredth  sheep  that  was  lost,  have  left  wife  and  child, 
principalities  and  riches,  and  have  taken  their  lives  in  their 
hands.  . . . 

[After  Urban  had  aroused  the  spirits  of  all  by  the  promise 
of  forgiveness  to  those  who  undertook  the  expedition  with 
single-hearted  devotion,]  toward  one  hundred  thousand  men 
were  appointed  to  the  immediate  service  of  God  from  Aqui- 
taine and  Normandy,  England,  Scotland,  Ireland,  Brittany, 
Galicia,  Gascony,  France,  Flanders,  Lorraine,  and  from  other 
Christian  peoples,  whose  names  I no  longer  retain.  It  was 
truly  an  army  of  ‘‘  crusaders,’’  for  they  bore  the  sign  of  the 
cross  on  their  garments  as  a reminder  that  they  should  mor- 
tify the  flesh,  and  in  the  hope  that  they  would  in  this  way 
triumph  over  the  enemies  of  the  cross  of  Christ,  as  it  had 
once  come  to  pass  in  the  case  of  the  great  Constantine. 
Thus,  through  the  marvelous  and  unexampled  working  of 
divine  dispensation,  all  these  members  of  Christ,  so  differ- 
ent in  speech,  origin,  and  nationality,  were  suddenly  brought 
together  as  one  body  through  their  love  of  Christ. 

While  they  were  all  under  one  king,  Christ,  the  several 
peoples  nevertheless  were  led  by  their  several  leaders,  namely 
Godfrey  of  Lorraine  and  his  brothers  Baldwin  and  Eustace, 
Robert  of  Flanders,  Robert  of  Normandy,  Count  Regimund 
of  St.  Gilles,  Hugh,  brother  of  King  Philip  of  France,  and 
other  warriors  of  similar  energy,  rank,  and  bravery.  Over 
all  of  these  the  above-mentioned  pope  placed  Bishop  Hade- 
mar,  a man  of  venerable  holiness  and  wisdom.  To  him  the 
pope  granted  the  right  to  exercise  in  his  stead  the  power 
transmitted  by  St.  Peter  to  the  Roman  see  of  binding  and 
loosing.  . . . 


The  many 
peoples  who 
took  part  in 
the  First 
Crusade. 


318 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  Ger- 
mans at  first 
regard  the 
crusaders  as 
madmen. 


Prodigies 
announce  the 
coming 
crusade. 


The  West  Franks  were  easily  induced  to  leave  their  fields, 
since  France  had,  during  several  years,  been  terribly  visited 
now  by  civil  war,  now  by  famine,  and  again  by  sickness.  . . . 
Among  the  other  nations,  the  common  people,  as  well  as  those 
of  higher  rank,  related  that,  aside  from  the  apostolic  sum- 
mons, they  had  in  some  instances  been  called  to  the  land 
of  promise  by  certain  prophets  who  had  appeared  among 
them,  or  through  heavenly  signs  and  revelations.  Others 
confessed  that  they  had  been  induced  to  pledge  themselves 
by  some  misfortune.  A great  part  of  them  started  forth 
with  wife  and  child  and  laden  with  their  entire  household 
equipment. 

The  summons,  however,  failed  altogether  to  reach  the 
East  Franks,  Saxons,  Thuringians,  Bavarians,  and  Aleman- 
nians.  This  was  due  especially  to  the  division  between  the 
civil  government  and  the  priesthood,  which  from  the  time  of 
Pope  Alexander  [II]  to  the  present  day  has,  alas,  made  us  as 
hated  and  offensive  to  the  Romans  as  the  Romans  are  to 
us.  So  it  came  about  that  almost  the  whole  German  people 
were,  at  the  beginning  of  the  expedition,  quite  unacquainted 
with  the  reasons  for  it.  Consequently  the  many  legions  of 
horsemen  who  passed  through  their  land,  the  hosts  of  people 
on  foot,  the  crowds  of  country  people,  women  and  children, 
were  viewed  by  them  with  contempt  as  persons  who  had 
altogether  lost  their  wits. 

Those  bound  for  the  Holy  Land  seemed  to  them  to  be 
leaving  the  land  of  their  birth  and  sacrificing  what  they 
already  had  for  a vain  hope.  ^.The  promised  land  offered 
no  certainty  but  danger,  yet  they  deserted  their  own  pos- 
sessions in  a greedy  struggle  for  those  of  others.  Never- 
theless, although  our  people  are  far  more  arrogant  than 
others,  the  fury  of  the  Teutons  finally  gave  way  in  view  of 
the  divine  mercy,  and  after  they  had  thoroughly  discussed 
the  matter  with  the  multitude  of  pilgrims,  they  too  inclined 
their  hearts. 

Moreover  the  signs  in  the  sun  and  the  wonders  which 
appeared,  both  in  the  air  and  on  the  earth,  aroused  many 
who  had  previously  been  indifferent.  It  seems  to  us  useful 


The  Crusades 


319 


[to  interweave  an  account  of  a few  of  these  signs,  although 
lit  would  carry  us  too  far  to  enumerate  them  all.  For  exam- 
3le,  we  beheld  a comet  on  the  7 th  of  October  to  the  south, 
land  its  brilliancy  slanting  down  seemed  like  a sword.  . . . 
|A  few  years  ago  a priest  of  honorable  .reputation,  by  the 
■name  of  Snigger,  about  the  ninth  hour  of  the  day  beheld 
jcwo  knights,  who  met  one  another  in  the  air  and  fought 
long,  until  one,  who  carried  a great  cross  with  which  he 
Itruck  the  other,  finally  overcame  his  enemy.  . . . Some 
yho  were  watching  horses  in  the  fields  reported  that  they 
tad  seen  the  image  of  a city  in  the  air  and  had  observed 
flow  various  troops  from  different  directions,  both  on  horse- 
back and  on  foot,  were  hastening  thither. 

Many,  moreover,  displayed,  either  on  their  clothing,  or 
jpon  their  forehead,  or  elsewhere  on  their  body,  the  sign 
the  cross,  which  had  been  divinely  imprinted,  and  they 
jlieved  themselves  on  this  account  to  have  been  destined  to 
^e  service  of  God.  Others  likewise  were  induced,  through 
le  sudden  change  of  spirit  or  some  nocturnal  vision,  to 
|1  all  their  property  and  possessions  and  to  sew  the  sign 
mortification  on  their  mantles.  Among  all  these  people 
who  pressed  into  the  churches  in  incredible  numbers,  swords 
were  distributed  with  the  priestly  benediction,  according  to 
the  new  usage,  along  with  the  pilgrim^s  staff  and  wallet. 

I may  also  report  that  at  this  time  a woman  after  two 
years  gestation  finally  gave  birth  to  a boy  who  was  able  to 
talk;  and  that  a child  with  a double  set  of  limbs,  another 
with  two  heads,  and  some  lambs  with  two  heads  were  also 
born ; and  that  colts  came  into  the  world  with  great  teeth, 
which  we  ordinarily  call  horses’  teeth  and  which  nature 
only  grants  to  three-year  old  horses. 

While  through  these  and  similar  signs  the  whole  creation 
seemed  to  offer  its  services  to  the  Creator,  the  watchful 
enemy,  who  takes  occasion  when  others  sleep  to  sow  his 
tares  amongst  the  good  seed,  raised  up  also  false  prophets 
and  mixed  false  brethren  and  degraded  women  among  the 
Lord’s  host  under  the  appearance  of  religion.  In  this  way 
the  armies  of  Christ  were  defiled  not  only  through  hypocrisy 


Bad  men 
and  womf 
join  the 
crusaders 


320 


Readings  in  Enropean  History 


25.  A 
Gteek  prin- 
ce'ss 

describes 
the  bad 
manners  of 
a crusading 
prince. 

I 


" / 


and  lies  but  through  shameless  uncleanness,  so  that  the 
prophecy  of  the  Good  Shepherd  might  be  fulfilled,  tha 
even  the  elect  may  be  led  astray. 


Among  the  sources  for  the  First  Crusade  there  is 
history  of  the  eastern  emperor,  Alexis,  written  by  hi 
daughter,  Anna  Comnena.  After  speaking  of  the  kindl 
but  sagacious  way  in  which  her  father  treated  the  inco' 
venient  and  often  disorderly  troops  of  crusaders  whe 
they  reached  Constantinople,  she  gives  the  followin 
example  of  their  bad  manners. 


When  the  Franks  had  all  come  together  and  had  taken  a 
oath  to  the  emperor,  there  was  one  count  who  had  the  bol 
ness  to  sit  down  upon  the  throne.  The  emperor,  we 
knowing  the  pride  of  the  Latins,  kept  silent,  but  Baldwi 
approached  the  Frankish  count  and  taking  him  by  the  han 
said,  “You  ought  not  to  sit  there;  that  is  an  honor  wh 
the  emperor  permits  to  no  one.  Now  that  you  are  in 
country,  why  do  you  not  observe  its  customs  ?”  The  insol 
count  made  no  reply  to  Baldwin,  but  said  in  his  barbarous 
language,  as  if  talking  to  himself,  “ This  must  be  a rude 
fellow  who  would  alone  remain  seated  when  so  many  brave 
warriors  are  standing  up.’^  Alexis  noted  the  movement  of 
the  man’s  lips  and  called  an  interpreter  in  order  to  learn 
what  he  had  said;  but  when  the  interpreter  had  told  him  he 
did  not  complain  to  the  Franks,  although  he  did  not  forget 
the  matter. 

When  the  counts  came  to  take  leave  of  the  emperor  he 
retained  this  haughty  knight  and  asked  him  who  he  was.  a 
“I  am  a Frank,”  he  replied,  “ of  the  most  high  and  ancient  A 
nobility.  I know  but  one  thing,  and  that  is  that  there  is  in 
my  country  a church  built  at  the  crossroads  where  all  those 
betake  themselves  who  hope  to  show  their  valor  in  single 
combat,  and  there  make  their  prayer  to  God  while  they 
await  an  enemy ; I remained  there  a long  time  without  any- 
body daring  to  measure  swords  with  me/’ 


The  CriLsades 


321 


Alexis  was  on  his  guard  against  accepting  this  challenge. 
“ If  you  then  waited  without  being  able  to  show  your 
bravery,”  he  said  to  him,  “you  now  have  a chance  to  fight; 
and  if  I may  give  you  a word  of  advice,  it  will  be  not  to  put 
yourself  either  at  the  head  nor  rear  of  the  army  but  in  the 
middle.  The  experience  which  I have  had  of  the  way  in 
which  the  Turks  make  war  has  convinced  me  that  that  is 
the  best  place.”  ^ 


III.  The  Campaigns  in  the  Holy  Land  as  described 
IN  THE  Letters  of  the  Crusaders 


The  letters  written  from  the  Holy  Land  by  those  who 
actually  participated  in  the  crusades  constitute  our  most 
reliable  source  of  information.^ 


Count  Stephen  to  Adele^  his  sweetest  and  most  amiable  wife^ 
to  his  dear  children^  and  to  all  his  vassals  of  all  ranks  — 
his  greeting  and  blessing : 

You  may  be  very  sure,  dearest,  that  the  messenger  whom 
I sent  to  you  left  me  before  Antioch  safe  and  unharmed 
and,  through  God’s  grace,  in  the  greatest  prosperity.  And 
already  at  that  time,  together  with  all  the  chosen  army  of 
Christ,  endowed  with  great  valor  by  him,  we  had  been  con- 
tinuously advancing  for  twenty-three  weeks  toward  the  home 
of  our  Lord  Jesus.  You  may  know  for  certain,  my  beloved, 
that  of  gold,  silver,  and  many  other  kinds  of  riches,  I now 
have  twice  as  much  as  you,  my  love,  supposed  me  to  have 
when  I left  you.  For  all  our  princes,  with  the  common  con- 
sent of  the  whole  army,  though  against  my  own  wishes,  have 


126.  Ste- 
phen, count 
of  Blois,  to 
his  wife, 
Adele 
(March  29, 
1098) ; before 
Antioch. 


1 Anna  remarks  later  in  her  history  with  satisfaction  that  the  inso- 
lent knight  was  killed.  An  eminent  scholar  believes  that  he  was  prob- 
ably no  less  a person  than  Count  Robert  of  Paris.  This  is  but  one 
instance  among  many  which  served  to  arouse  hostility  between  the 
emperor  and  the  crusaders. 

2 For  other  letters  by  the  crusaders  and  a useful  list  of  those  which 
have  been  translated  into  English,  see  Munro,  Letters  of  the  Crusaders 
written  from  the  Holy  Land^  in  Translations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  I,  No.  4. 


322 


Readings  in  Europea7i  History 


made  me,  up  to  the  present  time,  the  leader,  chief,  and 
director  of  their  whole  expedition. 

You  have  assuredly  heard  that  after  the  capture  of  the 
city  of  Nicaea  we  fought  a great  battle  with  the  perfidious 
Turks  and,  by  God’s  aid,  conquered  them.  Next  we  con- 
quered for  the  Lord  all  Romania  and  afterwards  Cappa- 
docia. And  we  learned  that  there  was  a certain  Turkish 
prince,  Assam,  dwelling  in  Cappadocia ; thither  we  directed 
our  course.  All  his  castles  we  conquered  by  force  and  com- 
pelled him  to  flee  to  a certain  very  strong  castle  situated  on 
a high  rock.  We  also  gave  the  land  of  that  Assam  to  one 
of  our  chiefs,  and  in  order  that  he  might  conquer  the  above- 
mentioned  Assam,  we  left  there  with  him  many  soldiers  of 
Christ.  Thence,  continually  following  the  wicked  Turks,  we 
drove  them  through  the  midst  of  Armenia,  as  far  as  the  great 
river  Euphrates.  Having  left  all  their  baggage  and  beasts  of 
burden  on  the  bank,  they  fled  across  the  river  into  Arabia. 

The  bolder  of  the  Turkish  soldiers,  indeed,  entering 
Syria,  hastened  by  forced  marches  night  and  day,  in  order 
to  be  able  to  occupy  the  royal  city  of  Antioch  before  our 
approach.  The  whole  army  of  God,  learning  this,  gave  due 
praise  and  thanks  to  the  omnipotent  Lord.  Hastening  with 
great  joy  to  the  aforesaid  chief  city  of  Antioch,  we  besieged 
it  and  had  many  conflicts  there  with  the  Turks.  Seven 
times  we  fought  with  the  citizens  of  Antioch  and  with  the 
innumerable  troops  coming  to  their  aid ; we  rushed  to  meet 
them  and  we  fought  with  the  fiercest  courage  under  the  lead- 
ership of  Christ ; and  in  all  these  seven  battles,  by  the  aid 
of  the  Lord  God,  we  conquered,  and  most  assuredly  killed 
an  innumerable  host  of  them.  In  those  battles,  indeed,  and 
in  very  many  attacks  made  upon  the  city,  many  of  our  breth- 
ren and  followers  were  killed,  and  their  souls  were  borne  to 
the  joys  of  paradise. 

We  found  Antioch  a very  great  town,  fortified  with  incredi- 
ble strength  and  almost  impregnable.  In  addition,  more 
than  five  thousand  bold  Turkish  soldiers  had  entered  the 
city,  not  counting  the  Saracens,  Publicans,  Arabs,  Turco- 
politans,  Syrians,  Armenians,  and  other  different  races,  of 


The  Crusades 


323 


whom  an  infinite  multitude  had  gathered  together  there.  In 
fighting  against  these  enemies  of  God  and  of  our  own  we 
have,  by  God’s  permission,  endured  many  sufferings  and 
innumerable  evils  up  to  the  present  time.  Many  also  have 
already  exhausted  all  their  resources  in  this  very  holy  pas- 
sion. Very  many  of  our  Franks,  indeed,  would  have  met  a 
temporal  death  from  starvation,  if  the  clemency  of  God,  and 
our  money,  had  not  succored  them.  Moreover  before  the 
above-mentioned  city  of  Antioch  we  suffered  for  our  Lord 
Christ,  throughout  the  whole  winter,  from  excessive  cold 
and  enormous  torrents  of  rain.  What  some  say  about  the 
impossibility  of  bearing  the  heat  of  the  sun  throughout 
Syria  is  untrue,  for  the  winter  there  is  very  similar  to  our 
winter  in  the  west. 

When  Caspian  [Bagi  Seian],  the  emir  (i.e.  prince  and 
lord)  of  Antioch,  perceived  that  he  was  hard  pressed  by  us, 
he  sent  his  son,  Sensadolo  by  name,  to  the  prince  who  holds 
Jerusalem,  and  to  the  prince  of  Calep  Rodoam,  and  to 
Docap,  prince  of  Damascus.  He  also  sent  into  Arabia  to 
Bolianuth,  and  into  Carathania  to  Hamelnuth.  These  five 
emirs,  with  twelve  thousand  picked  Turkish  horsemen,  sud- 
denly came  to  aid  the  inhabitants  of  Antioch.  We,  ignorant 
of  all  this,  had  sent  many  of  our  soldiers  away  to  the  other 
cities  and  fortresses; — for  there  are  one  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  cities  and  fortresses  throughout  Syria  which  are  in  our 
power.  But  a little  before  they  reached  the  city  we  attacked 
them,  at  three  leagues  distance,  with  seven  hundred  soldiers, 
on  a certain  plain,  near  the  ‘‘  Iron  Bridge.” 

God  fought  for  us,  his  faithful  servants,  against  them ; 
for  on  that  day,  fighting  in  the  strength  that  God  gives, 
we  conquered  them  and  killed  an  innumerable  multitude  — 
God  continually  fighting  for  us— and  we  also  carried  back 
to  the  army  more  than  two  hundred  of  their  heads,  in  order 
that  the  people  might  rejoice  on  that  account.  The  emperor  of 
Babylon  also  sent  Saracen  messengers  to  our  army  with  letters, 
and  through  these  he  established  peace  and  concord  with  us. 

I am  glad  to  tell  you,  dearest,  what  happened  to  us  during 
Lent.  The  city  of  Antioch  is  about  five  leagues  distant 


324  Readt7igs  in  European  History 

from  the  sea.  Our  princes  had  commanded  a fortress  to  be 
built  before  one  of  the  city  gates  which  was  between  our 
camp  and  the  sea;  for  the  Turks,  issuing  daily  from  this 
gate,  killed  some  of  our  men  on  their  way  to  the  sea.  For 
this  reason  they  sent  the  excellent  Bohemond  and  Raymond, 
count  of  St.  Gilles,  down  to  the  sea,  with  only  sixty  horse- 
men, in  order  that  they  might  bring  mariners  to  aid  in  this 
work.  When,  however,  they  were  returning  to  us  with 
those  mariners,  the  Turks  collected  an  army,  fell  suddenly 
upon  our  two  leaders,  and  forced  them  to  a perilous  flight. 
In  that  unexpected  flight  we  lost  more  than  five  hundred  of 
our  foot  soldiers  — to  the  glory  of  God.  Of  our  horsemen, 
however,  we  lost  only  two,  for  certain. 

On  that  same  day,  ignorant  of  our  brethren’s  misfortunes, 
we  went  out  joyfully  to  meet  them.  When,  however,  we 
approached  the  above-mentioned  gate  of  the  city,  a mass  of 
horsemen  and  foot  soldiers  from  Antioch,  elated  by  the  vic- 
tory which  they  had  won,  rushed  upon  us  in  the  same  man- 
ner. Seeing  these,  our  leaders  sent  to  the  camp  of  the 
Christians  to  order  all  to  be  ready  to  follow  us  into  battle. 
In  the  meantime  our  men  gathered  together,  and  the  two 
leaders,  namely  Bohemond  and  Raymond,  with  the  remain- 
der of  their  army,  came  up  and  narrated  the  great  misfortune 
which  they  had  suffered. 

Our  men,  full  of  fury  at  these  most  evil  tidings,  prepared 
to  die  for  Christ,  and,  deeply  grieved  for  their  brethren, 
rushed  upon  the  sacrilegious  Turks.  They,  enemies  of  God 
and  of  us,  hastily  fled  before  us  and  attempted  to  enter  their 
city.  But  by  God’s  grace  the  affair  turned  out  very  differ- 
ently; for,  when  they  attempted  to  cross  a bridge  built  over 
the  great  river  Moscholum,  we  followed  them  as  closely  as 
possible,  killed  many  before  they  reached  the  bridge,  forced 
many  into  the  river,  all  of  whom  were  killled,  and  we  also 
slew  many  upon  the  bridge  and  very  many  at  the  narrow 
entrance  to  the  gate.  I am  telling  you  the  truth,  my  beloved, 
and  you  may  rely  upon  it,  that  in  this  battle  we  killed  thirty 
emirs  (that  is,  princes)  and  three  hundred  other  Turkish  nobles, 
not  counting  the  remaining  Turks  and  pagans.  Indeed,  the 


The  Crusades 


325 


number  of  Turks  and  Saracens  killed  is  reckoned  at  twelve 
hundred  and  thirty,  while  of  our  own  troops  we  did  not  lose 
a single  man. 

On  the  following  day  (Easter),  while  my  chaplain,  Alex- 
ander, was  writing  this  letter  in  great  haste,  a party  of  our 
men,  lying  in  wait  for  the  Turks,  fought  a successful  engage- 
ment with  them  and  killed  sixty  horsemen,  whose  heads 
they  brought  to  the  army. 

I can  write  to  you  only  a few,  dearest,  of  the  many  things 
which  we  have  done.  Although  I am  not  able  to  tell  you 
all  that  is  in  my  mind,  I trust  that  all  is  going  well  with 
you,  and  urge  you  to  watch  carefully  over  your  possessions 
and  to  treat  as  you  ought  your  children  and  your  vassals. 
You  will  certainly  see  me  just  as  soon  as  I can  possibly 
return  to  you.  Farewell. 

To  Lord  Paschal^  Pope  of  the  Roma7i  Churchy  and  to  all  the 
Bishops^  and  to  the  whole  Christia7i  people^  Greeting  f7vm  the 
Archbishop  of  Pisa ^ Duke  Godfrey^  now^  by  the  grace  of  God, 
Defender  of  the  Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulcher,  RayTnond, 
Count  of  St.  Gilles,  and  the  whole  arTny  of  God,  which  is  m 
the  land  of  Israel : 

Multiply  your  supplications  and  prayers  in  the  sight  of 
God  with  joy  and  thanksgiving,  since  God  has  manifested 
his  mercy  in  fulfilling  by  our  hands  what  he  had  promised 
in  ancient  times ; for  after  the  capture  of  Nicaea  the  whole 
army,  made  up  of  more  than  three  hundred  thousand  sol- 
diers, departed  thence.  And,  although  this  army  was  so 
great  that  it  could  in  a single  day  have  covered  all  Romania 
and  drunk  up  all  the  rivers  and  eaten  up  all  the  growing 
things,  yet  the  Lord  conducted  them  amid  so  great  abun- 
dance that  a ram  was  sold  for  a penny  and  an  ox  for  twelve 
pence  or  less.  Moreover,  although  the  princes  and  kings 
of  the  Saracens  rose  up  against  us,  yet,  by  God^s  will,  they 
were  easily  conquered  and  overcome. 

Because,  however,  some  were  puffed  up  by  these  suc- 
cesses, God  opposed  to  us  Antioch,  impregnable  to  human 
strength.  And  there  he  detained  us  for  nine  months  and  so 


127.  God- 
frey of 
Bouillon  and 
his  com- 
panions 
write  to  the 
pope  con- 
cerning the 
progress  of 
the  crusade. 


Comfortable 
passage 
through  Asia 
Minor. 


Delay  at 
Antioch. 


326 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  finding 
of  the  holy 
hnce. 


humbled  us  in  the  siege  that  there  were  scarcely  a hundred 
good  horses  left  in  our  whole  army.  God  then  opened  to  us 
the  abundance  of  his  blessing  and  mercy,  and  led  us  into  the 
city,  and  delivered  the  Turks  and  all  of  their  possessions  into 
our  power. 

Inasmuch  as  we  thought  that  these  had  been  acquired  by 
our  own  strength,  and  did  not  worthily  magnify  God  who 
had  done  this,  we  were  beset  by  so  great  a multitude  of 
Turks  that  no  one  dared  to  venture  forth  at  any  point  from 
the  city.  Moreover  hunger  so  weakened  us  that  some  could 
scarcely  refrain  from  eating  human  flesh.  It  would  be  tedi- 
ous to  narrate  all  the  miseries  which  we  suffered  in  that  city. 
But  God  looked  down  upon  his  people,  whom  he  had  so 
long  chastised,  and  mercifully  consoled  them.  Therefore, 
he  at  first  revealed  to  us,  as  a recompense  for  our  tribula- 
tion and  as  a pledge  of  victory,  his  lance,  which  had  lain 
hidden  since  the  days  of  the  apostles.^  Next,  he  so  forti- 
fied the  hearts  of  the  men  that  they  who  from  sickness  or 
hunger  had  been  unable  to  walk,  now  were  indued  with 
strength  to  seize  their  weapons  and  manfully  to  fight  against 
the  enemy. 

After  we  had  triumphed  over  the  enemy,  as  our  army 
was  wasting  away  at  Antioch  from  sickness  and  weariness 
and  was  especially  hindered  by  the  dissensions  among  the 
leaders,  we  proceeded  into  Syria,  stormed  Barra  and  Marra, 
cities  of  the  Saracens,  and  captured  the  fortresses  in  that 
country.  And  while  we  were  delaying  there,  there  was  so 
great  a famine  in  the  army  that  the  Christian  people  now 
ate  the  putrid  bodies  of  the  Saracens.  Finally,  by  the  divine 
admonition,  we  entered  into  the  interior  of  Hispania,^  and 
the  most  bountiful,  merciful,  and  victorious  hand  of  the 
omnipotent  Father  was  with  us  ; for  the  cities  and  for- 
tresses of  the  country  through  which  we  were  proceeding 

1 The  holy  lance  with  which  the  Roman  soldier  is  reported  to  have 
pierced  Christ’s  side. 

2 A region  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Orontes  which  stretches  toward 
the  east. 


The  Crusades 


327 


sent  ambassadors  to  us  with  many  gifts  and  offered  to  aid 
us  and  to  surrender  their  walled  places. 

But  because  our  army  was  not  large  and  it  was  the  unani- 
mous wish  to  hasten  on  to  Jerusalem,  we  accepted  their 
pledges  and  made  them  tributaries.  One  of  the  cities  for- 
sooth, which  was  on  the  seacoast,  had  more  men  than  there 
were  in  our  whole  army.  And  when  those  at  Antioch  and 
Laodicea  and  Archas  heard  how  the  hand  of  the  Lord  was 
with  us,  many  from  the  army  who  had  remained  in  those 
cities  followed  us  to  Tyre.  Therefore,  with  the  Lord’s 
companionship  and  aid,  we  proceeded  thus  as  far  as  Jeru- 
salem. 

And  after  the  army  had  suffered  greatly  in  the  siege, 
especially  on  account  of  the  lack  of  water,  a council  was 
held,  and  the  bishops  and  princes  ordered  that  all  should 
march  around  the  walls  of  the  city  with  feet  bare,  in  order 
that  he  who  entered  it  humbly  in  our  behalf  might  be  moved 
by  our  humility  to  open  it  to  us  and  to  exercise  judgment 
upon  his  enemies. 

God  was  appeased  by  this  humility,  and  on  the  eighth  day 
after  the  humiliation  he  delivered  the  city  and  his  enemies 
to  us.  It  was  the  very  day,  indeed,  on  which  the  primitive 
Church  was  driven  thence  and  on  which  the  festival  of 
the  Dispersion  of  the  Apostles  is  celebrated.  And  if  you 
desire  to  know  what  was  done  with  the  enemy  who  were 
found  there,  know  that  in  Solomon’s  Porch  and  in  his  temple 
our  men  rode  in  the  blood  of  the  Saracens  up  to  the  knees 
of  their  horses. 

Then  when  we  were  considering  who  ought  to  hold  the 
city,  and  some,  moved  by  love  for  their  country  and  kins- 
men, wished  to  return  home,  it  was  announced  to  us  that  the 
king  of  Babylon^  had  come  to  Ascalon  with  an  innumerable 
multitude  of  soldiers.  His  purpose  was,  as  he  said,  to  lead 
the  Franks  who  were  in  Jerusalem  into  captivity,  and  to 
take  Antioch  by  storm.  But  God  had  determined  otherwise 
in  regard  to  us. 


The  cru- 
saders ad- 
vance upon 
Jerusalem. 


Capture  of 
Jerusalem. 


Crusaders 
attacked  by 
troops  from 
Egypt. 


1 An  important  city  of  Egypt  at  that  time. 


328 


Readings  ui  Etiropean  History 


The  king  of 

Babylon 

defeated. 


Cooperation 
on  the  part 
of  the  cap- 
tured 
animals. 


Therefore,  when  we  learned  that  the  army  of  the  Baby- 
lonians was  at  Ascalon,  we  went  down  to  meet  them,  leaving 
our  baggage  and  the  sick,  with  a garrison,  in  Jerusalem. 
When  our  army  was  in  sight  of  the  enemy,  we  invoked  up- 
on our  knees  the  aid  of  the  Lord,  that  he  who  in  our  other 
adversities  had  strengthened  the  Christian  faith,  might  in 
the  present  battle  break  the  strength  of  the  Saracens  and  of 
the  devil,  and  extend  the  kingdom  of  the  Church  of  Christ 
from  sea  to  sea,  over  the  whole  world.  There  was  no 
delay;  God  was  present  when  we  cried  for  his  aid,  and 
indued  us  with  so  great  boldness  that  one  who  saw  us 
rush  upon  the  enemy  would  have  taken  us  for  a herd  of 
deer,  hastening  to  quench  their  thirst  in  running  water. 

It  was  indeed  wonderful,  since  there  were  in  our  army 
not  more  than  five  thousand  horsemen  and  fifteen  thousand 
foot  soldiers,  and  there  were  probably  in  the  enemy’s  army 
one  hundred  thousand  horsemen  and  four  hundred  thousand 
foot  soldiers.  Then  God  appeared  most  marvelous  to  his 
servants.  For  before  we  engaged  in  fighting,  by  our  very 
onset  alone,  he  turned  this  multitude  in  flight  and  scattered 
all  their  weapons,  so  that  if  they  wished  afterward  to  attack 
us  they  did  not  have  the  arms  in  which  they  trusted. 

There  can  be  no  question  as  to  the  greatness  of  the  spoils, 
since  the  treasures  of  the  king  of  Babylon  were  captured. 
More  than  one  hundred  thousand  Moors  perished  there  by 
the  sword.  Moreover  their  panic  was  so  great  that  about 
two  thousand  were  suffocated  at  the  gate  of  the  city.  Those 
who  perished  in  the  sea  were  innumerable.  Many  were 
entangled  in  the  thickets.  The  whole  world  was  certainly 
fighting  for  us,  and  if  many  of  our  men  had  not  been 
detained  in  plundering  the  camp,  few  of  the  great  mul- 
titude of  the  enemy  would  have  been  able  to  escape  from 
the  battle. 

And  although  it  may  be  tedious,  the  following  must  not 
be  omitted.  On  the  day  preceding  the  battle  the  army  cap- 
tured many  thousands  of  camels,  oxen,  and  sheep.  By  the 
command  of  the  princes  these  were  divided  among  the  peo- 
ple. When  we  advanced  to  battle,  wonderful  to  relate,  the 


The  Crusades 


329 


camels  formed  in  many  squadrons,  and  the  sheep  and  oxen 
did  the  same.  Moreover  these  animals  accompanied  us, 
halting  when  we  halted,  advancing  when  we  advanced,  and 
charging  when  we  charged.  The  clouds  sheltered  us  from 
the  heat  of  the  sun  and  cooled  us. 

Accordingly,  after  celebrating  the  victory,  the  army 
returned  to  Jerusalem.  Duke  Godfrey  remained  there;  the 
count  of  St.  Gilles,  Robert,  count  of  Normandy,  and  Robert, 
count  of  Flanders,  returned  to  Laodicea.  There  they 
found  the  fleet  belonging  to  the  Pisans  and  to  Bohemond. 
After  the  archbishop  of  Pisa  had  established  peace  between 
Bohemond  and  our  leaders,  Raymond  prepared  to  return  to 
Jerusalem  for  the  sake  of  God  and  his  brethren. 

Therefore,  we  call  upon  you  of  the  Catholic  Church  of 
Christ  and  of  the  whole  Latin  Church  to  exult  in  the  ad- 
mirable bravery  and  devotion  of  your  brethren,  in  the 
glorious  and  desirable  retribution  of  the  omnipotent  God, 
and  in  the  devoutly  hoped-for  remission  of  all  our  sins 
through  the  grace  of  God.  And  we  pray  that  he  may  make 
you  — namely,  all  bishops,  clergy,  and  monks  who  are  lead- 
ing devout  lives,  and  all  the  laity  — to  sit  down  at  the 
right  hand  of  God,  who  liveth  and  reigneth,  God  for  ever 
and  ever. 

And  we  ask  and  beseech  you,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord 
Jesus,  who  has  ever  been  with  us  and  aided  us  and  freed  us 
from  all  our  tribulations,  to  be  mindful  of  your  brethren 
who  return  to  you,  by  doing  them  kindnesses  and  by  paying 
their  debts,  in  order  that  God  may  recompense  you  and 
absolve  you  from  all  your  sins  and  grant  you  a share  in  all 
the  blessings  which  either  we  or  they  have  deserved  in  the 
sight  of  the  Lord.  Amen. 


IV.  St.  Bernard  and  the  Second  Crusade 

St.  Bernard  w^as  induced  to  use  his  unrivaled  influence 
in  promoting  a new  crusade  in  1146.  The  following 
letter  indicates  his  attitude  toward  the  enterprise : 


330 


Readings  m European  History 


128.  St. 
Bernard 
exhorts  the 
people  to 
take  arms 
against  the 
infidel. 


To  the  Lords  and  very  dear  Fathers^  the  Archbishops  and 
Bishops^  with  the  whole  Clergy  and  the  faithful  people  of 
Eastern  France  and  Bava'ria : Bernard^  called  Abbot  of 
Clairvaux,  desires  that  they  may  abound  m the  spirit 
of  strength : 

I write  to  you  with  respect  to  a matter  which  concerns 
the  service  of  Christ,  in  whom  is  our  salvation.  This  I say 
in  order  that  the  Lord’s  authority  may  excuse  the  unworthi- 
ness of  the  person  who  speaks ; let  the  consideration  of 
its  usefulness  to  yourselves  also  excuse  the  faults  of  my 
address.  I,  indeed,  am  of  small  account ; but  I have  no 
small  love  for  you  all,  in  the  bowels  of  Jesus  Christ.  This, 
now,  is  my  reason  for  writing  to  you,  that  I may  thus 
approach  you  as  a whole.  I would  rather  do  so  by  word 
of  mouth,  if  the  opportunity,  as  well  as  the  will,  were 
afforded  me. 

Behold,  brethren,  now  is  the  accepted  time,  now  is  the 
day  of  salvation.  The  earth  also  is  moved  and  has  trembled, 
because  the  God  of  heaven  has  begun  to  destroy  the  land 
which  is  his  : his,  I say,  in  which  the  word  of  the  Father 
was  taught,  and  where  he  dwelt  for  more  than  thirty  years,  a 
man  among  men ; his,  for  he  enlightened  it  with  miracles, 
he  consecrated  it  with  his  own  blood;  in  it  appeared  the 
first  fruits  of  his  resurrection.  And  now,  for  our  sins,  the 
enemies  of  the  Cross  have  raised  blaspheming  heads,  rav- 
aging with  the  edge  of  the  sword  the  land  of  promise.  For 
they  are  almost  on  the  point,  if  there  be  not  One  to  withstand 
them,  of  bursting  into  the  very  city  of  the  living  God,  of 
overturning  the  sanctuaries  of  our  redemption,  of  polluting 
the  holy  places  of  the  spotless  Lamb  with  purple  blood. 
Alas  ! they  rage  against  the  very  shrine  of  the  Christian 
faith  with  blasphemous  mouths,  and  would  enter  and 
trample  down  the  very  couch  on  which,  for  us,  our  Life  lay 
down  to  sleep  in  death. 

What  are  you  going  to  do  then,  O brave  men  What  are 
you  doing,  O servants  of  the  Cross  ? Will  you  give  what  is 
holy  to  the  dogs,  and  cast  your  pearls  before  swine  ? How 
many  sinners  there,  confessing  their  sins  with  tears,  have 


The  Crusades 


331 


obtained  pardon,  after  the  defilement  of  the  heathen  had 
been  purged  by  the  swords  of  your  fathers  ! The  wicked 
man  sees  and  is  grieved;  he  gnashes  with  his  teeth,  and  con- 
sumes away.  He  prepares  the  instruments  of  sin,  and  will 
leave  no  sign  or  trace  of  so  great  piety,  if  ever  (which  God 
forbid  !)  he  gain  possession  of  this  holiest  of  holy  places. 
Verily  that  would  be  an  irremediable  grief  to  all  time,  an 
irrecoverable  loss,  a vast  disgrace  to  this  most  graceless 
generation,  and  an  everlasting  shame. 

What  are  we  then  to  think,  brethren  ? Is  the  Lord's  arm 
shortened  so  that  it  cannot  save,  because  he  calls  his  weak 
creatures  to  guard  and  restore  his  heritage  ? Can  he  not 
send  more  than  twelve  legions  of  angels,  or  merely  speak  the 
word,  and  the  land  shall  be  set  free 't  It  is  altogether  in 
his  power  to  effect  what  he  wishes;  but  I tell  you,  the 
Lord,  your  God,  is  trying  you.  He  looks  upon  the  sons  of 
men  to  see  if  there  be  any  to  understand,  and  seek,  and 
bewail  his  error.  For  the  Lord  hath  pity  upon  his  people, 
and  provides  a sure  remedy  for  those  that  are  afflicted. 

Think  what  care  he  uses  for  your  salvation,  and  wonder. 
Behold  the  abyss  of  his  love,  and  trust  him,  O ye  sinners. 
He  wills  not  your  death,  but  that  you  may  turn  and  live ; 
for  now  he  seeks  occasion,  not  against  you,  but  for  your 
benefit.  What  opportunity  of  salvation  has  God  not  tried 
and  sought  out,  when  the  Almighty  deigns  to  summon  to 
his  service  murderers,  robbers,  adulterers,  perjurers,  and 
those  guilty  of  other  crimes,  as  if  they  were  a people  that 
dealt  righteously  ? Doubt  him  not,  O sinners  ; God  is  kind. 
If  he  willed  to  punish  you,  he  not  only  would  not  seek  your 
service,  but  would  not  accept  it  when  offered. 

Again  I say,  weigh  the  riches  of  the  goodness  of  the 
Highest  God;  hear  his  plan  of  mercy.  He  makes,  or  feigns, 
a need  for  himself,  while  he  desires  to  help  you  in  your 
necessity.  He  wills  to  be  held  a debtor,  that  he  may  give 
pay  to  those  that  fight  for  him,  pardon  of  sins,  and  everlast- 
ing glory.  Therefore  I may  call  it  a highly  favored  genera- 
tion which  has  happened  upon  a time  so  full  of  indulgence; 
upon  which  has  come  that  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord,  a 


Character 
of  the 
crusaders. 


332 


Readings  in  European  History 


Neighbor- 
hood war. 


Why  the 
Jews  are 
not  to  be 
attacked. 


very  jubilee ; for  this  blessing  is  spread  over  the  whole 
world,  and  all  fly  eagerly  to  the  sign  of  life. 

Since,  therefore,  your  land  is  fruitful  in  brave  men,  and 
is  known  to  be  full  of  robust  youth,  since  your  praise  is  in 
the  whole  world,  and  the  fame  of  your  valor  has  filled  the 
entire  earth,  gird  up  your  loins  manfully,  and  take  up  arms 
in  zeal  for  the  Christian  name.  Let  not  your  former  war- 
like  skill  cease,  but  only  that  spirit  of  hatred  in  which  you 
are  accustomed  to  strike  down  and  kill  one  another  and  in 
turn  be  overcome  yourselves.  How  dire  a madness  goads 
those  wretched  men,  when  kinsmen  strike  each  other’s  bodies 
with  the  sword,  perchance  causing  the  soul  also  to  perish ! 
But  he  does  not  escape  who  triumphs ; the  sword  shall  go 
through  his  own  soul  also,  when  he  thinks  to  have  slain 
his  enemy  only.  To  enter  such  a combat  is  madness,  not 
valor:  it  is  not  to  be  ascribed  to  bravery,  but  rather  to 
foolishness. 

But  now,  O brave  knight,  now,  O warlike  hero,  here  is  a 
battle  you  may  fight  without  danger,  where  it  is  glory  to 
conquer  and  gain  to  die.  If  you  are  a prudent  merchant, 
if  you  are  a desirer  of  this  world,  behold  I show  you  some 
great  bargains ; see  that  you  lose  them  not.  Take  the  sign 
of  the  cross,  and  you  shall  gain  pardon  for  every  sin  that 
you  confess  with  a contrite  heart.  The  material  itself,  being 
bought,  is  worth  little;  but  if  it  be  placed  on  a devout  shoulder, 
it  is,  without  doubt,  worth  no  less  than  the  kingdom  of  God. 
Therefore  they  have  done  well  who  have  already  taken  the 
heavenly  sign  : well  and  wisely  also  will  the  rest  do,  if  they 
hasten  to  lay  upon  their  shoulders,  like  the  first,  the  sign 
of  salvation. 

Besides,  brethren,  I warn  you,  and  not  only  I,  but  God’s 
apostle,  “Believe  not  every  spirit.”  We  have  heard  and 
rejoice  that  the  zeal  of  God  abounds  in  you,  but  it  behooves 
no  mind  to  be  wanting  in  wisdom.  The  Jews  must  not  be 
persecuted,  slaughtered,  nor  even  driven  out.  Inquire  of  the 
pages  of  Holy  Writ.  I know  what  is  written  in  the  Psalms 
as  prophecy  about  the  Jews.  “ God  hath  commanded  me,” 
says  the  Church,  ‘ Slay  them  not,  lest  my  people  forget.’  ” 


The  C^'usades 


333 


They  are  living  signs  to  us,  representing  the  Lord’s  pas- 
sion. For  this  reason  they  are  dispersed  into  all  regions, 
that  now  they  may  pay  the  just  penalty  of  so  great  a crime, 
and  that  they  may  be  witnesses  of  our  redemption.  Where- 
fore the  Church,  speaking  in  the  same  Psalm,  says,  “ Scatter 
them  by  thy  power;  and  bring  them  down,  O Lord,  our 
shield.”  So  has  it  been.  They  have  been  dispersed,  cast 
down.  They  undergo  a hard  captivity  under  Christian  princes. 
Yet  they  shall  be  converted  at  even-time,  and  remembrance 
of  them  shall  be  made  in  due  season.  Finally,  when  the  mul- 
titude of  the  Gentiles  shall  have  entered  in,  then  “ all  Israel 
shall  be  saved,”  saith  the  apostle.  Meanwhile  he  who  dies 
remains  in  death. 

I do  not  enlarge  on  the  lamentable  fact  that  where  there 
are  no  Jews  there  Christian  men  judaize  even  worse  than  they 
in  extorting  usury,  — if,  indeed,  we  may  call  them  Christians 
and  not  rather  baptized  Jews.  Moreover,  if  the  Jews  be 
utterly  trampled  down,  how  shall  the  promised  salvation 
or  conversion  profit  them  in  the  end  ? . . . 

This  also  we  must  warn  you,  dearest  brethren,  that  if  any 
love  to  bear  rule  among  you,  and  wish,  by  hastening,  to 
anticipate  the  army  of  his  country,  he  shall  by  no  means 
attempt  to  do  it.  If  he  pretend  to  have  been  sent  by  us, 
it  is  not  true  ; or  if  he  show  letters  as  if  given  by  us,  I warn 
you  that  they  are  altogether  false  or  obtained  by  fraud.  It 
is  necessary  to  choose  warlike  and  skillful  leaders,  and  for 
the  army  of  the  Lord  to  set  out  together,  that  it  may  have 
strength  everywhere,  and  not  be  liable  to  sustain  injury 
from  any. 

There  was  in  the  former  expedition,  before  Jerusalem 
was  taken,  a certain  man,  Peter  by  name,  of  whom  (if  I 
mistake  not)  you  have  often  heard  mention.  He  went  alone, 
at  the  head  of  a mass  of  people  who  had  intrusted  them- 
selves to  his  care,  and  led  them  into  so  great  dangers  that 
none,  or  at  least  very  few,  escaped  death,  either  by  hunger 
or  the  sword.  So  there  is  danger  lest,  if  you  do  likewise, 
the  same  fate  should  overtake  you  also,  which  may  God,  who 
is  forever  blessed,  avert  from  you.  Amen, 


Christians 

practice 

usury. 


Reference  to 
the  destruc- 
tion of  Peter 
the  Hermit’s 
horde  of 
followers. 


334 


Readings  in  Ein^opean  Histoiy 


129.  St. 
Bernard 
blamed 
because  of 
the  disas- 
trous out- 
come of  the 
crusade. 


That  St. 
Bernard  was 
preaching 
the  word  of 
God  is 
proved  by 
many 
miracles. 


St.  Bernard’s  secretary,  Geoffrey  of  Clairvaux,  who 
wrote  a life  of  his  revered  master,  thus  defends  him 
from  the  criticisms  of  those  who  would  blame  him  for 
the  sad  outcome  of  the  Second  Crusade : 

We  ought  not  to  conceal  the  fact  that  certain  men,  through 
ignorance  or  malignity,  took  offense  because  Bernard  had 
by  his  preaching  stimulated  the  expedition  for  the  deliver- 
ance of  Jerusalem,  which  had  such  an  unfortunate  issue. 
Nevertheless  we  can  confidently  affirm  that  he  was  not  the 
first  mover  in  the  matter.  Even  after  the  report  of  the 
unfortunate  situation  had  already  deeply  stirred  the  souls 
of  many,  and  he  had  been  repeatedly  urged  by  the  king  of 
France,  and  had  also  been  pressed  by  apostolic  letters,  he 
still  refused  to  speak  or  to  give  his  advice  in  the  matter 
until  the  sovereign  pontiff  himself,  in  a general  letter  to  all 
the  faithful,  had  commanded  him,  as  the  natural  interpreter 
of  the  Roman  Church,  to  set  forth  to  the  peoples  and  their 
rulers  the  necessity  of  the  crusade.  The  tenor  of  this  letter 
was  that  both  people  and  princes  should,  for  the  purpose  of 
penance  and  the  remission  of  their  sins,  betake  themselves 
to  Jerusalem,  where  they  would  either  deliver  their  brethren 
or  sacrifice  their  lives  for  them. 

Bernard  accordingly  preached  the  expedition  in  the  most 
convincing  manner,  with  the  aid  of  the  Lord,  who  confirmed 
the  truth  of  his  servant’s  words  by  miracles.  So  many  were 
the  miracles,  and  so  great,  that  it  would  be  difficult  to  enu- 
merate, still  more  to  narrate,  them.  At  one  time  an  effort  was 
made  to  write  them  out,  but  the  number  of  the  prodigies  to 
report  exceeded  the  strength  of  the  writer,  and  the  grandeur 
of  the  subject,  the  faculties  of  him  who  had  undertaken  to 
treat  it. 

In  short,  as  many  as  twenty  sick  folk,  and  even  more,  were 
cured  of  divers  ills  in  a single  day,  and  hardly  a day  passed 
that  similar  miracles  were  not  performed.  In  a word,  at  this 
time  Christ  permitted  his  servant,  by  his  touch  and  his  prayers, 
to  restore  sight  to  men  who  had  been  blind  from  their  birth. 


The  Crusades 


335 


to  cause  the  lame  to  walk,  to  cure  the  paralytic,  to  make 
the  deaf  to  hear  and  the  dumb  to  speak.  All  these  were 
restored  to  a perfection  of  health  truly  remarkable  in  view 
of  that  which  they  had  previously  enjoyed. 

The  eastern  church  was  not,  it  is  true,  granted  the  happi- 
ness of  being  delivered  by  the  expedition  of  which  we  are 
speaking ; but  at  least  the  heavenly  Church  was  filled  there- 
by with  pious  souls  and  may  therefore  rightly  rejoice.  If, 
on  this  occasion,  it  pleased  the  Lord,  instead  of  saving  the 
bodies  of  the  eastern  people  from  the  pagans,  to  snatch  the 
souls  of  many  of  the  western  from  sin,  who  shall  say, 
“ Wherefore,  Lord,  dost  thou  so  ? ” . . 

It  happened  that  at  the  moment  when  the  first  news  of 
the  lamentable  rout  of  the  crusaders’  army  reached  France 
a father  came  to  present  his  blind  son  to  the  servant  of 
God,  that  the  boy’s  sight  might  be  restored.  After  he  had 
succeeded,  by  many  prayers,  in  overcoming  the  reluctance 
of  Bernard,  the  saint,  laying  his  hands  upon  the  child, 
addressed  the  Lord,  saying  that,  if  it  were  truly  his  word 
that  Bernard  had  spread  abroad  when  he  preached  the  cru- 
sade, and  if  the  Holy  Spirit  had  really  inspired  him  when 
he  preached,  the  Most  High  might  deign  to  prove  this  by 
opening  to  the  light  the  eyes  of  this  blind  child.  While 
after  this  prayer  they  awaited  the  outcome,  the  child  cried 
out,  ‘‘  And  what  shall  I do  now,  for  I can  see  1 ” Immedi- 
ately a great  stir  arose  among  those  present,  including  not 
only  a great  number  of  monks  but  secular  persons  also,  who, 
realizing  that  the  little  child  could  see,  were  greatly  consoled 
and  rendered  thanks  to  God. 

V.  A Holy  Pilgrim 

Along  with  the  soldiers  whom  Urban  and  St.  Ber- 
nard urged  to  direct  their  warlike  energies  against  the 
Mohammedans  instead  of  making  trouble  at  home, 
thousands  of  pious  pilgrims  were  constantly  seeking  the 
Holy  Land  in  a spirit  of  single-minded  devotion.  Such 


St.  Bernard 
is  permitted 
to  cure  a 
blind  child 
as  a proof 
of  the 

propriety  of 
preaching 
the  crusade. 


336 


Readings  in  European  History 


pilgrimages  as  that  described  below  had  begun  long 
before  the  crusades^  and  continued  long  after  the  mili- 
tary expeditions  ceased. 


130.  The 
pilgrimage 
of  Udal- 
rich  to 
Jerusalem. 


The  holy  Udalrich,  having  spent  some  time  at  home,  began 
to  be  oppressed  in  soul  lest  the  duties  imposed  upon  him  by 
his  uncle  ^ were  not  sufficiently  pleasing  to  God.  Wishing, 
therefore,  to  be  free  and  entirely  unhampered  in  order  to 
make  a pilgrimage  for  Christ’s  sake,  he  gave  up  his  benefices 
and  started  for  Jerusalem.  He  took  with  him  his  servant, 
who  was  at  the  same  time  his  almoner,  and  a single  horse. 

From  the  day  he  left  Freising  until  he  entered  Jerusalem 
he  never  mounted  his  horse  until  he  had  repeated  the  Psalter 
from  beginning  to  end,  in  the  meanwhile  ordering  Martin,  his 
servant,  to  ride,  and  meditating  long,  perchance,  by  the  way. 

When  at  last  this  saintly  man  reached  the  holy  places,  it 
is  not  possible  to  relate  with  what  emotion  he  greeted  the 
memorials  of  the  birth,  passion,  resurrection,  and  ascension 
of  our  Lord,  with  what  genuflections  he  adored  them,  and 
with  what  floods  of  tears  he  watered  them.  The  simple 
strength  of  his  prayer  and  supplication  exceeds  the  power 
of  words.  He  literally  fulfilled  the  utterances  of  the  Psalm- 
ist : I am  weary  with  my  groaning  ; all  the  night  make  I my 
bed  to  swim ; I water  my  couch  with  my  tears.”  His  com- 
panions were  filled  with  astonishment,  and  as  for  himself, 
he  lost  his  eyesight  before  his  time,  as  will  appear  later. 

God  had  given  him  outpourings  from  above  and  from 
below,  that  is,  compunction  due  not  only  to  his  love  of  the 
celestial  kingdom,  but  springing  also  from  his  apprehension 
of  the  torments  of  hell ; — but  perfect  love  casteth  out  fear. 
At  last,  asked  by  one  of  his  associates  why  he  bemoaned  him- 
self so  long  every  night  and  permitted  no  one  about  him  to 
sleep,  and  why  he  did  not  spare  his  failing  eyes,  he  replied 
that  he  was  tired  of  the  long  pilgrimage  in  this  world,  that 
he  longed  to  die  and  be  with  Christ,  nor  was  he  troubled 
over  the  failing  light. 

1 See,  for  example,  that  spoken  of  above,  p.  267. 

2 The  bishop  of  Freising,  who  had  given  him  certain  benefices. 


The  Crusades 


337 


VI.  Inducements  offered  to  those  who  would  take 
THE  Cross 


There  is  no  more  extraordinary  example  of  the  vast 
power  enjoyed  by  the  pope  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth 
centuries  than  the  privileges  granted  to  those  who  enlisted 
in  the  struggle  against  the  infidel. 


Moreover,  in  virtue  of  the  authority  vested  by  God  in  us, 
we,  who  with  paternal  care  provide  for  your  safety  and  the 
needs  of  the  Church,  have  promised  and  granted  to  those 
who  from  a spirit  of  devotion  have  resolved  to  enter  upon 
and  accomplish  this  holy  and  necessary  undertaking,  that 
full  remission  of  sins  which  our  predecessor.  Pope  Urban, 
granted.  We  have  also  commanded  that  their  wives  and 
children,  their  property  and  possessions,  shall  be  under  the 
protection  of  the  holy  Church,  of  ourselves,  of  the  arch- 
bishops, bishops,  and  other  prelates  of  the  Church  of  God. 
Moreover  we  ordain,  by  our  apostolic  authority,  that  until 
their  return  or  death  is  fully  proven,  no  lawsuit  shall  be 
instituted  hereafter  in  regard  to  any  property  of  which  they 
were  in  peaceful  possession  when  they  took  the  cross. 

Those  who  with  pure  hearts  enter  upon  this  sacred  jour’ 
ney,  and  who  are  in  debt,  shall  pay  no  interest.  And  if 
they,  or  others  for  them,  are  bound  by  oath  or  promise  to 
pay  interest,  we  free  them  by  our  apostolic  authority.  And 
after  they  have  sought  aid  of  their  relatives,  or  of  the  lords 
of  whom  they  hold  their  fiefs,  if  the  latter  are  unable  or 
unwilling  to  advance  them  money,  we  allow  them  freely  to 
mortgage  their  lands  and  other  possessions  to  churches, 
ecclesiastics,  or  other  Christians,  and  their  lords  shall  have 
no  redress. 

Following  the  example  of  our  predecessor,  and  through 
the  authority  of  omnipotent  God  and  of  St.  Peter,  prince  of 
the  apostles,  which  is  vested  in  us  by  God,  we  grant  absolu- 
tion and  remission  of  sins,  so  that  those  who  devoutly  under- 
take and  accomplish  this  holy  journey,  or  who  die  by  the 


131.  Privi- 
leges 

granted  to 
the  crusad- 
ers by  Pope 
Eugen- 
ius  III 
(1146). 


338 


Readings  in  European  History 


132.  Privi- 
leges 

granted  by 
Innocent  III 
at  the  coun- 
cil of  the 
Lateran 
(1215)- 


Crusaders 
to  be  ex- 
empted from 
taxation. 


way,  shall  obtain  absolution  for  all  their  sins  which  they 
confess  with  humble  and  contrite  heart,  and  shall  receive 
from  him  who  grants  to  each  his  due  reward  the  prize  of 
eternal  life. 

Granted  at  Vetralle  on  the  Kalends  of  December  [1146]. 

In  order  that  nothing  relating  to  Christ’s  business  may 
be  neglected,  we  wish  and  command  patriarchs,  archbishops, 
bishops,  abbots,  and  others  who  have  charge  of  souls,  to  set 
forth  zealously  to  those  committed  to  their  care  the  word  of 
the  cross,  exhorting  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy 
Ghost,  — the  one  only  true  and  eternal  God,  — kings,  dukes, 
princes,  marquises,  counts,  barons,  and  other  magnates,  also 
the  communities  of  cities,  towns,  and  villages,  who  do  not  go 
in  person  to  the  aid  of  the  Holy  Land,  to  send  a suitable 
number  of  warriors,  with  the  necessary  expenses  for  three 
years  according  to  their  individual  means,  for  the  remission 
of  their  own  sins,  — all  which  is  stated  in  our  general  letters, 
and  is  also  stated  below,  for  the  greater  surety. 

Of  this  remission  we  wish  that  not  only  those  who  furnish 
their  own  vessels  should  be  partakers,  but  also  those  who 
may  have  striven  to  build  ships  for  this  purpose.  More- 
over let  it  be  sternly  announced  by  apostolic  authority  to 
those  who  refuse  — if  perchance  any  shall  be  so  ungrateful 
to  our  Lord  God  — that  they  are  to  understand  that  for  this 
they  will  have  to  answer  to  us  on  the  last  day  of  strict  judg- 
ment before  an  awful  judge.  Nevertheless  let  them  first 
consider  with  what  conscience  or  what  security  they  will  be 
able  to  appear  before  the  only  begotten  Son  of  God,  Jesus 
Christ,  into  whose  hands  the  Father  gave  all  things,  if  they 
shall  refuse  in  this  matter,  which  is  peculiarly  fitting  for 
them,  to  aid  him  who  was  crucified  for  sinners,  by  whose 
bounty  they  live,  by  whose  kindness  they  are  maintained, 
— nay,  more,  by  whose  blood  they  have  been  redeemed. 

Since  it  is  certainly  right  that  those  who  give  their  alle- 
giance to  the  heavenly  Emperor  should  enjoy  a special 
privilege,  when  the  time  of  the  expedition  shall  exceed  one 
year  in  length  the  crusaders  shall  be  free  from  collections. 


The  Crusades 


339 


tallages,  and  other  taxes.  And  we  have  taken  their  per- 
sons and  property,  after  the  assumption  of  the  cross,  under 
St.  Peter’s  and  our  own  protection,  and  we  have  decided  that 
their  defense  shall  be  intrusted  to  the  archbishops,  bishops, 
and  all  the  prelates  of  the  Church.  We  have  also  appointed 
officers  of  our  own  especially  for  their  protection,  in  order 
that  their  property  may  be  kept  intact  and  uninjured  until 
their  death  or  return  is  known  with  certainty.  And  if  any- 
one attempts  any  attack  upon  their  property,  he  shall  be 
restrained  by  ecclesiastical  censure. 

If  any  of  those  setting  out  thither  are  bound  by  oath  to 
pay  interest,  we  command  that  their  creditors  shall  be  com- 
pelled by  the  same  means  to  release  them  from  their  oaths 
and  to  desist  from  the  exaction  of  interest.  But  if  any 
creditor  shall  compel  them  to  pay  interest,  we  order  that 
he  shall  be  forced,  by  a similar  chastisement,  to  pay  it  back. 

We  command  that  the  Jews,  however,  shall  be  compelled 
by  the  secular  power  to  remit  interest ; and  until  they  remit 
it  all  faithful  Christians  shall,  under  penalty  of  excommuni- 
cation, refrain  from  every  species  of  intercourse  with  them. 
For  those,  moreover,  who  are  unable  at  present  to  pay  their 
debts  to  the  Jews,  the  secular  princes  shall  provide  by  a 
useful  delay,  so  that  after  they  begin  their  journey  they  shall 
suffer  no  inconvenience  from  interest,  until  their  death  or 
return  is  known  with  certainty.  The  Jews  shall  be  com- 
pelled, after  deducting  the  necessary  expenses,  to  count  the 
income  which  they  receive  in  the  meantime  from  the  mort- 
gaged property  toward  the  payment  of  the  principal;  since 
a favor  of  this  kind,  which  defers  the  payment  and  does  not 
cancel  the  debt,  does  not  seem  to  cause  much  loss.  More- 
over let  the  prelates  of  the  Church  who  are  proven  to  be 
negligent  in  doing  justice  to  the  crusaders  and  their  families, 
understand  that  they  shall  be  severely  punished. 

Therefore,  trusting  in  the  mercy  of  omnipotent  God  and 
in  the  authority  of  the  blessed  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  by 
that  power  of  binding  and  loosing  which  God  has  conferred 
on  us,  although  unworthy,  we  grant  to  all  who  undergo  the 
difficulties  in  their  own  person  and  at  their  own  expense, 


They  are 
freed  from 
the  payment 
of  interest. 


Jews  to  be 
forced  to 
reduce  debts 
owed  them 
by  crusaders. 


Mediaeval 

political 

economy. 


Indulgences 
granted  to 
crusaders 
and  those 
who  aid 
them. 


340 


Readings  in  European  History 


133.  Liut- 
prand’s 
account  of 
his  recep- 
tion in  Con- 
stantinople 
(949)- 


full  remission  of  the  sins  of  which  they  have  truly  repented 
with  contrite  hearts  and  which  they  have  confessed  with 
their  mouths;  and  at  the  retribution  of  the  just  we  promise 
an  increase  of  eternal  salvation.  To  those  also  who  do  not 
go  thither  in  person  but  yet,  according  to  their  ability  and 
means,  send  suitable  men  at  their  expense,  and  to  those  like- 
wise who  go  in  person,  although  at  the  expense  of  others, 
we  promise  full  remission  of  their  sins.  We  also  will  and 
grant  that,  according  to  the  kind  of  their  aid  and  the  depth 
of  their  devotion,  all  shall  partake  of  this  remission  who 
minister  fitly  from  their  property  to  the  aid  of  that  land,  or 
furnish  opportune  counsel  and  assistance.  Also  on  all  who 
piously  proceed  in  this  task,  this  general  council  bestows  in 
common  the  aid  of  all  its  benefits,  that  it  may  worthily  con- 
duce to  their  salvation.  Amen. 

VII.  A Glimpse  of  the  Court  of  the  Eastern  Emperor 

When  the  crusaders  reached  Constantinople  they  saw 
about  them  evidences  of  an  elaborate  civilization,  of  which 
they  could  have  had  little  conception  in  their  dreary  and 
uncomfortable  castles.  It  is,  no  doubt,  in  the  general 
broadening  effects  of  travel  that  the  chief  influence  of 
the  crusades  on  the  western  peoples  is  to  be  found.  A 
hundred  and  fifty  years  before  the  First  Crusade,  when 
western  Europe  was  still  in  the  midst  of  the  gloomiest 
period  of  the  early  Middle  Ages,  Liutprand,  the  historian 
of  Otto  the  Great,  visited  Constantinople.  He  gives  the 
following  account  of  his  reception  as  ambassador  of 
Berengar,  king  of  Italy.  ^ 

Adjoining  the  imperial  palace  in  Constantinople  there  is 
a hall  of  extraordinary  size  and  beauty.  . . . The  Emperor 
Constantine  [VII]  had  this  hall  arranged  in  the  following 
manner  for  the  reception  of  the  recently  arrived  Spanish 

1 See  above,  pp.  255  sq. 


The  Crusades 


341 


ambassador,  as  well  as  of  Liutfrid  [ambassador  of  Otto  I] 
and  myself.  In  front  of  the  emperor’s  throne  stood  a tree  of 
gilded  iron,  whose  branches  were  filled  with  birds  of  various 
kinds,  made  of  iron  and  gilded,  which  gave  forth  the  different 
sorts  of  birds’  notes.  The  throne  itself  was  so  cunningly 
constructed  that  at  one  instant  it  looked  low,  the  next, 
higher,  and  a moment  later  had  risen  to  a great  elevation. 
It  was  guarded  on  either  side  by  huge  lions,  I know  not 
whether  of  metal  or  wood,  but  covered  with  gold,  which 
lashed  their  tails  on  the  floor  and,  with  open  mouth  and 
moving  tongue,  roared  aloud. 

In  this  hall,  and  accompanied  by  two  eunuchs,  I was 
brought  before  the  emperor.  At  my  entrance  the  lions 
roared  and  the  birds  sang,  each  after  his  kind;  but  I was 
neither  frightened  nor  even  astonished,  since  J had  taken 
pains  to  learn  beforehand  about  these  things  from  those 
who  knew  about  them.  When  I raised  my  head,  after 
prostrating  myself  before  the  emperor  for  the  third  time,  I 
beheld  him,  whom  before  I had  seen  seated  at  a moderate 
height  above  me,  elevated  almost  to  the  roof  of  the  hall  and 
clad  in  different  garments.  How  this  was  managed  I do 
not  know,  unless  by  means  of  something  like  the  screw  of  a 
press.  All  this  time  the  emperor  spoke  no  word ; indeed, 
even  had  he  wished  to  do  so,  it  would  have  been  undignified 
from  so  great  a height.  He  inquired,  however,  through  his 
chamberlain,  after  Berengar’s  health  and  pursuits.  After  I 
had  replied  in  a fitting  manner  I retired,  at  a sign  from  the 
interpreter,  and  was  conducted  to  the  inn  where  quarters  had 
been  assigned  me. 

[Liutprand  then  tells  of  his  humiliation  on  discovering 
that  the  other  ambassadors  had  brought  costly  gifts  to  the 
emperor  from  their  masters,  while  the  parsimonious  Berengar 
had  sent  nothing  but  a letter,  ‘‘  and  that  full  of  lies  !”  So  he 
determined  to  give  the  emperor  the  presents  which  his  step- 
father had  sent,  as  if  they  had  been  sent  by  the  Italian  king, 
“ piecing  out  the  small  gift  as  well  as  I could  with  fine  words.”] 

This  plan  having  accordingly  been  carried  out,  the  emperor, 
at  the  end  of  three  days,  sent  for  me  to  come  to  the  palace. 


342 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


conversed  with  me  with  his  own  mouth,  invited  me  to  dine 
with  him,  and,  after  the  meal,  honored  me  and  my  following 
with  appropriate  gifts.  ... 

In  a hall  of  extraordinary  height  and  magnificence  nine- 
teen tables  are  spread  on  the  anniversary  of  the  Incarnation 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ;  around  these  the  emperor  and  his 
guests,  instead  of  sitting  as  usual,  recline  to  eat.  On  this 
day,  moreover,  only  golden  dishes  are  used  instead  of  the 
usual  silver  ones.  After  dinner  fruit  was  served  in  three 
golden  vessels  of  such  enormous  weight  that  they  could  not 
be  carried  by  men  but  were  brought  in  on  little  carts  decked 
with  purple  coverings.  They  were  placed  on  the  table  in 
the  following  manner.  Through  openings  in  the  ceiling  three 
ropes  of  gilded  leather  were  let  down,  on  the  ends  of  which 
were  fastened  golden  rings ; these  were  attached  to  hooks 
rising  from  the  golden  vessels,  which  were  then  lifted  on  to 
the  table  by  means  of  a windlass  above  the  ceiling,  while 
four  or  more  men  lent  their  aid  from  below.  Later  they  were 
removed  in  the  same  way. 

It  would  take  too  long  to  describe  all  the  performances 
which  followed,  but  I must  mention  one  of  them,  for  it  was 
quite  too  wonderful.  There  was  a man  who  carried  on  his 
forehead,  without  touching  it  with  his  hands,  a pole  at  least 
twenty-four  feet  long,  on  which,  an  ell  from  the  top,  a cross- 
piece two  ells  long  was  fastened.  Then  two  little  boys,  naked 
except  for  loin  cloths,  were  brought  in.  They  climbed  up 
the  pole,  performed  all  sorts  of  gymnastic  feats  upon  it,  and 
came  down  again,  headforemost,  without  the  pole  moving 
any  more  than  if  it  had  been  rooted  in  the  ground. 

Then  after  one  boy  had  climbed  down,  the  other  one  stayed 
up  alone  and  went  through  his  tricks,  which  threw  me  into 
still  greater  astonishment.  For  as  long  as  they  both  were 
performing  on  the  pole  the  thing  seemed,  after  a fashion, 
explicable,  since  by  their  equal  weight,  though  to  be  sure 
with  marvelous  skill,  they  had  kept  the  pole  perpendicular. 
That  one  by  himself,  however,  should  be  able  to  preserve  the 
equilibrium  so  as  to  perform  his  antics  and  come  down  again 
unhurt,  — this  threw  me  into  such  a state  of  wonder  that 


The  Crusades 


343 


my  amazement  attracted  the  attention  of  the  emperor.  He 
called  an  interpreter  and  had  him  ask  me  which  I admired 
the  more,  the  boy,  who  had  managed  his  movements  with 
such  care  as  to  leave  the  pole  unmoved;  or  the  man,  who 
had  held  it  so  skillfully  on  his  forehead  that  neither  the  boy^s 
weight  nor  his  movements  had  caused  the  pole  to  swerve 
one  whit  from  its  position.  And  when  I said  I knew  not 
which  thau7nastoteron  (i.e.  ‘‘was  most  to  be  admired’’),  the 
emperor  laughed  and  said  that  he  did  not  know  either. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Account:  Adams,  Civilizatio7t^  pp.  258-270;  Masson,  pp.  A.  Refer- 
22-33;  Munro,  pp.  106-117.  ences. 

The  Eastern  Situation : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  336-347 ; Gib- 
bon, Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LVII,  pp.  224-258;  Munro,  pp.  86-104 ; Tout, 
pp.  151-176. 

The  First  Crusade  : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  348-356;  Emerton, 
pp.  357-366;  Gibbon,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LVIII,  pp.  259-312;  Tout, 
pp.  177-184. 

The  Kingdom  of  Jerusalem : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  359-363 ; 

Emerton,  pp.  366-374;  Gibbon,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LVIII,  pp.  312- 
321 ; Tout,  pp.  184-191. 

The  Second  Crusade : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  356-359 ; Emer- 
ton, pp.  374-377 ; Gibbon,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LIX,  pp.  322-347 ; 

Tout,  pp.  191-197. 

Documents  : Henderson,  Historical  Documents^  pp.  333-336;  Trafts- 
lations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  I,  No.  2,  p.  13  ; Vol.  I,  No.  4,  pp.  12-16. 

The  Third  Crusade : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  363-366;  Emerton, 

PP-  377-379;  Gibbon,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LIX,  pp.  347-354;  Tout, 

PP-  295-304- 

Documents : Colby,  pp.  68-70;  Henderson,  p.  135;  Translations 
and  Reprints,  Vol.  I,  No.  2,  pp.  13-15  ; Vol.  I,  No.  4,  pp.  16-20. 

The  Fourth  Crusade : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  366-368 ; Emer- 
TON,  pp.  379-383 ; Tout,  pp.  342-355- 

Contemporary  Records  : Translations  and  Reprints,  Vol.  HI,  No.  i, 
pp.  2-20. 

The  Last  Crusades  : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  368-374 ; Emerton, 

PP-  383-388 ; Gibbon,  Vol.  VI,  Chapter  LIX,  pp.  354-365 ; Tout, 
pp.  450-463- 


344 


Readings  in  European  History 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
Efiglish. 


Sources  in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Documents  : Henderson,  pp.  337-344 ; Translations  and  Reprints.^ 
Vol.  I,  No.  2,  pp.  16-19;  Vol.  I,  No.  4,  pp.  20-34. 

Results  of  the  Crusades  : Adams,  pp.  270-276 ; Emerton,  pp.  388- 
397;  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany^  pp.  102-108;  Munro, 
pp.  117-121.  

Archer  and  Kingsford,  The  Crusades  (Story  of  the  Nations). 
Perhaps  the  best  short  treatment  in  English. 

Condor,  The  Latin  Kingdom  of  ferusalem  (1099-1291),  London, 

1897. 

Oman,  The  Byzantine  Empire. 

Essays  on  the  Crusades  by  Munro,  Prutz,  and  Diehl,  published  by 
the  “ International  Quarterly,”  New  York.  Very  interesting  and  useful. 

Oman,  A History  of  the  Art  of  War,  Vol.  II,  “The  Middle  Ages,” 

1898.  Contains  a good  sketch  of  the  military  operations  of  the 
crusaders. 

Ameer  Ali,  A Short  History  of  the  Saracens  (see  above,  p.  124). 

Milman,  History  of  Latin  Christianity,  Book  VH,  Chapter  VI,  for 
the  First  Crusade ; Book  VII,  Chapters  IV  and  VI,  last  part,  for  the 
Second;  Book  IX,  Chapter  VII,  for  the  Third  and  Fourth;  Book  X, 
Chapter  HI,  for  that  of  Frederick  H.  For  the  later  period  of  the 
crusades,  see  Lane-Poole,  Saladin  and  the  Fall  of  the  Kingdom  of 
ferusalem  (Heroes  of  the  Nations),  1898,  and  Pears,  The  Fall  of 
Constantinople  (1202-1204). 

For  an  account  of  the  sources  of  the  first  crusade,  see  Sybel,  The 
History  and  Literature  of  the  Crusades,  edited  by  Lady  Duff  Gordon. 

Some  of  the  sources  may  be  found  translated  into  English  in  the 
Chronicles  of  the  Crusades  in  the  Bohn  Library, — for  example,  an 
account  of  the  Third  Crusade  by  Richard  of  Devizes,  and  Join- 
ville’s  famous  Life  of  St.  Louis  (see  above,  p.  213).  Material  is  also 
available  in  Archer,  The  Crtisade  of  Richard  L (English  History 
from  Contemporary  Sources). 

The  Chronicles  of  Roger  of  Hoveden,  Roger  of  Wendover, 
Matthew  of  Paris,  and  that  ascribed  to  Matthew  of  Westminster 
(see  above,  p.  244),  all  contain  information  relating  to  the  crusades  and 
are  all  to  be  had  in  the  Bohn  Library. 


Rohricht,  Geschichte  des  Konigreiches  ferusalem,  iioo-i2gi,  2 vols., 
1898.  An  authoritative  and  recent  work,  with  plenty  of  references  to 
the  literature  of  the  subject.  The  same  author  has  prepared  a brief 


The  Crusades 


345 


outline  without  notes  called  Geschichte  des  Konigreiches  Jeriisalein  im 
Um7'iss^  1898.  Also,  Geschichte  des  C7'sten  Kreiizzuges^  1891,  with  notes. 

Prutz,  Culturgeschichte  der  Kreuzzilge,  1883.  This  is  the  best  work 
on  the  general  conditions  in  the  Frankish  kingdoms  in  Palestine. 

Kugler,  Geschichte  der  Kreuzziige^  2d  ed.,  1891  (Oncken  Series). 
This  is  a good  general  treatment,  but  contains  practically  no  notes  or 
references. 

For  the  history  of  the  East  in  general,  see  Hertzberg,  Geschichte 
der  Byzafitiner  imd  des  osmanischen  Reiches,  1883,  and  Muller,  Der 
Islam  (see  above,  p.  125),  both  in  the  Oncken  Series. 

On  the  institutions  : Dodu,  Histoire  des  institutions  monarchiqttes 
dans  le  Royaume  Latm  de  Jerusale7n. 

For  the  military  orders  : Gmelin,  Schuld  oder  U7tschuld  des  Te7npel- 
ordens,  1893;  Delisle,  Operations  financieres  des  Te7npliers,  1889;  Lea, 
Hist07y  of  the  Inquisition,  Vol.  Ill,  Chapter  V. 


The  best  account  of  the  sources  for  the  opening  of  the  crusades 
will  be  found  in  Sybel,  Geschichte  des  erste7t  Kreuzzuges,  2d  ed.,  1881. 

By  far  the  most  comprehensive  collection  of  the  sources  themselves 
is  that  issued  under  the  auspices  of  the  Academie  des  Inscriptions  et 
Belles-lettres,  called  Recueil  des  historie7ts  des  croisades,  in  fourteen 
ponderous  but  magnificently  printed  folio  volumes,  1841-1898.  Five 
volumes  are  devoted  to  the  western  writers,  two  to  the  Greek  histo- 
rians, five  to  the  Arabian,  two  to  the  laws  of  the  kingdom  of  Jerusalem, 
and  one  to  Armenian  documents.  The  Greek  text  is  accompanied  by 
a Latin  translation,  and  the  Arabic  and  Armenian  material  is  translated 
into  French. 

Guizot,  Collection  des  Mhnoires  (see  above,  p.  220),  contains  some 
of  the  most  celebrated  writers:  Fulcher  of  Chartres,  who  went 
on  the  First  Crusade  and  kept  a diary;  Robert  the  Monk  (see  above, 
p.  312) ; William  of  Tyre,  — the  earlier  part  of  whose  work  is  now 
discredited  ; and,  for  the  later  period,  Jacques  de  Vitry. 


The  sources 

Recueil 
des  hisiori- 
e7is  des 
croisades. 


CHAPTER  XVI 


134.  Bull 

Unam  Sane- 
tarn  of  Boni- 
face VIII 
(1302). 


THE  MEDIEVAL  CHURCH  AT  ITS  HEIGHT 

I.  The  Preeminence  of  the  Church 

The  most  celebrated  assertion  of  the  supreme  author- 
ity of  the  Church  and  of  its  head,  the  pope,  is  the  bull 
Unam  Sanctam,  issued  by  Boniface  VIII  in  1302. 

That  there  is  one  holy  Catholic  and  apostolic  Church  we 
are  impelled  by  our  faith  to  believe  and  to  hold  — this  we 
do  firmly  believe  and  openly  confess  — and  outside  of  this 
there  is  neither  salvation  nor  remission  of  sins,  as  the  bride- 
groom proclaims  in  Canticles,  ‘‘  My  dove,  my  undefiled  is 
but  one ; she  is  the  only  one  of  her  mother,  she  is  the  choice 
one  of  her  that  bare  her.’’  The  Church  represents  one 
mystic  body,  and  of  this  body  Christ  is  the  head ; of  Christ, 
indeed,  God  is  the  head.  In  it  is  one  Lord,  and  one  faith, 
and  one  baptism.  In  the  time  of  the  flood  there  was  one 
ark  of  Noah,  prefiguring  the  one  Church,  finished  in  one 
cubit,  having  one  Noah  as  steersman  and  commander.  Out- 
side of  this  all  things  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  were,  as  we 
read,  destroyed.  This  Church  we  venerate  and  this  alone. 
. . . It  is  that  seamless  coat  of  the  Lord,  which  was  not 
rent  but  fell  by  lot.  Therefore,  in  this  one  and  only  Church 
there  is  one  body  and  one  head,  — not  two  heads  as  if  it  were 
a monster,  — namely,  Christ  and  Christ’s  vicar,  Peter  and 
Peter’s  successor  ; for  the  Lord  said  to  Peter  himself,  ‘‘  Feed 
my  sheep.”  J/y  sheep,”  he  said,  using  a general  term  and 
not  designating  these  or  those  sheep,  so  that  we  must  believe 
that  all  the  sheep  were  committed  to  him.  If,  then,  the 
Greeks,  or  others,  shall  say  that  they  were  not  intrusted  to 
Peter  and  his  successors,  they  must  perforce  admit  that  they 

346 


347 


The  Mediceval  Church  at  its  Height 

are  not  of  Christ’s  sheep,  as  the  Lord  says  in  John,  ‘‘there 
is  one  fold,  and  one  shepherd.” 

In  this  Church  and  in  its  power  are  two  swords,  to  wit,  a 
spiritual  and  a temporal,  and  this  we  are  taught  by  the  words 
of  the  Gospel ; for  when  the  apostles  said,  “ Behold,  here 
are  two  swords  ” (in  the  Church,  namely,  since  the  apostles 
were  speaking),  the  Lord  did  not  reply  that  it  was  too  many, 
but  enough.  And  surely  he  who  claims  that  the  temporal 
sword  is  not  in  the  power  of  Peter  has  but  ill  understood  the 
word  of  our  Lord  when  he  said,  “ Put  up  again  thy  sword 
into  his  place.”  Both  the  spiritual  and  the  material  swords, 
therefore,  are  in  the  power  of  the  Church,  the  latter  indeed 
to  be  used  for  the  Church,  the  former  by  the  Church,  the  one 
by  the  priest,  the  other  by  the  hand  of  kings  and  soldiery 
but  by  the  will  and  sufferance  of  tEeg^st. 

*It  is  fitting,  moreover,  that  one  sword  should  be  under 
the  other,  and  the  temporal  authority  subject  to  the  spiritual 
power.  For  when  the  apostle  said,  “ there  is  no  power  but 
of  God : the  powers  that  be  are  ordained  of  God,”  they 
would  not  be  ordained  unless  one  sword  were  under  the 
other,  and  one,  as  inferior,  was  brought  back  by  the  other  to 
the  highest  place.  For,  according  to  St.  Dionysius,  the  law 
of  divinity  is  to  lead  the  lowest  through  the  intermediate  to 
the  highest.  Therefore,  according  to  the  law  of  the  universe, 
things  are  not  reduced  to  order  directly  and  upon  the  same 
footing,  but  the  lowest  through  the  intermediate,  and  the 
inferior  through  the  superior.  It  behooves  us,  therefore, 
the  more  freely  to  confess  that  the  spiritual  power  excels  in 
dignity  and  nobility  any  form  whatsoever  of  earthly  power, 
as  spiritual  interests  exceed  the  temporal  in  importance. 
All  this  we  see  fairly  from  the  giving  of  tithes,  from  the 
benediction  and  sanctification,  from  the  recognition  of  this 
power  and  the  control  of  these  same  things. 

Hence,  the  truth  bearing  witness,  it  is  for  the  spiritual 
power  to  establish  the  earthly  power  and  judge  it,  if  it  be 
not  good.  Thus,  in  the  case  of  the  Church  and  the  power 
of  the  Church,  the  prophecy  of  Jeremiah  is  fulfilled:  “See, 
I have  this  day  set  thee  over  the  nations  and  over  the 


348 


Readings  in  European  History 


kingdoms/’  etc.  Therefore,  if  the  earthly  power  shall  err, 
it  shall  be  judged  by  the  spiritual  power ; if  the  lesser 
spiritual  power  err,  it  shall  be  judged  by  the  higher.  But 
if  the  supreme  power  err,  it  can  be  judged  by  God  alone 
and  not  by  man,  the  apostles  bearing  witness,  saying.  The 
spiritual  man  judges  all  things,  but  he  himself  is  judged  by 
no  one.  Hence  this  power,  although  given  to  man  and 
exercised  by  man,  is  not  human,  but  rather  a divine  power, 
given  by  the  divine  lips  to  Peter,  and  founded  on  a rock  for 
him  and  his  successors  in  him  (Christ)  whom  he  confessed, 
the  Lord  saying  to  Peter  himself,  Whatsoever  thou  shalt 
bind,”  etc. 

Whoever,  therefore,  shall  resist  this  power,  ordained  by 
God,  resists  the  ordination  of  God,  unless  there  should  be 
two  beginnings  [i.e.  principles],  as  the  Manichaean  imagines. 
But  this  we  judge  to  be  false  and  heretical,  since,  by  the 
testimony  of  Moses,  not  in  beginnings  but  in  the  begin- 
nings God  created  the  heaven  and  the  earth.  We,  moreover, 
proclaim,  declare,  and  pronounce  that  it  is  altogether  neces- 
sary to  salvation  for  every  human  being  to  be  subject  to  the 
Roman  pontiff.^ 

Given  at  the  Lateran  the  twelfth  day  before  the  Kalends 
of  December,  in  our  eighth  year,  as  a perpetual  memorial  of 
this  matter. 


II.  The  Seven  Sacraments 


135.  An 
account  of 
the  seven 
sacraments, 
written 
for  the 
Armenians 
by  Pope 
Eugene  IV 
(1438). 


We  have  drawn  up  in  the  briefest  form  a statement  of 
the  truth  concerning  the  seven  sacraments,  so  that  the 
Armenians,  now  and  in  future  generations,  may  more  easily 
be  instructed  therein. 

1 This  famous  concluding  sentence  has  often  been  interpreted  as  a 
comprehensive  claim  on  the  part  of  the  popes  to  the  civil  and  political 
headship  of  the  world.  Leo  X,  however,  early  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury, declared  that  “ every  human  being  ” simply  meant  “ all  Christian 
believers.”  Thus  construed,  the  proposition  loses  its  political  significance 
and  becomes  a universally  accepted  belief  among  all  orthodox  Roman 
Catholics. 


The  Mediceval  Church  at  its  Height 


349 


There  are  seven  sacraments  under  the  new  law:  that  is 
to  say,  baptism,  confirmation,  the  mass,  penance,  extreme 
unction,  ordination,  and  matrimony.  These  differ  essen- 
tially from  the  sacraments  of  the  old  law ; for  the  latter  do 
not  confer  grace,  but  only  typify  that  grace  which  can  be 
given  by  the  passion  of  Christ  alone.  But  these  our  sacra- 
ments both  contain  grace  and  confer  it  upon  all  who  receive 
them  worthily. 

The  first  five  sacraments  are  intended  to  secure  the  spir- 
itual perfection  of  every  man  individually ; the  two  last  are 
ordained  for  the  governance  and  increase  of  the  Church. 
For  through  baptism  we  are  born  again  of  the  spirit ; through 
confirmation  we  grow  in  grace  and  are  strengthened  in  the 
faith  ; and  when  we  have  been  born  again  and  strengthened 
we  are  fed  by  the  divine  food  of  the  mass  ; but  if,  through 
sin,  we  bring  sickness  upon  our  souls,  we  are  made  spiritually 
whole  by  penance ; and  by  extreme  unction  we  are  healed, 
both  spiritually  and  corporeally,  according  as  our  souls  have 
need  ; by  ordination  the  Church  is  governed  and  multiplied 
spiritually  ; by  matrimony  it  is  materially  increased. 

To  effect  these  sacraments  three  things  are  necessary : 
the  things  [or  symbols],  that  is,  the  “ material  the  words, 
that  is,  the  ‘‘form’’;  and  the  person  of  the  “ ministrant,” 
who  administers  the  sacrament  with  the  intention  of  carry- 
ing out  what  the  Church  effects  through  him.  If  any  of 
these  things  be  lacking,  the  sacrament  is  not  accomplished. 

Three  of  these  sacraments  — baptism,  confirmation,  and 
ordination  — impress  indelibly  upon  the  soul  a character,  a 
certain  spiritual  sign,  distinct  from  all  others ; so  they  are 
not  repeated  for  the  same  person.  The  other  four  do  not 
imprint  a character  upon  the  soul,  and  admit  of  repetition. 

Holy  baptism  holds  the  first  place  among  all  the  sacra- 
ments because  it  is  the  gate  of  spiritual  life  ; for  by  it  we 
are  made  members  of  Christ  and  of  the  body  of  the  Church. 
Since  through  the  first  man  death  entered  into  the  world, 
unless  we  are  born  again  of  water,  and  of  the  spirit,  we 
cannot,  so  saith  Truth,  enter  into  the  kingdom  of  heaven. 
The  material  of  this  sacrament  is  water,  real  and  natural  — 


The  indelible 
characters. 


Baptism. 


350 


Readings  in  European  History 


Confirmation. 


it  matters  nothing  whether  it  be  cold  or  warm.  Now  the 
form  is : “ I baptize  thee  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of 
the  Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.’’  . . } 

The  ministrant  of  this  sacrament  is  the  priest,  for  bap- 
tism belongs  to  his  office.  But  in  case  of  necessity  not  only 
a priest  or  deacon  may  baptize,  but  a layman  or  a woman  — 
nay,  even  a pagan  or  a heretic,  provided  he  use  the  form  of 
the  Church  and  intend  to  do  what  the  Church  effects.  The 
efficacy  of  this  sacrament  is  the  remission  of  all  sin,  original 
sin  and  actual,  and  of  all  penalties  incurred  through  this 
guilt.  Therefore  no  satisfaction  for  past  sin  should  be 
imposed  on  those  who  are  baptized  ; but  if  they  die  before 
they  commit  any  sin,  they  shall  straightway  attain  the  king- 
dom of  heaven  and  the  sight  of  God. 

The  second  sacrament  is  confirmation.  The  material  is 
the  chrism  made  from  oil,  which  signifies  purity  of  con- 
science, and  from  balsam,  which  signifies  the  odor  of  fair 
fame  ; and  it  must  be  blessed  by  the  bishop.  The  form  is  : 

“ I sign  thee  with  the  sign  of  the  cross  and  confirm  thee  with 
the  chrism  of  salvation,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the 
Son,  and  of  the  Holy  Ghost.”  The  proper  ministrant  of  this 
sacrament  is  the  bishop.  While  a simple  priest  avails  to 
perform  the  other  anointings,  this  one  none  can  confer  save 
the  bishop  only  ; for  it  is  written  of  the  apostles  alone  that  by 
the  laying  on  of  hands  they  gave  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  the 
bishops  hold  the  office  of  the  apostles.  We  read  in  the  Acts 
of  the  Apostles,  when  the  apostles  who  were  at  Jerusalem 
heard  how  Samaria  had  received  the  word  of  God,  they  sent 
to  them  Peter  and  John  ; who,  when  they  were  come,  prayed 
that  they  might  receive  the  Holy  Ghost;  for  as  yet  it  was 
fallen  upon  none  of  them,  — they  were  only  baptized  in  the  i 
name  of  the  Lord  Jesus.  Then  they  laid  hands  upon  them  ^ 
and  they  received  the  Holy  Ghost.  Now,  in  place  of  this 
laying  on  of  hands,  confirmation  is  given  in  the  Church. 
Yet  we  read  that  sometimes,  for  reasonable  and  urgent  cause. 


^ Certain  variations  in  the  words  used  do  not  necessarily  vitiate  the 
sacrament. 


The  Me diceval  Church  at  its  Height  351 

by  dispensation  from  the  Holy  See,  a simple  priest  has  been 
permitted  to  administer  confirmation  with  a chrism  prepared 
by  a bishop. 

In  this  sacrament  the  Holy  Ghost  is  given  to  strengthen 
us,  as  it  was  given  to  the  apostles  on  the  day  of  Pentecost, 
that  the  Christian  may  confess  boldly  the  name  of  Christ. 
And  therefore  he  is  confirmed  upon  the  brow,  the  seat  of 
shame,  that  he  may  never  blush  to  confess  the  name  of 
Christ  and  especially  his  cross,  which  is  a stumbling-block 
to  the  Jews  and  foolishness  to  the  Gentiles,  according  to  the 
apostle.  Therefore  he  is  signed  with  the  sign  of  the  cross. 

The  third  sacrament  is  the  eucharist.  The  material  is 
wheaten  bread  and  wine  of  the  grape,  which  before  conse- 
cration should  be  mixed  very  sparingly  with  water;  because, 
according  to  the  testimony  of  the  holy  fathers  and  doctors 
of  the  Church  set  forth  in  former  times  in  disputation,  it  is 
believed  that  the  Lord  himself  instituted  this  sacrament 
with  wine  mixed  with  water,  and  also  because  this  corre- 
sponds with  the  accounts  of  our  Lord’s  passion.  For  the 
holy  Pope  Alexander,  fifth  from  the  blessed  Peter,  says,  “ In 
the  offerings  of  sacred  things  made  to  God  during  the  sol- 
emnization of  the  mass,  only  bread  and  wine  mixed  with 
water  are  offered  up.  Neither  wine  alone  nor  water  alone 
may  be  offered  up  in  the  cup  of  the  Lord,  but  both  mixed, 
since  it  is  written  that  both  blood  and  water  flowed  from 
Christ’s  side.” 

Moreover  the  mixing  of  water  with  the  wine  fitly  signifies 
the  efficacy  of  this  sacrament,  namely,  the  union  of  Chris- 
tian people  with  Christ,  for  water  signifies  “people,”  accord- 
ding  to  the  passage  in  the  Apocalypse  which  says,  “many 
waters,  many  people.”  And  Julius,  second  pope  after  the 
blessed  Sylvester,  says:  “According  to  the  provisions  of 
the  canons  the  cup  of  the  Lord  should  be  offered  filled 
with  wine  mixed  with  water,  because  a people  is  signified 
by  the  water,  and  in  the  wine  is  manifested  the  blood  of 
Christ.  Therefore  when  the  wine  and  water  are  mixed  in 
the  cup  the  people  are  joined  to  Christ,  and  the  host  of  the 
faithful  is  united  with  him  in  whom  they  believe.” 


The  holy 
eucharist. 


352 


Readings  in  European  History 


Transub- 
stantiation 
of  the 
bread  and 
the  wine. 


Penance  and 
its  three 
parts. 


Since,  therefore,  the  holy  Roman  Church,  instructed  by  the 
most  blessed  apostles  Peter  and  Paul,  together  with  all  the 
other  churches  of  the  Greeks  and  Latins  in  which  glowed 
the  light  of  sanctity  and  of  doctrine,  has  from  the  begin- 
ning of  the  nascent  Church  observed  this  custom  and  still 
observes  it,  it  is  quite  unseemly  that  any  region  whatever 
should  depart  from  this  universal  and  rational  observance. 
We  decree,  therefore,  that  the  Armenians  likewise  shall  con- 
form themselves  with  the  whole  Christian  world,  and  that 
their  priests  shall  mix  a little  water  with  the  wine  in  the  cup 
of  oblation. 

The  form  of  this  sacrament  is  furnished  by  the  words  of 
the  Saviour  when  he  instituted  it,  and  the  priest,  speaking  in 
the  person  of  Christ,  consummates  this  sacrament.  By 
virtue  of  these  words,  the  substance  of  the  bread  is  turned 
into  the  body  of  Christ  and  the  substance  of  the  wine  into 
his  blood.  This  is  accomplished  in  such  wise  that  the  whole 
Christ  is  altogether  present  under  the  semblance  of  the 
bread  and  altogether  under  the  semblance  of  the  wine. 
Moreover,  after  the  consecrated  host  and  the  consecrated 
wine  have  been  divided,  the  whole  Christ  is  present  in 
any  part  of  them.  The  benefit  effected  by  this  sacra- 
ment in  the  souls  of  those  who  receive  it  worthily  is  the 
union  of  man  with  Christ.  And  since,  through  grace,  man 
is  made  one  body  with  Christ  and  united  in  his  members, 
it  follows  that  through  this  sacrament  grace  is  increased 
in  those  who  partake  of  it  worthily.  Every  effect  of  mate- 
rial food  and  drink  upon  the  physical  life,  in  nourishment, 
growth,  and  pleasure,  is  wrought  by  this  sacrament  for  the 
spiritual  life.  By  it  we  recall  the  beloved  memory  of  our 
Saviour;  by  it  we  are  withheld  from  evil,  and  strengthened 
in  good,  and  go  forward  to  renewed  growth  in  virtues  and 
graces. 

The  fourth  sacrament  is  penance.  The  material,  as  we 
may  say,  consists  in  the  acts  of  penitence,  which  are  divided 
into  three  parts.  The  first  of  these  is  contrition  of  the 
heart,  wherein  the  sinner  must  grieve  for  the  sins  he  has 
committed,  with  the  resolve  to  commit  no  further  sins. 


The  Mediceval  ChiLrch  at  its  Height  353 

Second  comes  confession  with  the  mouth,  to  which  it  per- 
tains that  the  sinner  should  make  confession  to  his  priest 
of  all  the  sins  he  holds  in  his  memory.  The  third  is  satis- 
faction for  sins  according  to  the  judgment  of  the  priest,  and 
this  is  made  chiefly  by  prayer,  fasting,  and  almsgiving. 

The  form  of  this  sacrament  consists  in  the  words  of  abso- 
lution which  the  priest  speaks  when  he  says,  ‘‘  I absolve 
thee,’’  etc. ; and  the  minister  of  this  sacrament  is  the  priest, 
who  has  authority  to  absolve  either  regularly  or  by  the  com- 
mission of  a superior.  The  benefit  of  this  sacrament  is 
absolution  from  sins. 

The  fifth  sacrament  is  extreme  unction,  and  the  material  Extreme 
is  oil  of  the  olive,  blessed  by  a bishop.  This  sacrament 
shall  not  be  given  to  any  except  the  sick  who  are  in  fear  of 
death.  They  shall  be  anointed  in  the  following  places  : 
the  eyes  on  account  of  the  sight,  the  ears  on  account  of  the 
hearing,  the  nostrils  on  account  of  smell,  the  mouth  on 
account  of  taste  and  speech,  the  hands  on  account  of  touch, 
the  feet  on  account  of  walking,  and  the  loins  as  the  seat 
of  pleasure.  The  form  of  this  sacrament  is  aTs  follows : 

‘‘  Through  this  holy  unction  and  his  most  tender  compas- 
sion, the  Lord  grants  thee  forgiveness  for  whatever  sins  thou 
hast  committed  by  the  sight,”  — and  in  the  same  way  for  the 
other  members.  The  minister  of  this  sacrament  is  a priest. 

The  benefit  is  even  the  healing  of  the  mind  and,  so  far  as  is 
expedient,  of  the  body  also.  Of  this  sacrament  the  blessed 
apostle  James  says:  “Is  any  sick  among  you?  Let  him 
call  for  the  elders  of  the  church  and  let  them  pray  over  him, 
anointing  him  with  oil  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  : and  the 
prayer  of  faith  shall  save  the  sick,  and  the  Lord  shall  raise 
him  up;  and  if  he  have  committed  sins,  they  shall  be 
forgiven  him.” 

The  sixth  sacrament  is  ordination.  The  material  for  the  Ordination, 
priesthood  is  the  cup  with  the  wine  and  the  paten  with  the 
bread  ; for  the  deaconate,  the  books  ©f  the  Gospel ; for 
the  subdeaconate,  an  empty  cup  placed  upon  an  empty 
paten ; and  in  like  manner,  other  offices  are  conferred  by 
giving  to  the  candidates  those  things  which  pertain  to  their 


354 


Readings  in  European  History 


Matrimony. 


secular  ministrations.  The  form  for  priests  is  this  : “Receive 
the  power  to  offer  sacrifice  in  the  Church  for  the  living  and 
the  dead,  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and 
of  the  Holy  Ghost.’’  And  so  for  each  order  the  proper 
form  shall  be  used,  as  fully  stated  in  the  Roman  pontifical. 
The  regular  minister  of  this  sacrament  is  a bishop ; the 
benefit,  growth  in  grace,  to  the  end  that  whosoever  is 
ordained  may  be  a worthy  minister. 

The  seventh  sacrament  is  matrimony,  the  type  of  the 
union  of  Christ  and  the  Church,  according  to  the  apostle, 
who  saith, ’“This  is  a great  mystery^;  but  I speak  con- 
cerning Christ  and  the  church.”  The  efficient  cause  of 
marriage  is  regularly  the  mutual  consent  uttered  aloud  on 
the  spot.  These  advantages  are  to  be  ascribed  to  marriage  : 
first,  the  begetting  of  children  and  their  bringing  up  in  the 
worship  of  the  Lord ; secondly,  the  fidelity  that  husband 
and  wife  should  each  maintain  toward  the  other ; thirdly, 
the  indissoluble  character  of  marriage,  for  this  typifies  the 
indissoluble  union  of  Christ  and  the  Church.  Although 
for  the  cause  of  adultery  separation  is  permissible,  for  no 
other  cause  may  marriage  be  infringed,  since  the  bond  of 
marriage  once  legitimately  contracted  is  perpetual. 

III.  Tales  illustrating  the  Miraculous  Power  of  the 

Sacraments  and  the  Religious  Ideas  of  the  Common 

People 

There  were  many  tales  current  in  the  twelfth  and 
thirteenth  centuries  which  were  used  by  preachers  and 
writers  to  show  the  wondrous  workings  of  the  sacra- 
ments and  the  timely  intervention  in  human  affairs  of 
the  Virgin  and  the  saints.  Three  collections  of  these 

1 In  this  passage  ^om  Paul’s  epistle  to  the  Ephesians  (v  32)  the 
original  Greek  word  mysterioft  was  translated  by  the  Latin  sacramentum^ 
so  that  the  sentence  reads  in  the  Vulgate  version  of  the  New  Testament, 
Sacramentum  hoc  magnum  est. 


I'ke  Mediceval  ChiLrch  at  its  Height 


355 


anecdotes  are  especially  well  known  : (i)  The  Dia- 
logues concerning  Miracles,  brought  together  by  a 
devout  Cistercian  monk,  Caesar  of  Heisterbach  (d.  ca, 
1 240),  early  in  the  thirteenth  century  ; (2)  the  sermon 
stories  of  Jacques  de  Vitry  (d.  1240),  a bishop  and 
cardinal,  famous  for  his  preaching ; (3)  the  anecdotes 
or  apologues  of  Stephen  of  Bourbon,  a Dominican  in- 
quisitor (d.  1261),  a man  of  wide  experience  and  much 
sagacity. 

In  Hemmenrode  a certain  aged  priest,  Henry  by  name, 
died  a few  years  ago.  He  was  a holy  and  just  man,  and 
had  been  for  many  years  sacristan  in  that  monastery.  When 
he  was  celebrating  the  mass  one  day  at  the  altar  of  St.  John 
the  Baptist,  in  the  choir  of  the  lay  brethren,  a certain  one 
of  the  lay  brethren  standing  near  saw,  in  the  hands  of  the 
priest,  the  Saviour  in  the  form  of  a man.  Nevertheless  the 
priest  himself  did  not  see  it.  One  of  the  elders  of  that 
convent  related  this  to  me. 

I have  heard  that  a certain  rustic,  wishing  to  become 
wealthy  and  having  many  hives  of  bees,  asked  certain  evil 
men  how  he  could  get  rich  and  increase  the  number  of  his 
bees.  He  was  told  by  some  one  that  if  he  retained  the 
sacred  host  on  Easter  and  placed  it  in  some  one  of  his  hives, 
he  would  entice  away  all  of  his  neighbor’s  bees,  which,  leav- 
ing their  own  hives,  would  come  to  the  place  where  the 
body  of  our  Lord  was  and  there  would  make  honey.  So  he 
did  this. 

Then  all  the  bees  came  to  the  hive  where  the  body  of 
Christ  was,  and  just  as  if  they  felt  sorrow  for  the  irrever- 
ence done  to  it,  by  their  labor  they  began  to  construct  a 
little  church  and  to  erect  foundations,  and  bases,  and 
columns,  and  an  altar ; then  with  the^  greatest  reverence 
they  placed  the  body  of  our  Lord  upon  the  altar.  And 
within  their  little  beehive  they  formed  the  little  church  with 
wonderful  and  most  beautiful  workmanship.  The  bees  of 


136.  Christ 
is  seen  in 
the  hands  of 
a priest. 
(From  the 
Dialogues  of 
Caesar  of 
Heister- 
bach.) 


137.  Bees 
construct  a 
church  for 
the  host. 
(From 
Stephen  cf 
Bourbon.) 


356 


Readings  in  Enropean  History 


the  vicinity,  leaving  their  hives,  came  to  that  one ; and  over 
that  work  they  sang  in  their  own  manner  certain  wonderful 
melodies  like  hymns. 

The  rustic,  hearing  this,  marveled.  But  waiting  until 
the  fitting  time  for  collecting  the  honey,  he  found  nothing 
in  his  hives.  Finding  himself  impoverished  through  the 
means  by  which  he  had  expected  to  be  enriched,  he  went 
to  the  hive  where  he  had  placed  the  host,  and  where  he  saw 
the  bees  had  come  together.  But  when  he  approached,  just 
as  if  they  wished  to  vindicate  the  insult  to  our  Saviour,  the 
bees  rushed  upon  the  rustic  and  stung  him  so  severely 
that  he  escaped  with  difficulty  and  in  great  agony.  Going 
to  the  priest,  he  related  all  that  he  had  done,  and  what  the 
bees  had  done. 

The  priest,  by  the  advice  of  the  bishop,  collected  his 
parishioners  and  made  a procession  to  that  place.  Then 
the  bees,  leaving  the  hive,  rose  in  the  air,  making  sweet 
melody.  Raising  the  hive,  they  found  inside  the  noble 
structure  of  that  little  church  and  the  body  of  our  Lord 
placed  upon  the  altar.  Then,  returning  thanks,  they  bore 
to  their  own  church  that  little  church  of  the  bees,  constructed 
with  such  skill  and  elegance,  and  placed  it  on  the  altar. 

By  this  deed  those  who  do  not  reverence,  but  offer  insult 
instead,  to  the  sacred  body  of  Christ,  or  the  sacred  place 
where  it  is,  ought  to  be  put  to  great  confusion. 


138.  Through 
confession 
a forgotten 
prayer  is 
erased  from 
the  devil’s 
book.  (From 
Stephen  of 
Bourbon.) 


Also  it  is  related  that  once  when  a certain  holy  father 
was  engaged  with  the  brethren  in  some  work,  he  forgot  to 
recite  the  7iones  at  the  right  time,  on  account  of  his  occupa- 
tion. Afterwards  he  saw  the  devil  passing  before  him,  bear- 
ing on  his  shoulders  a very  large  book,  in  the  shape  of  a 
roll,  which  looked  as  large  as  a tower ; and  he  adjured  the 
devil  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  to  drop  the  book.  When  the 
monk  unrolled  the  book,  he  found  written  on  one  page  that 
he  himself  had  not  said  the  nones  on  the  day  and  at  the  hour 
when  he  ought.  Whereupon,  prostrating  himself  at  once  at 
the  feet  of  his  companions,  he  confessed  his  negligence,  and 
immediately  .looking  again  in  the  devil’s  roll,  he  found  that 


357 


The  Mediceval  ChiLrch  at  its  Height 

what  had  been  written  there  was  erased,  and  thereby  he  knew 
the  efficacy  of  confession. 

A certain  very  religious  man  told  me  that  this  happened 
in  a place  where  he  had  been  staying.  A virtuous  and  pious 
matron  came  frequently  to  the  church  and  served  God  most 
devoutly  day  and  night.  There  also  came  a certain  monk, 
the  guardian  and  treasurer  of  the  monastery,  who  had  a* 
great  reputation  for  piety,  and  truly  devout  he  was.  When, 
however,  the  two  frequently  conversed  together  in  the  church 
concerning  religious  matters,  the  devil,  envying  their  virtue 
and  reputation,  tempted  them  very  sorely,  so  that  the  spirit- 
ual love  was  changed  to  carnal.  Accordingly  they  fixed  upon 
a night  when  the  monk  was  to  leave  his  monastery,  taking 
the  treasures  of  the  church,  and  the  matron  her  home,  with 
a sum  of  money  which  she  should  steal  from  her  husband. 

After  they  had  fled,  the  monks,  on  rising  in  the  morning, 
saw  that  the  chests  had  been  broken  open  and  the  treasures 
of  the  church  stolen  ; and  not  finding  the  monk,  they  quickly 
pursued  him ; likewise  the  husband  his  wife.  Overtaking 
the  monk  and  the  woman  with  the  treasure  and  money,  they 
brought  them  back  and  threw  them  into  prison.  So  great 
was  the  scandal  throughout  the  whole  country,  and  so  much 
were  all  religious  persons  reviled,  that  the  harm  from  the 
infamy  and  scandal  was  far  greater  than  from  the  sin  itself. 

Then  the  monk,  restored  to  his  senses,  began  with  many 
tears  to  pray  to  the  blessed  Virgin,  whom  from  infancy  he 
had  always  served,  and  never  before  had  any  such  misfortune 
happened  to  him.  Likewise  the  said  matron  began  urgently 
to  implore  the  aid  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  whom  regularly,  day 
and  night,  she  had  been  accustomed  to  salute  and  kneel  in 
prayer  before  her  image.  At  length  the  blessed  Virgin,  very 
angry,  appeared,  and  after  she  had  sorely  upbraided  them, 
she  said : ‘‘  I can  obtain  the  remission  of  your  sins  from  my 
Son,  but  what  can  I do  about  such  a dreadful  scandal.^  For 
you  have  so  befouled  the  name  of  religious  persons  before 
all  the  people,  that  in  the  future  no  one  will  trust  them. 
The  harm  you  have  done  is  almost  irremediable.’’ 


139.  The 
Virgin  saves 
the  reputa- 
tion of  an 
erring 
matron  and 
monk. 

(From 
Jacques  de 
Vityy.) 


358 


Readings  in  European  History 


Nevertheless  the  merciful  Virgin,  overcome  by  their 
prayers,  summoned  the  demons  who  had  caused  the  deed  and 
enjoined  upon  them  that,  as  they  had  caused  the  scandal 
to  religion,  they  must  bring  it  to  an  end.  As  they  were 
not  able  to  resist  her  commands,  after  much  anxiety  and 
various  conferences,  they  found  a way  to  remove  the  in- 
famy. In  the  night  they  placed  the  monk  in  his  church, 
and,  repairing  the  broken  receptacle  as  it  was  before,  they 
placed  the  treasure  in  it.  Also  after  replacing  the  money 
in  it  they  closed  and  locked  the  chest  which  the  matron  had 
opened.  And  they  set  the  woman  in  her  room  and  in  the 
place  where  she  was  accustomed  to  pray  by  night. 

When  the  monks  found  the  treasure  of  their  monastery, 
and  their  brother  praying  to  God  just  as  he  had  been  accus- 
tomed to  do,  and  the  husband  saw  his  wife,  and  the  money 
was  found  just  as  it  had  been  before,  they  became  stupefied 
and  wondered.  Rushing  to  the  prison,  they  saw  the  monk 
and  the  woman  in  fetters  just  as  they  had  left  them  ; for 
one  of  the  demon's  was  seen  by  them  transformed  into  the 
likeness  of  a monk  and  another  into  the  likeness  of  a 
woman.  When  everybody  in  the  whole  city  had  come 
together  to  see  the  miracle,  the  demons  said  in  the  hearing 
of  all,  Let  us  go,  for  sufficiently  have  we  deluded  these 
people  by  causing  them  to  think  evil  of  religious  persons.^’ 
And,  saying  this,  they  suddenly  disappeared.  Then  all 
threw  themselves  at  the  feet  of  the  monk  and  of  the  woman 
and  demanded  pardon. 

Behold  how  great  infamy  and  scandal  and  what  inesti- 
mable damage  the  devil  would  have  wrought  against  religious 
persons,  if  the  blessed  Virgin  had  not  aided  them. 


IV.  The  Privilege  of  Benefit  of  Clergy 

Richard  of  Bury,  bishop  of  Durham,  a celebrated  book 
collector  of  the  early  fourteenth  century,  wrote  a charm- 
ing little  volume  in  praise  of  books,  the  Philobiblon. 
Among  other  things  he  gives  the  complaint  of  the  books 


The  Mediceval  Church  at  its  Height 


359 


against  those  ungrateful  members  of  the  clergy  who  fail 
to  realize  that  it  is  to  books  that  they  chiefly  owe  their 
exalted  position  and  privileges.  Through  their  ability 
to  read,  the  clergy  are  raised  above  the  laity ; for  when 
a clerk  commits  a crime  he  may,  by  reading  a single 
line,  secure  the  ‘'benefit  of  clergy,”  — the  right  to  be 
tried  by  a church  court,  which  cannot,  like  the  secular 
tribunals,  inflict  capital  punishment.  Thus  even  the 
learning  which  the  unworthy  clerk  had  practically  for- 
gotten through  neglect  rescues  him  at  the  last  moment 
from  the  gallows. 


Ye  [namely,  the  clergy]  are  a chosen  people,  a royal  priest- 
hood, a holy  race ; ye  are  a peculiar  people  chosen  into  the 
lot  of  God ; ye  are  priests  and  ministers  of  God,  nay,  ye  are 
called  the  very  Ghurch  of  God,  — as  though  the  laity  were 
not  to  be  called  churchmen.  Ye,  being  preferred  to  the 
laity,  sing  psalms  and  hymns  in  the  chancel  and,  serving 
the  altar  and  living  by  the  altar,  make  the  true  body  of 
Christ ; wherein  God  himself  has  honored  you  not  only  above 
the  laity,  but  even  a little  higher  than  the  angels; — for  to 
whom  of  his  angels  has  he  said  at  any  time:  “Thou  art  a 
priest  forever,  after  the  order  of  Melchizedek”  Ye  dis- 
pense the  patrimony  of  the  Crucified  One  to  the  poor,  wherein 
it  is  required  of  stewards  that  a man  be  found  faithful.  Ye 
are  shepherds  of  the  Lord^s  flock,  as  well  in  example  of  life 
as  in  the  word  of  doctrine,  and  your  sheep  are  bound  to 
repay  you  with  milk  and  wool. 

Who  are  the  givers  of  all  these  things,  O clerks?  Is  it 
not  books  ? Do  ye  remember,  therefore,  we  pray,  how  many 
and  how  great  are  the  liberties  and  privileges  which  we  books 
bestow  upon  the  clergy.  In  truth,  taught  by  us,  who  are  the 
vessels  of  wisdom  and  intellect,  ye  ascend  the  teacher’s  chair 
and  are  called  of  men.  Rabbi.  By  us  ye  become  marvelous 
in  the  eyes  of  the  laity,  like  great  lights  in  the  world,  and 
possess  the  dignities  of  the  Church  according  to  your  various 


140.  How  a 
clergyman 
might  be 
saved  from 
the  gallows 
by  reading  a 
line.  (From 
the  Philo- 
biblon  of 
Richard  of 
Bury.) 


360  Readings  in  European  History 

stations.  By  us,  while  ye  still  lack  the  first  down  upon  your 
cheeks,  ye  are  established  in  your  early  years  and  bear  the 
tonsure  on  your  heads,  while  the  dread  sentence  of  the 
Church  is  heard,  Touch  not  mine  anointed,  and  do  my 
prophets  no  harm;’’  and  he  who  has  rashly  touched  them 
let  him  forthwith,  by  his  own  blow,  be  smitten  violently  with 
the  wound  of  an  anathema. 

At  length,  yielding  your  lives  to  wickedness,  reaching  the 
two  paths  of  Pythagoras,  ye  choose  the  left  branch  and, 
going  backward,  ye  let  go  the  lot  of  God  which  ye  had  first 
assumed,  becoming  companions  of  thieves.  And  thus,  ever 
going  from  bad  to  worse,  blackened  by  theft  and  murder  and 
manifold  impurities,  your  fame  and  conscience  stained  by 
sin,  at  the  bidding  of  justice  ye  are  confined  in  manacles 
and  fetters,  and  are  kept  to  be  punished  by  a most  shameful 
death.  Then  your  friend  is  put  far  away,  nor  is  there  any 
to  mourn  your  lot.  Peter  swears  that  he  knows  not  the 
man;  the  people  cry  to  the  judge:  ‘‘Crucify,  crucify  him! 
If  thou  let  this  man  go,  thou  art  not  Caesar’s  friend.” 

Now  all  refuge  is  gone,  for  ye  must  stand  before  the 
judgment  seat,  and  there  is  no  appeal,  but  only  the  gallows 
is  in  store  for  you.  While  the  wretched  man’s  heart  is  thus 
filled  with  woe,  and  only  the  sorrowing  Muses  bedew  their 
cheeks  with  tears,  in  his  strait  is  heard  on  every  side  the 
wailing  appeal  to  us,  and  to  avoid  the  danger  of  impending 
death  he  shows  the  slight  sign  of  the  ancient  tonsure  which 
he  received  through  us,  begging  that  we  may  be  called  to  his 
aid  and  bear  witness  to  the  privilege  bestowed  upon  him. 

Then  straightway,  touched  with  pity,  we  run  to  meet  the 
prodigal  son  and  snatch  the  fugitive  slave  from  the  gates  of 
death.  The  book  he  has  not  forgotten  is  handed  to  him  to 
be  read,  and  when,  with  lips  stammering  with  fear,  he  reads 
a few  words,  the  power  of  the  judge  is  loosed,  the  accuser  is 
withdrawn,  and  death  is  put  to  flight.  O marvelous  virtue 
of  an  empiric  verse  1 O saving  antidote  of  dreadful  ruin  ! 
O precious  reading  of  the  psalter,  which  for  this  alone 
deserves  to  be  called  the  book  of  life  I Let  the  laity  under- 
go the  judgment  of  the  secular  arm,  that,  either  sewn  up  in 


The  Mediaeval  Charch  at  its  Height  361 

sacks  they  may  be  carried  out  to  Neptune,  or  planted  in  the 
earth  may  fructify  for  Pluto,  or  may  be  offered  amid  the 
flames  as  a fattened  holocaust  to  Vulcan,  or  at  least  may  be 
hung  up  as  a victim  to  Juno;  while  our  foster  child,  at  a 
single  reading  of  the  book  of  life,  is  handed  over  to  the  cus- 
tody of  the  bishop,  rigor  is  changed  to  favor,  and  the  forum 
being  transferred  from  the  laity,  death  is  routed  by  the  clerk 
who  is  the  nursling  of  books. 

V.  How  THE  Churches  and  Monasteries  were 
Supported 

The  following  statement  indicates  how  numerous  and 
complicated  were  the  sources  of  revenue  which  even 
a parish  church  might  claim  as  its  rightful  means  of 
support. 

I,  Hugh,  dean  of  Gye,  hereby  inform  the  present  genera- 
tion, and  those  to  come,  that,  according  as  I have  heard  and 
learned  from  my  predecessors  of  blessed  memory  and  have 
myself  seen  in  my  time,  the  church  of  St.  Mary  of  Chatillon 
in  my  parish  of  Gye  possesses  the  following  revenue  : namely, 
one  sixth  of  the  tithe  of  grain  and  wine  and  one  half  of  the 
offerings,  bequests  and  alms,  — provided  they  are  paid  in 
money,  — and  one  half  of  the  small  tithe. ^ From  Neuilly, 
one  eighteenth  of  the  tithe  of  grain,  one  sixth  of  the  tithe 
of  wine,  and  one  half  of  the  small  tithes,  offerings,  and  leg- 
acies. From  C , on  behalf  of  the  allodial  lands,  two  parts 

of  the  tithe  of  grain,  one  sixth  of  the  tithe  of  wine,  one  half 
of  the  legacies  and  offerings,  and  the  whole  of  the  small 
tithe,  except  twelve  pence,  which  the  parish  priest  by  virtue 
of  his  office  has  been  wont  to  receive  as  fish  money.  From 

the  monastery  of  C , two  parts  of  the  tithe  of  grain  and 

wine  and  of  the  small  tithes,  one  third  of  the  offerings  at 
Christmas,  Pentecost,  and  All  Saints.  Of  the  other  offer- 
ings, however,  made  there  during  the  year  the  church  of 

1 That  is,  the  tithe  of  other  than  the  staple  crops,  — for  example,  of 
pigs,  lambs,  flax,  etc. 

/ 


141.  The 
revenue  of 
a parish 
church 

(1237)- 


362 


Readings  ui  European  History 


142.  A Swa- 
bian count, 
Luithold, 
gives  cer- 
tain manors 
to  the  mon- 
astery of 
Zwifalt. 
(End  of 
eleventh 
century.) 


Chatillon  receives  nothing  whatever.  Of  the  legacies  up- 
ward of  twelve  pence  it  receives  one  third,  but  of  those 
below  that  sum  it  receives  by  custom  nothing  at  all. 

It  would  seem  as  if  the  chances  of  misunderstanding 
and  of  consequent  litigation  must  have  been  great  when 
the  property  and  dues  were  so  curiously  divided  among 
the  various  churches  and  monasteries.  This  astonishing 
subdivision  of  the  revenues  possessed  by  ecclesiastical 
bodies  was  doubtless  due  in  large  part  to  the  habits  of 
their  benefactors,  whose  property  was  commonly  greatly 
scattered,  or  bequeathed  in  a seemingly  arbitrary  fashion, 
as  in  the  following  instance. 

Lord  Luithold,  the  count,  gave  for  the  support  of  Christ’s 
poor,  the  monks  of  this  monastery  of  the  holy  Mother  of 
God,  half  of  the  manor  which  is  called  Derendingen.  This 
has  excellent  soil  and  is  said  to  include  twelve  or  more  hides 
of  arable  land  alone.  He  also  gave  meadows  full  good,  and 
a half  right  to  the  exercise  of  all  legal  powers  in  the  whole 
manor.  He  gave  two  groves,  two  mills,  and  a half  right  to 
the  church  on  the  same  manor,  and  the  sole  right  to  the 
church  of  St.  Blasius  hard  by  the  manor.  To  these  two 
churches,  that  is  to  those  portions  of  the  churches  which 
are  under  our  jurisdiction,  belongs  one  grove  of  five  hides. 

And  he  gave  half  of  the  manor  which  is  called  Undingen, 
which  includes  twelve  hides  of  fertile  land  and  meadows 
and  extends  over  an  area  of  more  than  sixty  hides  of  woods 
and  of  pastures  for  cattle.  There  is  also  an  inn  there.  . . . 

And  he  also  gave  us  the  whole  manor  of  Altenburg,  with 
the  sole  right  to  the  chapel,  and  a mill.  The  estate  is 
believed  to  comprise  almost  fourteen  hides  of  arable  lands 
and  meadows,  without  counting  the  woods  and  pastures. 

He  granted  us,  too,  a half  of  the  church  at  Oferdingen, 
with  four  hides  of  fine  arable  land  situated  there,  and  at 
Neuhausen  one  mansus  ; likewise  at  Dusslingen  one,  and 
two  at  Immenweiler,  — which  afterwards  we  exchanged  for 


The  Mediceval  Qmrch  at  its  Height 


363 


two  at  Stubichahe.  Also  ten  mansus  at  Scephbouch  and 
four  at  Willsingen  and  three  mills  at  Husin,  — which  were 
afterwards  given  in  exchange  to  Rudolph  of  Reutlingen  for 
Wimsheim.  Also  near  the  town  of  Chur  a fourth  part  of 
the  church  in  the  manor  called  Maifeld.  . . . 


Describing  with  pride  the  foundation  (1089)  and  his- 
tory of  his  monastery  of  Zwifalt  in  Swabia,  the  monk 
Ortlieb  gives  the  following  account  of  ‘^our  family’' 
(nostra  familia). 


Now  this  our  monastery  church  possesses  many  persons 
who,  because  of  the  oppression  of  their  former  lords  and  of 
the  burdens  which  weighed  them  down,  have  come  under 
our  jurisdiction  in  order  to  have  peace.  Some  of  these  are 
tillers  of  the  soil,  some  vinedressers ; others  are  bakers, 
cobblers,  artisans,  merchants,  and  those  who  follow  various 
trades  and  callings.  Some  of  those  who  pay  their  dues  to 
the  monastery  are  on  a different  footing  from  others.  Even 
among  those  who  belong  directly  to  the  monastery  some  pay 
money  yearly,  while  others  contribute  wax  towards  making 
a certain  great  candle.  What  all  these  pay  in  dues  to  the 
monastery  is  all  handed  over  to  the  custodian  of  the  church. 

Some  of  those  under  our  jurisdiction  belong  to  the  peo- 
ple’s church  across  the  river,  some  to  St.  Stephen’s  church 
at  Tigerfeld,  or  to  the  church  of  St.  Blasius  at  Derendingen, 
or  to  other  churches  under  our  control.  While  these  pay 
their  dues  to  the  particular  church  to  which  they  are  known 
to  belong,  they  are  all,  nevertheless,  like  the  others,  numbered 
among  the  members  of  our  monastery  family,  and  they  should 
obey  our  decrees,  no  matter  if  they  pay  dues  to  some  other 
church  or  monastery. 

And  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  people  of  Tigerfeld  and 
those  who  pay  their  dues  to  that  church  are  to  be  judged, 
at  appointed  times,  by  the  advocate  of  that  place  in  the  pres- 
ence of  the  provost  of  our  monastery.  If  any  one  should  be 
convicted  of  any  rash  act,  or  of  failure  to  pay  his  dues,  one 


143.  Ort- 
lieb’s 
account  of 
those  who 
lived  under 
the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the 
monastery 
of  Zwifalt 

(1135)- 


364 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  retain- 
ers of  the 
monastery- 
required  to 
demean 
themselves 
humbly. 


144.  The 
body  of  a 
burned  here- 
tic turns 
into  toads. 
(From  Luke, 
bishop  of  Tuy, 
thirteenth 
century.) 


part  of  the  fine  exacted  shall  go  to  the  advocate  and  two 
parts  to  our  community.  . . . 

Among  our  men  some  owe  service  of  this  kind,  namely: 
when  the  lord  abbot,  prior,  provost,  or  others  among  the 
brethren  would  travel  anywhither,  these  men  with  their 
horses,  do  accompany  the  brethren  and  minister  unto  them 
obediently.  And  in  order  that  this  service  may  be  right- 
fully required  of  them  they  are  granted  certain  benefices. 
They  assuredly  rejoice  to  be  honored  by  this  distinction 
because  they  have  the  right  to  have  under  them  men  we 
call  clients,  or  minis teriales.  Yet  in  spite  of  this,  no  man 
of  ours  has  ever  become  so  perverse  or  haughty  that  he 
presumed  to  ride  with  us  in  military  array,  or  refused  to 
carry  the  wallet  of  any  of  our  monks  upon  his  pack  horse. 
The  founders  of  our  monastery  did  not  intend  to  give  us 
such  men,  and  we  have  not  consented  to  receive  any  one 
who  might  prove  troublesome  to  us  or  to  our  successors. 


VI.  Tales  illustrating  the  Mediaeval  Attitude 
TOWARDS  Heretics 

The  popular  horror  in  which  heresy  was  held  in  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  is  well  shown  in  the 
following  accounts. 

From  the  lips  of  the  same  brother  Elias,  a venerable 
man,  I learned  that  when  certain  heretics  were  scattering 
the  virulent  seeds  of  error  in  parts  of  Burgundy,  both  the 
Preaching  Friars  and  the  Minorites  drew  the  two-edged 
sword  of  God’s  word  against  these  same  heretics,  opposing 
them  valiantly,  until  they  were  finally  taken  by  the  magis- 
trate of  the  district.  He  sent  them  to  the  stake,  as  they 
merited,  in  order  that  these  workers  of  iniquity  should  perish 
in  their  wickedness  as  a wholesome  lesson  to  others. 

Quantities  of  wood  having  been  supplied  in  plenty  to 
feed  the  flames,  suddenly  a toad  of  wonderful  size  appeared, 
and  without  being  driven,  betook  itself  of  its  own  accord 


365 


The  Mediceval  Church  at  its  Height 

into  the  midst  of  the  flames.  One  of  the  heretics,  who  was 
reported  to  be  their  bishop,  had  fallen  on  his  back  in  the 
fire.  The  toad  took  his  place  on  this  man’s  face  and  in 
the  sight  of  all  ate  out  the  heretic’s  tongue. 

By  the  next  day  his  whole  body,  except  his  bones,  had 
been  turned  into  disgusting  toads,  which  could  not  be 
counted  for  their  great  number.  The  inhabitants,  seeing 
the  miracle,  glorified  God  and  praised  him  in  his  servants, 
the  Preaching  Friars,  because  the  Lord  had,  in  his  mercy, 
delivered  them  from  the  horror  of  such  pollution. 

God  omnipotent  surely  wished  to  show  through  the  most 
unseemly  and  filthiest  of  animals,  how  foul  and  infamous 
are  the  teachings  of  heretics,  so  that  all  might  thereafter 
carefully  shun  the  heretic  as  they  would  the*poisonous  toad. 
Just  as  among  four-footed  creatures  the  toad  is  held  the 
foulest,  so  the  teachings  of  the  heretic  are  more  debased 
and  filthy  than  those  of  any  other  religious  sect.  The  blind- 
ness of  heresy  justifies  the  perfidy  of  the  Jews.  Its  pollu- 
tion makes  the  madness  of  the  Mohammedans  a pure  thing 
in  contrast.  The  licentiousness  of  the  heretics  would  leave 
Sodom  and  Gomorrah  stainless.  What  is  held  most  enor- 
mous in  crime  becomes  most  holy  when  compared  with  the 
shame  and  ignominy  of  heresy.  Therefore,  dear  Christian, 
flee  this  unspeakable  evil,  in  comparison  with  which  all  other 
crimes  are  as  trifles. 

Two  men,  simply  clad  but  not  without  guile,  not  sheep 
but  ravening  wolves,  came  to  Besan^on,  feigning  the  greatest 
piety.  Moreover  they  were  pale  and  thin,  they  went  about 
barefooted  and  fasted  daily,  they  did  not  miss  a single  morn- 
ing the  matins  in  the  cathedral,  nor  did  they  accept  anything 
from  any  one  except  a little  food.  When  by  this  hypocrisy 
they  had  attracted  the  attention  of  every  one,  they  began 
to  vomit  forth  their  hidden  poison  and  to  preach  to  the 
ignorant  new  and  unheard-of  heresies.  In  order,  moreover, 
that  the  people  might  believe  their  teachings,  they  ordered 
meal  to  be  sifted  on  the  sidewalk  and  walked  on  it  without 
leaving  a trace  of  a footprint.  Likewise,  walking  upon  the 


Consummate 
guilt  of 
heresy. 


145.  Two 
heretics 
work  mira- 
cles with 
the  devil’s 
aid.  (From 
the  Dialogues 
of  Caesar  of 
Heister- 
bach.) 


366 


Readings  m European  History 


water,  they  did  not  sink;  also  they  had  little  huts  burned 
over  their  heads,  and  after  the  huts  had  been  burned  to 
ashes,  they  came  out  uninjured.  After  this  they  said  to 
the  people,  ‘‘  If  you  do  not  believe  our  words,  believe  our 
miracles.’^ 

The  bishop  and  the  clergy,  hearing  of  this,  were  greatly 
disturbed.  And  when  they  wished  to  resist  the  men,  affirm- 
ing that  they  were  heretics  and  deceivers  and  ministers 
of  the  devil,  they  escaped  with  difficulty  from  being  stoned 
by  the  people.  Now  that  bishop  was  a good  and  learned 
man  and  a native  of  our  province.  Our  aged  monk,  Conrad, 
who  told  me  these  facts  and  who  was  in  that  city  at  the 
time,  knew  him  well. 

The  bishop,  seeing  that  his  words  were  of  no  avail  and 
that  the  people  intrusted  to  his  charge  were  being  seduced 
from  the  faith  by  the  devil’s  agents,  summoned  a certain 
clerk  that  he  knew,  who  was  very  well  versed  in  necromancy, 
and  said:  “Certain  men  in  my  city  are  doing  so  and  so. 
I ask  you  to  find  out  from  the  devil,  by  your  art,  who  they 
are,  whence  they  come,  and  by  what  means  they  work  so 
many  and  such  wonderful  miracles.  For  it  is  impossible 
that  they  should  do  wonders  through  divine  inspiration  when 
their  teaching  is  so  contrary  to  that  of  God.”  The  clerk 
said,  “ My  lord,  I have  long  ago  renounced  that  art.”  The 
bishop  replied:  “You  see  clearly  in  what  straits  I am.  I 
must  either  acquiesce  in  their  teachings  or  be  stoned  by  the 
people.  Therefore  I . enjoin  upon  you,  for  the  remission  of 
your  sins,  that  you  obey  me  in  this  matter.” 

The  clerk,  obeying  the  bishop,  summoned  the  devil,  and, 
when  asked  why  he  had  called  him,  responded:  “ I am  sorry 
that  I have  deserted  you.  And  because  I desire  to  be  more 
obedient  to  you  in  the  future  than  in  the  past,  I ask  you  to 
tell  me  who  these  men  are,  what  they  teach,  and  by  what 
means  they  work  so  great  miracles.”  The  devil  replied, 
“They  are  mine  and  sent  by  me,  and  they  preach  what  I 
have  placed  in  their  mouths.”  The  clerk  responded,  “How 
is  it  that  they  cannot  be  injured,  or  sunk  in  the  water,  or 
burned  by  fire  ? ” The  demon  replied  again,  “ They  have 


367 


The  Mediceval  Chtcrch  at  its  Height 

under  their  armpits,  sewed  between  the  skin  and  the  flesh, 
my  compacts,  in  which  the  homage  done  by  them  to  me  is 
written;  and  it  is  by  virtue  of  these  that  they  work  such 
miracles  and  cannot  be  injured  by  any  one.”  Then  the  clerk 
said,  “What  if  those  should  be  taken  away  from  them  ” 
The  devil  replied,  “ Then  they  would  be  weak,  just  like 
other  men.”  The  clerk,  having  heard  this,  thanked  the 
demon,  saying,  “Now  go,  and  when  you  are  summoned  by 
me,  return.” 

He  then  went  to  the  bishop  and  related  these  things  to 
him  in  due  order.  The  latter,  filled  with  great  joy,  sum- 
moned all  the  people  of  the  city  to  a suitable  place  and 
said:  “ I am  your  shepherd,  ye  are  my  sheep.  If  those  men, 
as  you  say,  confirm  their  teaching  by  signs,  I will  follow 
them  with  you.  If  not,  it  is  fitting  that  they  should  be  pun- 
ished and  that  you  should  penitently  return  to  the  faith  of 
your  fathers  with  me.”  The  people  replied,  “ We  have 
seen  many  signs  from  them.”  The  bishop  said,  “ But  I have 
not  seen  them.” 

Why  prolong 'my  tale?  The  plan  pleased  the  people. 
The  heretics  were  summoned.  The  bishop  was  present. 
A fire  was  kindled  in  the  midst  of  the  city.  However,  be- 
fore the  heretics  entered  it,  they  were  secretly  summoned 
to  the  bishop.  He  said  to  them,  “ I want  to  see  if  you  have 
anything  evil  about  you.”  Hearing  this,  they  stripped  quickly 
and  said  with  great  confidence,  “ Search  our  bodies  and  our 
garments  carefully.”  The  soldiers,  however,  following  the 
instructions  of  the  bishop,  raised  the  men’s  arms,  and  no- 
ticing under  the  armpits  some  scars  that  were  healed  up, 
cut  them  open  with  their  knives  and  extracted  from  them 
little  scrolls  which  had  been  sewed  in. 

Having  received  these,  the  bishop  went  forth  with  the 
heretics  to  the  people  and,  having  commanded  silence,  cried 
out  in  a loud  voice,  “ Now  shall  your  prophets  enter  the  fire, 
and  if  they  are  not  injured  I will  believe  in  them.”  The 
wretched  men  trembled  and  said,  “ We  are  not  able  to  enter 
now.”  Then  the  bishop  told  the  people  of  the  evil  which 
had  been  detected,  and  showed  the  compacts.  Then  all 


368 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 

tio7ial  read- 
hig  in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  adva^iced 
study. 


were  furious  and  hurled  the  devihs  ministers  into  the  fire 
which  had  been  prepared,  to  be  tortured  with  the  devil  in 
eternal  flames.  And  thus,  through  the  grace  of  God  and 
the  zeal  of  the  bishop,  the  growing  heresy  was  extinguished, 
and  the  people  who  had  been  seduced  and  corrupted  were 
cleansed  by  penance. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Unfortunately  the  Church  has  received  such  slight  attention  in  the 
manuals  most  commonly  used  that  there  is  little  in  them  to  supplement 
the  account  given  in  Chapter  XVI  of  the  History  of  Western  Europe. 

General  Review : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  488-502 ; Emerton, 
pp.  541-555) — especially  good  for  the  development  of  the  canon  law; 
Munro,  pp.  169-175. 

Interesting  examples  of  the  formulae  for  excommunication  and  the 
interdict  will  be  found  in  Tratislations  a7td  ReprintSy  Vol.  IV,  No.  4, 
pp.  22-33.  

CuTTS,  Parish  Priests  and  their  People y 1898. 

Lea,  Studies  i7t  Church  History.  Contains  essays  on  “ The  Rise  of 
Temporal  Power,”  “ Benefit  of  Clergy,”  and  a very  full  account  of 
“ Excommunication.” 

Maitland,  S.  M.,  The  Dark  Ages.  Essays  written  some  sixty  years 
ago  with  a view  of  defending  mediaeval  thought  and  institutions  from 
the  aspersions  of  certain  Protestant  writers.  The  gloomier  aspects  of 
the  subject  will  be  found  in  : 

Lea,  History  of  the  Piquisition  in  the  Middle  Agesy  Vol.  I,  Chapter  I. 
A startling  arraignment  of  the  vices  of  the  mediaeval  clergy,  which 
makes  no  claim  to  describe  the  normal  and  salutary  activities  of  the 
Church. 

Jessopp,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars.  Contains  several  essays  on  the 
Church. 

Somewhat  more  systematic  accounts  of  the  organization  and  beliefs 
of  the  Church  will  be  found  in  the  histories  of  the  Church  mentioned 
above,  pp.  82  sqq.y  especially  in  Milman,  Book  XIV,  Chapters  I-III, 
and  in  Newman,  pp.  449-457. 


Moeller,  History  of  the  Christian  Churchy  Vol.  II,  Period  II, 
Chapter  V ; Period  III,  Chapters  II  and  III,  with  references  to  many 
monographs. 


The  Mediceval  Church  at  its  Height  369 

Gieseler,  Ecclesiastical  History,  Vol.  Ill,  Chapters  I,  II,  V,  and 
VI,  which  give  excerpts  from  the  sources. 

Muller,  Karl,  Kirchengeschichte,  Vol.  I,  1892.  The  most  sug- 
gestive, scholarly,  and  readable  general  review  of  church  history. 

Provost,  Les  eglises  et  les  campag^ies  ati  moyen  age,  1892.  An 
excellent  and  sympathetic  account  of  the  activities  of  the  Church, 
especially  in  the  country  districts. 

Luchaire,  Ma7iuel  des  institutions  (see  above,  p.  192),  Part  I,  Book  I. 
The  best  brief  account  of  the  Church  as  an  institution,  especially  in  its 
relations  to  the  civil  authorities. 

Special  phases  of  the  administrative  system  of  the  Church  are  treated 
by  Imbart  de  la  Tour  in  his  work  on  episcopal  elections  (see  above, 
p.  219),  and  by  Fournier,  Les  Officialites  au  moyen  age ; etudes  sur 
V organization,  la  co7npetence  et  la  procedure  des  tribunaux  ecclesiastiques 
ordinaires  en  France,  1180-IJ28,  1880.  Also  Lea,  Formulary  of  the 
Papal  Penitentiary  in  the  Thirtee7tth  CeTiiury,  1892.  This  contains  an 
excellent  introduction  and  a collection  of  letters  showing  the  kinds  of 
cases  which  were  referred  to  the  papal  tribunal. 

The  two  great  systematic  treatises  upon  church  law,  both  of  which 
were  unfortunately  left  uncompleted  by  their  authors,  are  : Hinschius, 
Das  Kirchenrecht  der  Katholiken  U7td  Protestanten  in  Deutschland, 
7 vols.,  1869-1897,  and  G.  Phillips  (a  Catholic),  Kirchenrecht,  7 vols., 
1845-1872. 

Brief  treatments:  Sohm,  Kirchenrecht,  1892,  and  Zorn,  Lehrbuch 
des  Kirchenrechts,  1892. 

Tardif,  Histoire  des  Sources  du  Droit  Ca7ionique,  1887,  is  an  indis- 
pensable guide  to  the  use  of  the  Corpus  Juris  Canonici.  Of  the  latter 
there  are  numerous  editions,  but  only  one  which  the  historical  student 
will  find  satisfactory,  namely,  that  edited  by  Friedberg,  2 vols.,  1881, 
costing  about  M.  60.  The  editor  has  carefully  given  the  context  of 
many  documents  of  which  only  brief  extracts  appear  in  the  decretals. 
This  adds  greatly  to  the  value  of  the  collection  in  using  it  for  historical 
purposes.  He  also  adds  many  excellent  notes.  The  first  of  the  two 
volumes  is  devoted  to  Gratian’s  Decretum,  the  second  to  the  later 
collections  of  decretals  brought  together  under  Gregory  IX  and  succeed- 
ing popes.  A copy  of  the  canon  law  as  edited  by  Friedberg  should  be 
in  every  college  library,  as  no  one  can  long  study  the  Church  without 
having  occasion  to  refer  to  the  Decretu7n  and  the  decretals. 

Of  the  ecclesiastical  writers  of  the  twelfth  century  the  most  impor- 
tant will  be  found  in  Migne,  Patrologia  Latina  (see  above,  p.  84).  The 
(1  letters  and  some  of  the  other  works  of  St.  Bernard  may  be  had  in 


Ecclesiasti- 
cal law. 


Friedberg’ s 
admirable 
edition  of 
the  Corpus 
Juris  Cano- 
nici.' 


370 


Readings  in  European  History 


General 
conditions 
in  the 
Church. 


English,  translated  by  Eales,  Life  and  Works  of  St.  Bernard^  4 vols., 
1889  sqq.  The  Sententiae  of  Peter  Lombard  are  in  Migne,  Vol. 
CXCII.  Older  separate  editions  are  very  easily  procured.  The  works 
of  Albertus  Magnus  are  expensive  and  rarely  found  even  in  large 
libraries,  but  there  is  more  chance  of  getting  hold  of  the  far  more 
important  works  of  Thomas  Aquinas,  of  which  a very  fine  edition  is 
now  being  published  at  Rome  under  the  papal  auspices. 

Denzinger,  Enchiridion  Symbolorum  et  Definitionum  quae  de  rebus 
fidei  et  morum  a Co7tciliis  oecumenicis  et  summis  Pontificibus  emanave- 
runt.)  Wurzburg,  several  editions.  A very  convenient  and  inexpensive 
collection  of  official  pronouncements  in  regard  to  important  matters  of 
faith,  fully  indexed. 

Lea,  a History  of  Auricular  Confession  and  Indulgences y 3 vols., 
1896.  Contains  a very  full  discussion  of  the  teachings  of  the  various 
theologians  in  regard  to  these  two  important  subjects. 

For  the  spirit  of  the  Church  and  its  role  in  the  social  life  of  the 
period,  see,  above  all,  Michael,  Culturzustdnde  des  deutschen  Volkes 
wdhrend  des  dreizehnten  fahrhundertSy  Vol.  II,  1899  5 Histoire  de 
France^  edited  by  Lavisse,  Vol.  Ill,  Part  II,  pp.  355  sqq.  (by  Langlois). 

In  addition  to  the  writers  of  the  time,  many  of  whom  have  much  to 
say  of  the  conditions  in  the  Church,  especially  of  the  evil,  the  student 
will  turn  for  impressions  of  the  religion  of  the  people  to  the  tales  and 
sermon  stories  of  Caesar  of  Heisterbach,  of  Jacques  de  Vitry,  and 
of  Stephen  of  Bourbon,  illustrations  of  which  were  given  above,  pp. 
355  citations  at  the  opening  of  this  volume,  Nos.  136, 

137,  and  139).  He  will  also  consult  the  few  reports  of  episcopal  visita- 
tions, especially  those  of  Eudes  de  Rigaud,  bishop  of  Rouen,  mentioned 
below,  pp.  378  sqq.y  and  the  English  Episcopal  Registers,  a list  of  which 
may  be  found  in  Gross,  Sources  of  English  History y — for  example,  that 
of  Bishop  Grandisson  of  Exeter  (1327-1369),  Part  I,  pp.  570-579. 
Le  Livre  de  Guillaume  le  Maire^  described  by  Langlois  in  the  new  His- 
toire de  France  (see  above),  is  a most  interesting  memorial  of  a bishop 
under  Philip  the  Fair;  it  is  published  in  Melanges  historiquesy  Tome  II, 
in  the  Documents  inedits  (see  above,  p.  220). 


CHAPTER  XVII 


HERESY  AND  THE  FRIARS 

I.  Denunciations  of  the  Evil  Lives  of  the  Clergy 

The  extracts  which  follow  illustrate  the  outspoken 
criticism  of  the  conduct  and  lives  of  the  ecclesiastical 
officials,  from  the  pope  down,  which  abounds  in  the 
popular  .literary  productions  of  England,  France,  and 
Germany  in  the  twelfth,  thirteenth,  and  fourteenth 
centuries. 

The  first  extracts  are  from  a poem,  not  improbably 
composed  by  a very  clever  churchman,  Walter  Mape  or 
Mapes,  who  was  a member  of  the  literary  circle  which 
Henry  II  of  England  gathered  about  him.  It  is  but  one 
of  a great  number  of  Latin  poems  originating  at  the 
same  period,  ^'remarkable  chiefly  for  pungency  of  satire 
or  sprightliness  of  composition.”  They  were  the  work 
of  university  men,  and  show  us  that  the  Church  never 
succeeded  in  effectively  checking,  at  least  among  the 
educated,  the  most  open  and  scornful  strictures  upon 
the  clergy. 

The  poet  is  represented  as  caught  up  into  heaven, 
where  he  sees  visions  suggested  by  the  Apocalypse  of 
St.  John.  The  translation  here  given  is  one  made  under 
Elizabeth,  or  a little  later. 

After  a burst  of  thunder  a "goodlie  personage'' 
appears  and  bids  the  poet  "Marke  well  and  under- 
stand": 

371 


146.  The 

Revelation  of 
Golias  the 
Bisshoppe. 


372  Readings  in  European  History 

And  when  he  had  thus  done  he  did  bringe  out  a booke, 
Which  booke  had  titles  seven,  and  seven  sealles  sealled 
well, 

And  with  a stedfast  eye  badde  me  therein  to  looke. 

And  see  therbie  what  I to  all  the  world  should  tell. 

Of  bisshopes’  life  and  trade,  this  book  hathe  right  good  skill. 
As  by  the  sealles  thereof  more  plainlie  dothe  appeare. 

For  in  the  inner  part  is  hidd  all  that  is  ill. 

But  to  the  outeward  shewe  all  godlie  thinges  appeare. 

Anon  a certaine  power  there  was  that  opened  cleare 
The  formost  chapter’s  seale,  and  then  I did  espie 
Foure  beasts,  whose  shape  eche  one  unlike  to  other  were. 
But  nothinge  yet  at  all  in  gesture  contrarie. 

The  first  of  theise  four  beasts  a lion  semde  to  be. 

The  secund  like  a caulfe,  the  third  an  eagle  stout. 

The  fourthe  was  like  a man  ; and  they  had  wings  to  die. 
And  full  of  eyen  they  were,  and  turnd  like  wheeles  about. 

And  when  unclosed  was  the  first  sealles  knotte  anon. 

And  I perused  well  the  chapter  thorough  cleare. 

And  aftir  that  I bent  my  whole  sight  thereupon. 

Whereof  the  title  was  as  here  it  may  appeare. 

The  lion  is  the  Pope,  that  useth  to  devoure. 

And  laiethe  his  bookes  to  pledge  and  thirsteth  aftir  gold. 
And  dothe  regard  the  marke,  but  sainct  Marke  dishonor. 
And  while  he  sailes  alofte  on  coyne  takes  anker  holde. 

And  to  the  Bisshoppe  in  the  caulfe  that  we  did  see. 

For  he  dothe  runne  before  in  pasture,  feild,  and  fenne. 
And  gnawes  and  chewes  on  that  where  he  list  best  to  be. 
And  thus  he  filles  himselfe  with  goodes  of  other  men. 

Th’  Archdeacon  is  likewise  the  egell  that  dothe  die, 

A robber  rightlie  cald,  and  sees  a-farre  his  praie. 

And  aftir  it  with  speed  dothe  follow  by  and  by,; 

And  so  by  theft  and  spoile  he  leades  his  life  awaie. 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


373 


The  Deane  is  he  that  hathe  the  face  and  shape  of  man, 
Withe  fraude,  desceipt,  and  guile  fraught  full  as  he  may  be, 
And  yet  dothe  hide  and  cloke  the  same  as  he  best  can, 
Undir  pretense  and  shewe  of  plaine  simplicitie. 

And  theis  have  winges  to  flye,  eche  one  of  these  said  foure. 
Because  they  flye  abrode,  and  lie  about  affaires. 

And  they  have  eyes  eche  one,  because  that  everye  houre. 
They  looke  about  for  gaine,  and  all  that  may  be  theires. 


Then  boisterous  wyndes  arose,  and  earthequakes  by  and  by, 
And  there  was  harde  a voice  of  thunder  from  above. 

That  sounded  Ephata,  which  woorde  dothe  signifie 
An  openinge  ; and  anon  the  fifthe  seale  did  remove. 

When  I the  chapter  sawe  I reade  the  preface  than. 

And  there  the  life  and  trades  of  priestes  I marked  well, 
Which  doe  dishonor  God,  that  all  thinges  first  beganne. 
Whiles  for  one  penyes  gaine  the  Trinitie  they  sell. 

Full  filthelie  the  priest  dothe  service  celebrate 

Withe  voyce,  and  breathes  on  God  his  surfet’s  belchinge 
cheere  ; 

And  hathe  twoo  Latin  names,  but  not  bothe  of  one  rate, 
Sacerdos  is  the  one,  the  other’s  Presbiter. 

He  cannot  brooke  as  well  Sacerdos  name  by  right. 

For  by  the  other  name  men  ought  to  call  him  more. 

When  he  gives  holie  thinges  then  he  Sacerdos  hight. 

But  Presbiter  when  he  hathe  drunck  well  thrise  before. 

He  is  more  bolde  to  synne,  because  he  heares  in  Lent 
The  people’s  greivous  crymes,  and  all  their  synnes  at  large, 
And  all  the  faultes  for  whiche  they  ought  for  to  be  shent, 
And  thus  he  countes  his  owne  to  be  of  smallest  charge. 

The  doings  of  abbots  and  monks  are  next  revealed 
to  the  poet : 


374  Readings  m European  History 

And  when  the  Abbat  dothe  amonge  his  bretheren  suppe, 
Then  tossed  are  the  cuppes  with  quaffinge  to  and  froe, 
And  then  with  bothe  his  handes  the  wine  he  holdeth  uppe, 
And  with  a thunderinge  voice  these  wordes  he  doth  out- 
blowe : 

O how  muche  glorious  is  the  lordes  lamp  so  bright, 

The  cuppe  in  strong  man’s  hande,  that  makes  men 
druncke  I meane. 

O Baccus,  god  of  wyne ! our  convent  guyde  aright, 

With  fruict  of  Daviddes  stocke  to  wash  us  thoroughlie 
cleane.” 

And  aftir  this  the  cuppe  he  takethe  from  the  breade, 

And  cryes  alowde,  “Ho ! sires,  can  yow  as  well  as  I 
Drincke  this  cuppe  in  his  kind  that  I lift  to  my  heade?” 
They  answer,  “Yea,  we  can,”  then  goe  to  by  and  by. 


Then  of  a moncke  a right  demoniacke  is  made. 

And  everie  moncke  dothe  chatte  and  jangle  with  his 
brother. 

As  popingaye  or  pie,  the  which  are  taught  this  trade. 

By  filling  of  their  gorge,  to  speake  one  to  an  other. 

Their  order  to  transgresse,  thei  have  but  small  remorce. 

By  fraude  and  perjurie,  by  missreport  and  spite. 

By  gredines  of  mynde,  withholdinge  thinges  by  force. 

By  filling  of  their  pawnches,  and  fleshlie  fowle  delight. 

Wurse  than  a moncke  there  is  no  feende  nor  sprite  in  hell, 
Nothinge  as  covetuouse  nor  more  straunge  to  be  knowen. 
For  yf  yow  give  him  ought,  he  maie  possesse  it  well, 

But  if  you  aske  him  ought,  then  nothinge  is  his  owne. 

The  German  minnesinger,  Walther  von  der  Vogel- 
weide,  who  lived  a little  later  than  Walter  Mapes,  speaks 
in  a still  more  bitter  tone  of  the  popes : 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


375 


St.  Peter’s  chair  is  filled  to-day  as  well 

As  when  ’twas  fouled  by  Gerbert’s  sorcery ; ^ 

For  he  consigned  himself  alone  to  hell, 

While  this  pope  thither  drags  all  Christentie. 

Why  are  the  chastisements  of  Heaven  delayed.^ 

How  long  wilt  thou  in  slumber  lie,  O Lord? 

Thy  work  is  hindered  and  thy  word  gainsaid. 

Thy  treasurer  steals  the  wealth  that  thou  hast  stored. 

Thy  ministers  rob  here  and  murder  there. 

And  o’er  thy  sheep  a wolf  has  shepherd’s  care. 

A belated  troubadour  in  the  early  fourteenth  century 
thus  denounces  all  classes  of  the  clergy  : 

I see  the  pope  his  sacred  trust  betray. 

For  while  the  rich  his  grace  can  gain  alway. 

His  favors  from  the  poor  are  aye  withholden. 

He  strives  to  gather  wealth  as  best  he  may. 

Forcing  Christ’s  people  blindly  to  obey. 

So  that  he  may  repose  in  garments  golden. 

The  vilest  traffickers  in  souls  are  all 

His  chapmen,  and  for  gold  a prebend’s  stall 
He  ’ll  sell  them,  or  an  abbacy  or  miter. 

And  to  us  he  sends  clowns  and  tramps  who  crawl 

Vending  his  pardon  briefs  from  cot  to  hall  — 

Letters  and  pardons  worthy  of  the  writer. 

Which  leaves  our  pokes,  if  not  our  souls,  the  lighter. 

No  better  is  each  honored  cardinal. 

From  early  morning’s  dawn  to  evening’s  fall. 

Their  time  is  passed  in  eagerly  contriving 

To  drive  some  bargain  foul  with  each  and  all. 

So  if  you  feel  a want,  or  great  or  small. 

Or  if  for  some  preferment  you  are  striving. 


^ A reference  to  Uope  Sylvester  II  (see  above,  p.  220),  who  was  popu- 
larly supposed  to  have  practiced  magical  arts. 


147.  \Nal- 
ther  uon  der 
Vogelweide 
on  the  prac- 
tices of  the 
popes. 


148.  A trou- 
badour’s de- 
scription of 
the  abuses 
in  the 
Church. 
(From  a 
poem  by 
Raimon  de 
Cornet.) 


The  cardi- 
nals. 


376 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  bishops. 


The  priests 
and  minor 
clerks. 


The  monks 
and  friars. 


The  more  you  please  to  give  the  more  ’twill  bring, 

Be  it  a purple  cap  or  bishop’s  ring. 

And  it  need  ne’er  in  any  way  alarm  you 
That  you  are  ignorant  of  everything 
To  which  a minister  of  Christ  should  cling, 

You  will  have  revenue  enough  to  warm  you  — 

And,  bear  in  mind,  the  lesser  gifts  won’t  harm  you. 

Our  bishops,  too,  are  plunged  in  similar  sin. 

For  pitilessly  they  flay  the  very  skin 

From  all  their  priests  who  chance  to  have  fat  livings. 
For  gold  their  seal  offlcial  you  can  win 
To  any  writ,  no  matter  what ’s  therein. 

Sure  God  alone  can  make  them  stop  their  thievings. 
’T  were  hard,  in  full,  their  evil  works  to  tell. 

As  when,  for  a few  pence,  they  greedily  sell 
The  tonsure  to  some  mountebank  or  jester. 

Whereby  the  temporal  courts  are  wronged  as  well. 

For  then  these  tonsured  rogues  they  cannot  quell. 
Howe’er  their  scampish  doings  may  us  pester. 

While  round  the  church  still  growing  evils  fester. 

Then  as  for  all  the  priests  and  minor  ’clerks, 

There  are,  God  knows,  too  many  of  them  whose  works 
And  daily  life  belie  their  daily  teaching. 

^carce  better  are  they  than  so  many  Turks, 

Though  they,  no  doubt,  may  be  well  taught  — it  irks 
Me  not  to  own  the  fullness  of  their  teaching  — 

For,  learned  or  ignorant,  they  ’re  ever  bent 
To  make  a traffic  of  each  sacrament. 

The  mass’s  holy  sacrifice  included ; 

And  when  they  shrive  an  honest  penitent. 

Who  will  not  bribe,  his  penance  they  augment. 

For  honesty  should  never  be  obtruded  — 

But  this,  by  sinners  fair,  is  easily  eluded. 

’T  is  true  the  monks  and  friars  make  ample  show 
Of  rules  austere  which  they  all  undergo. 

But  this  the  vainest  is  of  all  pretenses. 


^ Heresy  mid  the  Friars 


377 


In  sooth,  they  live  full  twice  as  well,  we  know. 

As  e’er  they  did  at  home,  despite  their  vow. 

And  all  their  mock  parade  of  abstinences. 

No  jollier  life  than  theirs  can  be,  indeed; 

And  specially  the  begging  friars  exceed. 

Whose  frock  grants  license  as  abroad  they  wander. 
Thes€  motives ’t  is  which  to  the  Orders  lead 
So  many  worthless  men,  in  sorest  need 

Of  pelf,  which  on  their  vices  they  may  squander. 
And  then,  the  frock  protects  them  in  their  plunder. 


II.  An  Unimpeachable  Report  of  the  Habits  of  the 

Clergy  of  Normandy  in  the  Thirteenth  Century 

It  is  not  unnatural  to  suspect  that  the  troubadours 
and  popular  writers  exceeded  the  bounds  of  truth  in 
their  pungent  satires,  and  were  guilty  at  times  of  exag- 
geration in  their  denunciations;  but  the  cold  daily  record 
which  the  conscientious  archbishop  of  Rouen,  Eudes 
Rigaud,  kept  of  his  pastoral  visits  in  the  middle  of  the 
thirteenth  century  is  open  to  no  such  objection.  There 
is  no  reason  to  suppose  that  he  did  not  tell  the  exact 
truth  ; and  had  we  such  reports  as  his  for  the  condition 
of  the  clergy  in  the  other  archbishoprics  of  western 
Europe,  it  would  be  easy  to  determine  how  far  the 
preachers,  reformers,  and  the  troubadours  were  justified 
in  the  dark  picture  which  they  give  of  the  lives  of  the 
clergy.  It  must  be  conceded  that,  so  far  as  Normandy 
is  concerned,  the  evidence  of  the  archbishop  would  show 
that,  in  many  of  the  parishes,  monasteries,  and  nun- 
neries matters  could  hardly  have  been  worse,  although 
occasionally  he  found  dutiful  priests,  and  monks  and 
nuns  who  observed  the  rule  under  which  they  lived. 


3/8 


Readings  in  European  History 


On  the  fourteenth  day  before  the  Kalends  of  April  [1248] 
we  visited  the  chapter  of  Rouen.  We  found  that  they  talked 
in  the  choir,  in  violation  of  their  rule.  Clerks  wandered  about 
the  church  and  chatted  with  women  while  the  service  was 
going  on.  They  did  not  observe  the  rule  in  regard  to  enter- 
ing the  choir,  and  chanted  the  psalms  too  fast  without  making 
the  pauses.  ...  In  short,  they  failed  to  observe  many  other 
of  the  rules,  and  their  temporalities  were  badly  managed. 

As  for  the  canons  themselves,  we  found  that  Master 
Michael  of  Berciac  was  accused  of  incontinence,  likewise 
Lord  Benedict.  Likewise  Master  William  of  Salmonville 
of  incontinence,  theft,  and  homicide.  Likewise  Master 
John  of  St.  Laud  of  incontinence.  Likewise  Master  Alain 
of  frequenting  taverns,  drunkenness,  and  gaming.  Likewise 
Peter  of  Auleige  of  carrying  on  business. 

On  the  nones  of  May  [1256]  we  visited  the  chapter  of 
St.  Firmat.  There  are  fifteen  secular  canons  and  a prior 
there;  six  canons  in  residence.  Firmin,  the  vicar  of  the  prior, 
farms  the  prebends  of  the  said  canons.  Morell,  the  choir 
clerk,  is  a rough  fellow  (^percussor),  Regnaud  of  Stampis  is 
accused  of  incontinence,  and  has  a boy  with  him  whom  he 
supports.  Bartholomew,  the  vicar  of  the  cantor,  sometimes 
gets  drunk  and  then  does  not  get  up  to  matins.  Roger,  one 
of  the  canons,  occasionally  frequents  taverns.  John,  the 
vicar  of  the  dean,  is  a tipsy  fellow.  We  accordingly  admon- 
ished Bartholomew,  the  cantor’s  vicar,  for  his  drinking,  and 
likewise  John,  the  dean’s  vicar,  and  Roger,  the  canon,  for 
going  to  the  tavern,  and  Regnaud  of  Stampis  for  his  licen- 
tiousness, and  bade  the  said  Bartholomew,  John,  Roger, 
and  Regnaud  to  avoid  these  offenses.  Likewise  we  ordered 
that  Morell,  the  choir  cl^rk,  who  was  given  to  striking  and 
evil  speaking,  should  be  corrected  as  he  deserved,  and  also 
Firmin,  the  vicar,  for  farming  the  prebends,  else  we  should 
come  down  upon  them  with  a heavy  hand. 

On  the  Kalends  of  May  [1258]  we  visited  the  nunnery 
of  St.  Savior.  There  were  sixty-three  nuns.  They  did 
not  have  books  enough : we  ordered  that  these  should  be 


149.  Ex- 
tracts from 
record  of 
the  pastoral 
visits  of  the 
archbishop 
of  Rouen, 
Eudes 
Rigaud 
(1248-1269). 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


379 


procured.  The  rule  of  silence  was  not  properly  observed:  we 
commanded  that  it  should  be.  We  admonished  them  to  go 
to  confession  every  month.  We  enjoined  that  they  should 
not  keep  dogs,  birds,  or  squirrels,  and  should  send  away 
those  that  they  had.  Each  nun  has  a chest  of  her  own. 
We  ordered  the  abbess  to  see  what  these  contained,  and 
that  she  should  have  them  opened,  and  that  the  iron  fasten- 
ings should  be  removed.  When  they  receive  new  gowns 
they  do  not  return  the  old  ones.  We  ordered  that  no  nun 
should  dare  to  give  away  her  old  gown  without  the  permis- 
sion of  the  abbess. 

Frequently,  hov^ever,  the  nuns  were  accused  of  far 
more  grievous  sins  than  keeping  squirrels  and  having 
each  a locked  chest,  and  the  reports  of  the  condition  of 
the  parish  priests  are  as  bad  as  those  which  relate  to  the 
monks  and  canons. 

One  of  the  functions  of  the  bishop  was  to  determine 
whether  the  candidates  presented  to  livings  by  the  feudal 
patrons  were  proper  persons  for  the  position,  — whether 
they  knew  Latin  enough  to  read  the  service,  and  whether 
they  could  chant. 

The  same  day,  namely  the  Tuesday  before  Pentecost,  we 
examined  Godfrey,  a clerk  who  had  been  presented  to  the 
church  of  St.  Richard  of  Herecourt,  on  the  passage,  Omiiia 
aiitem  aperta  et  niida  sunt  eius  oculis  All  things  are  naked 
and  open  unto  the  eyes  of  him  ”].  Asked  what  part  of 
speech  aperta  was,  he  replied  a noun.’^  Asked  whether  it 
could  be  any  other  part,  he  replied,  “ Yes,  a participle.’^ 
Asked  from  what  word  it  was  derived,  he  answered,  From 
the  verb  aperio^  aperis,  aperii^  aperire^  aperior^  aperierisP  etc. 
. . . Asked  what  pateo  meant,  he  said  ‘‘  to  open  ” or  ‘‘  to 
suffer.”  Asked  what  part  of  speech  absque  was,  he  said  it 
was  a conjunction;  asked  of  what  kind,  he  said  causal. 
Examined  in  singing,  it  proved  that  he  could  not  sing  with- 
out notes  and  even  then  discordantly.  We  therefore,  both 


380 


Readings  in  European  History 


on  account  of  these  deficiencies  and  on  account  of  the  fact 
that  he  was  accused  of  incontinence  and  quarrelsomeness, 
judged  that  our  examination  showed  that  he  was  not  a suit- 
able person  to  whom  to  give  the  church. 


III.  The  Waldensian  and  Albigensian  Heretics 


150.  Waldo 
of  Lyons, 
the  founder 
of  the 
Walden- 
sians. 

(From  an 
anonymous 
chronicle 
written 
about  1218.) 


And  during  the  same  year,  that  is  the  1173d  since  the 
Lord’s  Incarnation,  there  was  at  Lyons  in  France  a certain 
citizen,  Waldo  by  name,  who  had  made  himself  much  money 
by  wicked  usury.  One  Sunday,  when  he  had  joined  a crowd 
which  he  saw  gathered  around  a troubadour,  he  was  smitten 
by  his  words  and,  taking  him  to  his  house,  he  took  care  to 
hear  him  at  length.  The  passage  he  was  reciting  was  how 
the  holy  Alexis  died  a blessed  death  in  his  father’s  house. 
When  morning  had  come  the  prudent  citizen  hurried  to  the 
schools  of  theology  to  seek  counsel  for  his  soul,  and  when 
he  was  taught  many  ways  of  going  to  God,  he  asked  the 
master  what  way  was  more  certain  and  more  perfect  than 
all  others.  The  master  answered  him  with  this  text : ‘‘  If 
thou  wilt  be  perfect,  go  and  sell  all  that  thou  hast,”  etc. 

Then  Waldo  went  to  his  wife  and  gave  her  the  choice  of 
keeping  his  personal  property  or  his  real  estate,  namely,  what 
he  had  in  ponds,  groves  and  fields,  houses,  rents,  vineyards, 
mills,  and  fishing  rights.  She  was  much  displeased  at  hav- 
ing to  make  this  choice,  but  she  kept  the  real  estate.  From 
his  personal  property  he  made  restitution  to  those  whom  he 
had  treated  unjustly;  a great  part  of  it  he  gave  to  his  two 
little  daughters,  who,  without  their  mother’s  knowledge,  he 
placed  in  the  convent  of  Font  Evrard;  but  the  greatest  part 
of  his  money  he  spent  for  the  poor.  A very  great  famine 
was  then  oppressing  France  and  Germany.  The  prudent 
citizen,  Waldo,  gave  bread,  with  vegetables  and  meat,  to 
every  one  who  came  to  him  for  three  days  in  every  week 
from  Pentecost  to  the  feast  of  St.  Peter’s  bonds. 

At  the  Assumption  of  the  blessed  Virgin,  casting  some 
money  among  the  village  poor,  he  cried,  “ No  man  can  serve 


Heresy  cDid  the  Friars 


381 


two  masters,  God  and  mammon/’  Then  his  fellow-citizens 
ran  up,  thinking  he  had  lost  his  mind.  But  going  on  to  a 
higher  place,  he  said : “ My  fellow-citizens  and  friends,  I 
am  not  insane,  as  you  think,  but  I am  avenging  myself  on 
my  enemies,  who  made  me  a slave,  so  that  I was  always 
more  careful  of  money  than  of  God,  and  served  the  creature 
rather  than  the  Creator.  I know  that  many  will  blame 
me  that  I act  thus  openly.  But  I do  it  both  on  my  own 
account  and  on  yours ; on  my  own,  so  that  those  who  see 
me  henceforth  possessing  any  money  may  say  that  I am 
mad,  and  on  yours,  that  you  may  learn  to  place  hope  in  God 
and  not  in  riches.” 

On  the  next  day,  coming  from  the  church,  he  asked  a 
certain  citizen,  once  his  comrade,  to  give  him  something  to 
eat,  for  God’s  sake.  His  friend,  leading  him  to  his  house, 
said,  will  give  you  whatever  you  need  as  long  as  I live.” 
When  this  came  to  the  ears  of  his  wife,  she  was  not  a little 
troubled,  and  as  though  she  had  lost  her  mind,  she  ran  to 
the  archbishop  of  the  city  and  implored  him  not  to  let  her 
husband  beg  bread  from  any  one  but  her.  This  moved  all 
present  to  tears. 

[Waldo  was  accordingly  conducted  into  the  presence  of 
the  bishop.]  And  the  woman,  seizing  her  husband  by  the 
coat,  said,  Is  it  not  better,  husband,  that  I should  redeem 
my  sins  by  giving  you  alms  than  that  strangers  should  do 
so  ? ” And  from  that  time  he  was  not  allowed  to  take  food 
from  any  one  in  that  city  except  from  his  wife. 


An  experienced  inquisitor  thus  describes  the  Albi- 
genses  : 

It  would  take  too  long  to  describe  in  detail  the  manner  in 
which  these  same  Manichaean  heretics  preach  and  teach  their 
followers,  but  it  must  be  briefly  considered  here. 

In  the  first  place,  they  usually  say  of  themselves  that  they 
^ are  good  Christians,  who  do  not  swear,  or  lie,  or  speak  evil 
of  others ; that  they  do  not  kill  any  man  or  animal,  nor  any- 
thing having  the  breath  of  life,  and  that  they  hold  the  faith 


151.  De- 
scription 
of  the 
Albigenses. 
(From  the 
Inquisitor’s 
Guide  of 
Bernard  of 
Gui,  early 
fourteenth 
century.) 


382 


Readings  in  European  History 


Albigenses 
deny  the 
efficacy  of 
the  sacra- 
ments in 
polluted 
hands. 


of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  his  gospel  as  Christ  and  his 
apostles  taught.  They  assert  that  they  occupy  the  place  of 
the  apostles,  and  that,  on  account  of  the  above-mentioned 
things,  they  of  the  Roman  Church,  namely  the  prelates, 
clerks,  and  monks,  and  especially  the  inquisitors  of  heresy, 
persecute  them  and  call  them  heretics,  although  they  are 
good  men  and  good  Christians,  and  that  they  are  persecuted 
just  as  Christ  and  his  apostles  were  by  the  Pharisees. 

Moreover  they  talk  to  the  laity  of  the  evil  lives  of  the 
clerks  and  prelates  of  the  Roman  Church,  pointing  out  and 
setting  forth  their  pride,  cupidity,  avarice,  and  uncleanness 
of  life,  and  such  other  evils  as  they  know.  They  invoke, 
with  their  own  interpretation  and  according  to  their  abilities, 
the  authority  of  the  Gospels  and  the  Epistles  against  the 
condition  of  the  prelates,  churchmen,  and  monks,  whom 
they  call  Pharisees  and  false  prophets,  who  say,  but  do’  not. 

Then  they  attack  and  vituperate,  in  turn,  all  the  sacra- 
ments of  the  Church,  especially  the  sacrament  of  the  eucha- 
rist,  saying  that  it  cannot  contain  the  body  of  Christ,  for  had 
this  been  as  great  as  the  largest  mountain  Christians  would 
have  entirely  consumed  it  before  this.  They  assert  that 
the  host  comes  from  straw,  that  it  passes  through  the  tails 
of  horses,  to  wit,  when  the  flour  is  cleaned  by  a sieve  (of 
horse  hair) ; that,  moreover,  it  passes  through  the  body  and 
comes  to  a vile  end,  which,  they  say,  could  not  happen  if 
God  were  in  it. 

Of  baptism,  they  assert  that  water  is  material  and  corrupt- 
ible, and  is  therefore  the  creation  of  the  evil  power  and 
cannot  sanctify  the  soul,  but  that  the  churchmen  sell  this 
water  out  of  avarice,  just  as  they  sell  earth  for  the  burial  of 
the  dead,  and  oil  to  the  sick  when  they  anoint  them,  and  as 
they  sell  the  confession  of  sins  as  made  to  the  priests. 

Hence  they  claim  that  confession  made  to  the  priests  of 
the  Roman  Church  is  useless,  and  that,  since  the  priests  may 
be  sinners,  they  cannot  loose  nor  bind,  and,  being  unclean 
themselves,  cannot  make  others  clean.  They  assert,  more- 
over, that  the  cross  of  Christ  should  not  be  adored  oj  ven- 
erated, because,  as  they  urge,  no  one  would  venerate  or 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


383 


adore  the  gallows  upon  which  a father,  relative,  or  friend 
had  be^n  hung.  They  urge,  further,  that  they  who  adore  the 
cross  ought,  for  similar  reasons,  to  worship  all  thorns  and 
lances,  because  as  Christas  body  was  on  the  cross  during  the 
passion,  so  was  the  crown  of  thorns  on  his  head  and  the 
soldier^s  lance  in  his  side.  They  proclaim  many  other  scan- 
dalous things  in  regard  to  the  sacraments. 

Moreover  they  read  from  the  Gospels  and  the  Epistles 
in  the  vulgar  tongue,  applying  and  expounding  them  in  their 
favor  and  against  the  condition  of  the  Roman  Church  in  a 
manner  which  it  would  take  too  long  to  describe  in  detail; 
but  all  that  relates  to  this  subject  may  be  read  more  fully 
in  the  books  they  have  written  and  infected,  and  may  be 
learned  from  the  confessions  of  such  of  their  followers  as 
have  been  converted. 


IV.  The  Efficacy  of  the  Sacraments  in  Polluted 
Hands 


It  was  natural  that  the  Church  should  maintain  that 
even  though  a priest  led  an  evil  private  life  he  could  still 
celebrate  the  sacraments  as  efficiently  as  a righteous 
person,  just  as  now  we  do  not  consider  that  the  bad 
private  character  of  a government  official  invalidates  in 
any  way  his  official  acts. 


Since  the  sin  of  adultery  does  not  take  from  a king  the 
royal  dignity,  if  otherwise  he  is  a good  prince  who  right- 
eously executes  justice  in  the  earth,  so  neither  can  it  take 
the  sacerdotal  dignity  from  the  priest,  if  otherwise  he  per- 
forms the  sacraments  rightly  and  preaches  the  word  of  God. 
Who  doubts  that  a licentious  king  is  more  noble  than  a 
chaste  knight,  although  not  more  holy  ? . . . No  one  can 
doubt  that  Nathaniel  was  more  holy  than  Judas  Iscariot  ; 
nevertheless  Judas  was  more  noble  on  account  of  the  apos- 
tleship  of  the  Lord,  to  which  Judas  and  not  Nathaniel 
was  called. 


152.  The 
efficacy  of 
the  sacra- 
ments in 
the  hands  of 
bad  priests. 
(From 
Pilich- 
dorfer^s 
Against  the 
Waldenses ; 
written 
about  1444.) 


3^4 


Readings  in  E^Lropean  History 


But  thou,  heretic,^  wilt  say : ‘‘  Christ  said  to  his  disciples, 
‘ Receive  ye  the  Holy  Ghost.  Whosesoever  sins  ye  remit, 
they  are  remitted  unto  them’;  therefore  the  priest  who  does 
not  receive  the  Holy  Ghost  because  he  is  wicked  cannot 
absolve.”  Even  if  a wicked  priest  has  neither  charity  nor 
the  Holy  Ghost  as  a private  man,  nevertheless  his  priest- 
hood is  worthy  as  far  as  the  efficacy  of  the  sacraments  goes, 
though  he  himself  may  be  unworthy  of  the  priesthood.  . . . 

For  example,  a red  rose  is  equally  red  in  the  hands  of  an 
emperor  or  of  a dirty  old  woman ; likewise  a carbuncle  in 
the  hand  of  a king  or  of  a peasant  ; and  my  servant  cleans 
the  stable  just  as  well  with  a rusty  iron  hoe  as  with  a golden 
one  adorned  with  gems.  No  one  doubts  that  in  the  time 
of  Elijah  there  were  many  swans  in  the  world,  but  the  Lord 
did  not  feed  the  prophet  by  swans,  but  by  a black  crow. 
It  might  have  been  pleasanter  for  him  to  have  had  a swan, 
but  he  was  just  as  well  fed  by  a crow.  And  though  it  may 
be  pleasanter  to  drink  nectar  from  a golden  goblet  than  from 
an  earthen  vessel,  the  draught  intoxicates  just  the  same, 
wherever  it  comes  from. 

V.  Attitude  of  the  Civil  Gov5:rnment  toward 
Heretics 

The  following  document  is  a good  example  of  the 
cordial  manner  in  which  the  temporal  rulers  cooperated 
with  the  Church  in  the  detection  and  punishment  of 
heresy,  which  was  universally  regarded  as  the  most  hor- 
rible of  crimes  (see  above,  p.  364).  It  is  taken  from  the 
laws  of  the  enlightened  Frederick  II  of  Hohenstaufen.^ 

The  heretics  endeavor  to  rend  the  seamless  garment  of 
our  Lord,  and  in  accordance  with  their  vicious  name,  which 

1 The  Waldensians  against  whom  the  writer  is  arguing,  maintained, 
as  did  the  Albigenses  (see  above,  p.  382)  that  only  good  priests  could 
administer  the  sacraments  so  that  they  would  benefit  the  sinners. 

Extracts  from  the  laws  in  France  and  Germany  relating  to  heretics 
will  be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprints ^ Vol.  Ill,  No.  6. 


Heresy  a^id  the  Friars 


385 


means  division,  they  would  destroy  the  unity  of  that  same 
indivisible  faith.  They  would  withdraw  the  sheep  from 
Peter^s  guardianship,  to  which  they  were  intrusted  by  the 
Good  Shepherd.  They  are  ravening  wolves  within,  but 
feign  a love  for  the  flock,  until  they  shall  have  crept  into  the 
Lord’s  fold.  They  are  bad  angels,  sons  of  perversity,  ap- 
pointed by  the  father  of  lies  and  deception  to  mislead  the 
simple-minded.  They  are  serpents  who  deceive  the  doves. 
Like  serpents  they  creep  stealthily  abroad;  with  honeyed 
sweetness  they  vomit  forth  their  virus.  While  they  pretend 
to  offer  life-giving  food  they  strike  with  their  tail,  and 
prepare  a deadly  draught,  as  with  some  dire  poison. 

These  sects  do  not  assume  the  old  names  lest  they  should 
be  recognized,  but,  what  is  perhaps  more  heinous,  not  con- 
tent like  the  Arians,  who  took  their  name  from  Arius,  or  the 
Nestorians,  from  Nestorius,  and  others  of  the  same  class, 
they  must  imitate  the  example  of  the  martyrs  who  suffered 
death  for  the  Catholic  faith.  They  call  themselves  Patarins, 
as  if  they,  too,  were  sufferers.^ 

These  same  wretched  Patarins,  who  refuse  to  accept  the 
holy  belief  in  the  eternal  Trinity,  combine  three  offenses  in 
their  wickedness.  They  offend  God,  their  neighbor,  and 
themselves,  — God,  since  they  refuse  to 'place  their  faith  in 
him  or  recognize  his  Son ; their  fellow-men,  since  they 
deceive  them  by  offering  them  the  seductions  of  a perverse 
heresy  under  the  form  of  spiritual  nurture.  Against  them- 
selves they  rage  even  more  fiercely,  for,  prodigal  of  life  and 
careless  of  death,  in  addition  to  the  sacrifice  of  their  souls, 
they  involve  their  bodies  in  the  toils  of  a horrible  end,  which 
they  might  avoid  by  acknowledging  the  truth  and  adhering 
to  the  true  faith.  What  is  worst  of  all,  the  survivors  are  not 
terrified  by  such  examples 

Against  these,  who  offend  alike  against  God,  themselves, 
and  their  fellow-men,  we  cannot  restrain  ourselves,  and  must 
draw  forth  the  sword  of  merited  retribution.  We  pursue 

1 The  name  Patarin,  which  seems  here  to  be  derived  from  the  Latin 
word  patior^  to  suffer,  appears  to  have  been  given  to  the  Cathari  of 
Milan  because  they  lived  among  the  ragpickers  (patari). 


153.  Con- 
cerning 
heretics. 
(From 
the  laws 
issued  by 
Frederick  II 
of  Hohen- 
staufen, 
for  Sicily, 
about  1235.) 


386  Readings  in  Enropean  History 

them  the  more  closely  inasmuch  as  they  are  known,  to  the 
obvious  prejudice  of  the  Christian  faith,  to  extend  the  crimes 
of  their  superstition  toward  the  Roman  church,  which  is 
regarded  as  the  head  of  all  other  churches.  Thus  from  the 
confines  of  Italy,  especially  from  parts  of  Lombardy,  where 
we  are  convinced  that  their  wickedness  is  widespread,  we 
now  find  rivulets  of  their  perfidy  reaching  even  to  our  king- 
dom of  Sicily. 

Feeling  this  most  acutely,  we  decree,  in  the  first  place,  that 
the  crime  of  heresy  and  of  reprehensible  teaching,  of  what- 
ever kind,  by  whatever  name  its  adherents  may  be  known, 
shall,  as  provided  by  the  older  laws,  be  included  among  the 
recognized  crimes.  (For  should  not  what  is  recognized  to 
be  an  offense  against  the  Divine  Majesty  be  judged  more 
terrible  than  the  crime  of  leze  majesty  directed  against  our- 
self, although  in  the  eyes  of  the  law  one  is  not  graver  than 
the  other?)  As  the  crime  of  treason  deprives  the  guilty  of 
life  and  property,  and  even  blackens  the  memory  of  the 
dead,  so  in  the  aforesaid  crimes  of  which  the  Patarins  are 
guilty,  we  wish  the  same  rules  to  be  observed  in  all  respects. 

And  in  order  that  the  wickedness  of  those  who  walk  in 
darkness,  since  they  do  not  follow  God,  should  be  thoroughly 
exterminated,  we  desire  that  those  who  practice  this  class  of 
crimes  should,  like  other  malefactors,  be  diligently  sought  for 
and  hunted  out  by  our  officers.  If  such  be  discovered,  even 
if  there  be  only  the  slightest  suspicion  of  their  guilt,  we 
command  that  they  shall  be  examined  by  churchmen  and 
prelates.  If  they  shall  be  found  by  these  to  have  devi- 
ated from  the  Catholic  faith,  even  in  a single  respect,  and 
if,  when  admonished  by  such  churchmen  in  their  function  of 
pastors,  they  refuse  by  leaving  the  wiles  of  the  devil  to 
recognize  the  God  of  light,  and  stubbornly  adhere  to  their 
error,  we  command,  by  this  our  present  edict,  that  such  con- 
demned Patarins  shall  suffer  the  death  they  court;  that, 
condemned  to  the  sentence  of  the  flames,  they  shall  be 
burned  alive  in  the  sight  of  the  people.  Nor  are  we  loath 
to  satisfy  their  cravings  in  this  respect,  for  they  only  suffer 
the  penalty  of  their  crime  and  reap  no  further  gain.  No  one 


Heresy  aiui  tfie  Friars 


387 


shall  dare  to  intercede  with  us  for  any  such,  and  should  any 
one  presume  to  do  this,  we  shall  properly  direct  the  darts 
of  our  indignation  against  him,  too.  . . . 

All  who  shall  receive,  trust,  aid,  or  abet  the  Patarins  in 
any  way,  seeking  to  shield  others  from  a penalty  which  they 
rashly  do  not  fear  for  themselves,  shall  be  deprived  of  all 
their  goods  and  banished  forever.  Their  sons  shall  there- 
after be  excluded  from  all  honors  whatsoever  and  shall  be 
branded  with  perpetual  disgrace.  They  shall  not  be  per- 
mitted to  act  as  witnesses  in  any  case,  but  shall  be  rejected 
as  infamous. 

But  if  any  one  of  the  sons  of  such  harborers  or  fautors 
shall  point  out  a Patarin,  whose  guilt  shall  be  thus  proven, 
he  shall,  by  the  imperial  clemency,  be  freed  from  the  oppro- 
brium and  restored  to  his  full  rights,  in  view  of  the  good 
faith  which  he  has  shown. 

X 

VI.  Life  and  Character  of  St.  Francis 

Until  his  twentieth  year  Francis  wretchedly  wasted  his 
days.  He  astonished  every  one,  for  he  sought  to  exceed  all 
others  in  pomp  and  vain  display.  He  was  full  of  jests, 
quips,  and  light  words ; he  dressed  in  soft  flowing  gar- 
ments, for  he  was  very  rich ; yet  he  was  not  avaricious, 
only  prodigal,  and  squandered  instead  of  saving  his  money. 
He  was  withal  a man  of  gentle  manner,  friendly  and  very 
courteous. 

In  the  midst  of  the  joys  and  sins  of  his  youth  suddenly  the 
divine  vengeance,  or  grace,  came  upon  him,  which  began  to 
recall  him  to  the  right  way  by  bringing  anguish  to  his  mind 
and  suffering  to  his  body,  according  to  the  saying  of  the 
prophet,  “Behold,  I will  hedge  up  thy  way  with  thorns,  and  I 
will  encompass  it  with  afflictions.”  When  he  had  long  been 
afflicted  by  bodily  sickness  — as  the  sinful  man  merits,  since 
he  will  not  amend  his  ways  except  by  punishment  — he  began 
"to  turn  his  thoughts  to  other  things  than  had  been  his  wont. 

When  he  had  somewhat  mended,  he  once  more  wandered 
about  the  house,  supported  by  a staff,  in  order  to  hasten  his 


Penalties  for 
those  who 
harbor  or  aid 
heretics. 


Premium  on 
delation. 


154.  How 
St.  Francis 
came  to 
undertake 
his  mission. 
(From  the 
first  Life  of 
St.  Francis, 
by  Thomas 
of  Celano, 
written 
in  1228 ; 
condensed.) 


388  Readings  in  European  History 

recovery.  One  day  he  went  out  of  doors  and  looked  thought- 
fully over  the  neighboring  plain ; but  the  beauty  of  the  fields 
and  their  pleasantness,  and  all  things  whatsoever  that  are 
lovely  to  the  sight,  in  no  way  delighted  him.  He  marveled 
at  the  sudden  change  in  himself,  and  those  who  still  loved 
the  things  that  he  had  formerly  loved  seemed  to  him  most 
foolish. 

From  that  day  it  came  to  pass  that  he  seemed  worthless 
in  his  own  sight,  and  did  hold  in  a certain  contempt  those 
things  that  he  was  used  to  hold  in  admiration  and  love. 
He  would  fain  conform  his  will  to  the  divine  will,  and  so  he 
withdrew  himself  for  a season  from  worldly  business  and 
tumult  and  sought  to  store  away  Jesus  Christ  within  his 
soul. 

[Together  with  a certain  man  of  Assisi  who  did  love  him 
greatly,  he  was  used  to  go  apart  into  the  country.]  Now 
there  was  near  the  city  a certain  grotto  and  thither  they 
often  went.  Francis,  the  man  of  God,  who  now  was  blessed 
with  a holy  purpose,  would  enter  into  the  grotto  whilst  his 
companion  awaited  him  without.  There  he  did  pray  fer- 
vently that  the  eternal  and  true  God  would  direct  his  way 
and  would  teach  him  to  do  his  will.  His  soul  glowed  with 
divine  fire  and  he  could  not  hide  the  brightness  of  his  spirit. 
And  he  repented  him  because  he  had  sinned  so  grievously 
and  had  offended  in  the  eyes  of  the  Divine  Majesty. 

On  a certain  day  when  he  had  most  earnestly  besought 
the  mercy  of  God,  it  was  made  known  to  him  by  the  Lord 
what  he  should  do.  Therefore  he  was  filled  with  so  great 
gladness  that  he  could  not  keep  from  rejoicing  inwardly, 
and  yet  he  would  not  make  known  unto  men  anything  con- 
cerning this  joy.  But  so  great  was  the  love  kindled  within 
him  that  he  could  not  be  wholly  silent,  so  he  spoke  some- 
what cautiously  and  in  parables  and  told  his  companions 
how  that  he  would  do  noble  and  mighty  deeds.  They 
asked  him,  saying,  “ Wilt  thou  marry  a wife,  Francis  ? ” 
Who,  answering,  saith,  I will  marry  a wife  more  noble  and 
fairer  than  ever  ye  saw,  and  this  spotless  bride  is  the  true 
religion  of  God.” 


Heresy  and  the  Fidars 


389 


Ever  had  he  been  the  benefactor  of  the  poor,  but  from 
this  time  he  resolved  more  firmly  in  his  heart  to  deny  no 
poor  man  anything  who  asked  of  him  in  the  name  of  the 
Lord.  Thenceforth  whensoever  he  walked  abroad  and  a 
beggar  asked  alms  of  him,  if  he  had  money  he  gave  it  to  him. 
If  he  had  no  money,  then  he  went  apart  into  some  hidden 
place  and  took  off  his  shirt  and  sent  it  to  the  beggar  secretly. 

After  some  days,  as  he  was  passing  by  the  church  of  St. 
Damian,  it  was  revealed  to  him  in  the  spirit  that  he  should 
go  in  and  pray.  When  he  had  entered  and  had  begun  to 
pray  fervently  before  a certain  crucifix,  lo,  the  Christ  upon 
the  cross  spoke  to  him  kindly  and  lovingly,  saying,  “ Francis, 
do  you  not  see  that  my  house  is  destroyed } Go  then  and 
repair  it  for  me.”  Trembling  and  astounded,  he  answered, 
^‘That  will  I gladly  do.  Lord.”  For  he  thought  that  our 
Lord  did  speak  of  the  church  of  St.  Damian,  which,  because 
of  its  too  great  age,  was  like  to  fall  into  decay.  So  Francis 
straightway  sought  out  the  priest  and  gave  him  a certain 
sum  of  money  that  he  might  buy  oil  for  the  lamp  before 
the  crucifix.  From  that  hour  was  his  heart  softened  and 
wounded  by  the  memory  of  our  Lord^s  passion,  so  that 
even  while  he  lived  he  did  bear  in  his  heart  the  stigmata 
of  the  Lord  Jesus.  . . . 

[Now  Francis,  from  this  time,  did  long  to  give  all  things 
that  he  had  to  the  Lord;]  so  this  blessed  servant  of  the 
Most  High  took  some  pieces  of  cloth  that  he  might  sell 
them,  and  went  forth  mounted  upon  his  horse  and  arrived 
straightway  at  the  city  called  Foligno.  There  did  the  happy 
merchant  sell  all  the  goods  that  he  had,  and  did  even  part 
with  his  horse  when  a price  was  offered  for  him.  Then  he 
took  his  way  toward  Assisi,  and  he  passed  by  the  way  the 
church  of  St.  Damian.  The  new  soldier  of  Christ  straight- 
way entered  the  church  and  sought  out  a certain  poor  priest, 
and  with  reverence  did  kiss  his  hands  and  then  offered  to 
him  all  the  money  that  he  had.  . . . 

[Rejoicing  in  the  Lord,  he  lingered  in  the  church  of 
St.  Damian.]  His  father,  hearing  of  these  things,  gath- 
ered together  his  friends  and  neighbors  and  made  all  speed 


390 


Readings  in  Europea?i  History 


possible  to  the  place  where  the  servant  of  God  was  abiding. 
Then  he,  because  he  was  but  a new  champion  of  Christ, 
when  he  heard  the  threats  of  vengeance,  did  hide  himself 
in  a certain  secret  cave  and  there  did  lie  concealed  for  a 
month.  Fasting  and  praying,  he  did  entreat  the  mercy  of 
the  Saviour  ; and  though  he  lay  in  a pit  and  in  the  shadow 
of  death,  yet  was  he  filled  with  a certain  unutterable  joy, 
unhoped  for  until  now.  All  aglow  with  this  gladness,  he 
left  the  cave  and  exposed  himself  openly  to  the  abuses  of 
his  persecutors.  . . . Armed  with  the  shield  of  faith  and 
the  armor  of  trust,  he  took  his  way  to  the  city.  All  who 
knew  him  did  deride  him  and  called  him  insane  and  a 
madman,  and  pelted  him  with  the  mud  of  the  streets  and 
with  stones. 

The  father  of  the  blessed  Francis,  when  he  learned  that 
his  son  was  ridiculed  in  the  open  streets,  first  strove  by 
abuse  to  turn  him  from  his  chosen  way.  When  he  could 
not  thus  prevail  over  him,  he  desired  the  servant  of  God  to 
renounce  all  his  inheritance.  That  this  might  be  done,  he 
brought  the  blessed  Francis  before  the  bishop  of  Assisi. 
At  this  Francis  did  greatly  rejoice  and  hastened  with  a 
willing  heart  to  fulfill  his  father’s  demands. 

When  he  had  come  before  the  bishop  he  did  not  delay, 
nor  did  he  suffer  others  to  hinder  him.  Indeed,  he  waited 
not  to  be  told  what  he  should  do,  but  straightway  did  take 
off  his  garments  and  cast  them  away  and  gave  them  back 
to  his  father ; and  he  stood  all  naked  before  the  people. 
But  the  bishop  took  heed  of  his  spirit  and  was  filled  with 
exceeding  great  wonder  at  his  zeal  and  steadfastness ; so  he 
gathered  him  in  his  arms  and  covered  him  with  the  cloak 
which  he  wore.  Behold  now  had  he  cast  aside  all  things 
which  are  of  this  world. 

The  holy  one,  lover  of  all  humility,  did  then  betake  him- 
self to  the  lepers  and  abode  with  them  most  tenderly  for  the 
love  of  God.  He  washed  away  all  the  putrid  matter  from 
them,  and  even  cleansed  the  blood  and  all  that  came  forth 
from  the  ulcers,  as  he  himself  spake  in  his  will : ‘‘  When  I 
was  yet  in  my  sins  it  did  seem  to  me  too  bitter  to  look  upon 


Heresy  a7td  the  Friars 


391 


the  lepers,  but  the  Lord  himself  did  lead  me  among  them 
and  I had  compassion  upon  them.’’ 

Now  upon  a certain  day,  in  the  church  of  Santa  Maria 
Portiuncula,  the  gospel  was  read  — how  that  the  Lord  sent 
forth  his  disciples  to  preach.  It  was  while  they  did  cele- 
brate the  solemn  mystery  of  the  mass,  and  the  blessed  one 
of  God  stood  by  and  would  fain  understand  the  sacred 
words.  So  he  did  humbly  ask  the  priest  that  the  gospel 
might  be  expounded  unto  him.  Then  the  priest  set  it  forth 
plainly  to  him,  and  the  blessed  Francis  heard  how  the 
disciples  were  to  have  neither  gold,  nor  silver,  nor  money, 
nor  purse,  nor  script,  nor  bread,  not  to  carry  any  staff  upon 
the  road,  not  to  have  shoes  nor  two  coats,  but  to  preach 
repentance  and  the  spirit  of  God,  rejoicing  always  in  the 
spirit  of  God. 

Then  said  the  blessed  Francis,  “This  is  what  I long  for, 
this  is  what  I seek,  this  is  what  I desire  to  do  from  the 
bottom  of  my  heart.”  And  he  was  exceeding  rich  in  joy, 
and  did  hasten  to  fulfill  the  blessed  words  that  he  had 
heard.  He  did  not  suffer  any  hindrance  to  delay  him,  but 
did  earnestly  begin  to  do  that  which  he  had  heard.  Forth- 
with he  did  loose  the  shoes  from  his  feet,  and  did  lay 
down  the  staff  from  out  his  hands,  and  was  content  with 
one  tunic,  and  changed  his  girdle  for  a rope.  Then  with 
great  fervor  of  spirit  and  joy  of  mind  he  began  to  preach 
repentance  to  all  men.  He  used  simple  speech,  yet  by  his 
noble  heart  did  he  strengthen  those  who  heard  him.  His 
word  was  as  a flaming  fire,  and  found  a way  into  the  depths 
of  all  hearts. 


The  most  blessed  Father  Francis  once  made  his  way 
through  the  valley  of  Spoleto,  and  he  came  to  a place  near 
Bevagna  where  birds  of  divers  kinds  had  gathered  together 
in  a great  multitude,  — crows,  doves,  and  others  which  are 
called,  in  the  vulgar  tongue,  bullfinches.  Now  Francis,  most 
blessed  servant  of  God,  was  a man  full  of  zeal  and  moved  to 
tenderness  and  gentleness  toward  all  creatures,  even  those 
that  be  lowly  and  without  reason.  So  when  he  had  seen  the 


155.  St. 
Francis^ 
sermon  to 
the  birds. 
(From 
Thomas  of 
Celano.) 


156.  The 
will  of 
St.  Francis. 


392  Readmgs  in  Etiropean  History 

birds  he  did  run  to  them  quickly,  leaving  his  companions 
upon  the  way. 

When  he  had  come  near  to  them  he  saw  that  they  awaited 
him,  and  he  made  salutation,  as  he  was  wont  to  do.  Won- 
dering not  a little  that  they  did  not  take  flight,  as  is  the 
habit  of  birds,  he  begged  them  humbly,  yet  with  great  joy, 
that  they  would  hear  the  word  of  God.  And  among  many 
things  which  he  said  unto  them  was  this  which  follows  : 
“ My  brother  birds,  greatly  should  ye  praise  your  Creator 
and  always  serve  him,  because  he  gave  you  feathers  to  wear, 
wings  to  fly,  and  whatsoever  ye  needed.  He  exalted  you 
among  his  creatures  and  made  for  you  a mansion  in  the 
pure  air.  Although  ye  sow  not,  neither  reap,  none  the  less 
he  protects  you  and  guides  you,  and  ye  have  not  any  care.’' 

At  this  the  birdlings  — so  one  said  who  was  with  him  — 
began  to  stretch  out  their  necks  and  raise  their  wings,  to 
open  their  mouths,  and  to  look  upon  him.  He  went  and 
came,  passing  through  the  midst  of  them,  and  his  tunic 
touched  their  heads  and  bodies.  Then  he  blessed  them, 
and  made  the  sign  of  the  cross,  and  gave  them  leave  to  fly 
to  other  places. 

Francis  left  no  more  important  memorial  of  himself 
and  his  ideals  than  his  will,  dictated  by  him  shortly 
before  his  death. 

God  gave  it  to  me.  Brother  Francis,  to  begin  to  do 
penance  in  the  following  manner : when  I was  yet  in  my 
sins  it  did  seem  to  me  too  bitter  to  look  upon  the  lepers,  but 
the  Lord  himself  did  lead  me  among  them,  and  I had. com- 
passion upon  them.  When  I left  them,  that  which  had 
seemed  to  me  bitter  had  become  sweet  and  easy. 

A little  while  after  I left  the  world,  and  God  gave  me  such 
faith  that  I would  kneel  down  with  simplicity  in  any  of  his 
churches,  and  I would  say,  We  adore  thee,  Lord  Jesus 
Christ,  here  and  in  all  thy  churches  which  are  in  the  world, 
and  we  bless  thee  that  by  thy  holy  cross  thou  hast  ransomed 
the  world.” 


He7^esy  and  the  Friars 


393 


Afterward  the  Lord  gave  me,  and  still  gives  me,  so  great 
a faith  in  priests  who  live  according  to  the  form  of  the  holy 
Roman  Church,  because  of  their  sacerdotal  character,  that 
even  if  they  persecuted  me  I would  have  recourse  to  them, 
and  even  though  I had  all  the  wisdom  of  Solomon,  if  I 
should  find  poor  secular  priests,  I would  not  preach  in  their 
parishes  against  their  will.  I desire  to  respect  them  like  all 
the  others,  to  love  them  and  honor  them  as  my  lords.  I will 
not  consider  their  sins,  for  in  them  I see  the  Son  of  God, 
and  they  are  my  lords.  I do  this  because  here  below  I see 
nothing,  I perceive  nothing  corporeally  of  the  most  high  Son 
of  God,  except  his  most  holy  body  and  blood,  which  the 
priests  receive  and  alone  distribute  to  others. 

I desire  above  all  things  to  honor  and  venerate  all  these 
most  holy  mysteries  and  to  keep  them  precious.  Wherever 
I find  the  sacred  names  of  Jesus,  or  his  words,  in  unsuitable 
places,  I desire  to  take  them  away  and  put  them  in  some 
decent  place;  and  I pray  that  others  may  do  the  same.  We 
ought  to  honor  and  revere  all  the  theologians  and  those 
who  preach  the  most  holy  word  of  God,  as  dispensing  to  us 
spirit  and  life. 

When  the  Lord  gave  me  the  care  of  some  brothers,  no 
one  showed  me  what  I ought  to  do,  but  the  Most  High  him- 
self revealed  to  me  that  I ought  to  live  according  to  the 
model  of  the  holy  gospel.  I caused  a short  and  simple 
formula  to  be  written,  and  the  lord  pope  confirmed  it  for 
me. 

Those  who  presented  themselves  to  follow  this  kind  of  life 
distributed  all  they  might  have  to  the  poor.  They  contented 
themselves  with  one  tunic,  patched  within  and  without,  with 
the  cord  and  breeches,  and  we  desired  to  have  nothing  more. 
The  clerics  said  the  office  like  other  clerics,  and  the  laymen 
repeated  the  paternoster. 

We  loved  to  live  in  poor  and  abandoned  churches,  and  we 
were  ignorant,  and  were  submissive  to  all.  I worked  with 
my  hands  and  would  still  do  so,  and  I firmly  desire  also  that 
all  the  other  brothers  work,  for  this  makes  for  goodness.  Let 
those  who  know  no  trade  learn  one,  but  not  for  the  purpose  of 


A reference* 
to  Francis’ 
first  Rule. 


394 


Readings  in  European  History 


receiving  the  price  of  their  toil,  but  for  their  good  example 
and  to  flee  idleness.  And  when  we  are  not  given  the  price 
of  our  work,  let  us  resort  to  the  table  of  the  Lord,  beg- 
ging our  bread  from  door  to  door.  The  Lord  revealed  to 
me  the  salutation  which  we  ought  to  give  : ‘‘  God  give  you 
peace ! ’’ 

Let  the  brothers  take  great  care  not  to  accept  churches, 
habitations,  or  any  buildings  erected  for  them,  except  as  all 
is  in  accordance  with  the  holy  poverty  which  we  have  vowed 
in  the  Rule  ; and  let  them  not  live  in  them  except  as  strangers 
and  pilgrims.  I absolutely  interdict  all  the  brothers,  in  what- 
soever place  they  may  be  found,  from  asking  any  bull  from 
the  court  of  Rome,  whether  directly  or  indirectly,  in  the 
interest  of  church  or  convent,  or  under  pretext  of  preaching, 
nor  even  for  the  protection  of  their  bodies.  If  they  are  not 
received  anywhere,  let  them  go  of  themselves  elsewhere,  thus 
doing  penance  with  the  benediction  of  God. 

I firmly  desire  to  obey  the  minister  general  of  this  brother- 
hood, and  the  guardian  whom  he  may  please  to  give  me.  I 
desire  to  put  myself  entirely  into  his  hands,  to  go  nowhere 
and  do  nothing  against  his  will,  for  he  is  my  lord.  Though 
I be  simple  and  ill,  I would,  however,  have  always  a clerk 
who  will  perform  the  office,  as  it  is  said  in  the  Rule.  Let 
all  the  other  brothers  also  be  careful  to  obey  their  guardians 
and  to  do  the  office  according  to  the  Rule. 

If  it  come  to  pass  that  there  are  any  who  do  not  the  office 
according  to  the  Rule,  and  who  desire  to  make  any  other 
change,  or  if  they  are  not  Catholics,  let  all  the  brothers, 
wherever  they  may  be,  be  bound  by  obedience  to  present 
them  to  the  nearest  custodian.  Let  the  custodians  be  bound 
by  obedience  to  keep  such  a one  well  guarded,  like  a man  who 
is  in  bonds,  day  and  night,  so  that  he  may  not  escape  from 
their  hands  until  they  personally  place  him  in  the  minister's 
hands.  And  let  the  minister  be  bound  by  obedience  to  send 
him,  by  brothers  who  will  guard  him  as  a prisoner  day  and 
night,  until  they  shall  have  placed  him  in  the  hands  of  the 
lord  bishop  of  Ostia,  who  is  the  lord  protector,  and  the  cor- 
rector of  all  the  brotherhood. 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


395 


And  let  the  brothers  not  say,  “This  is  a new  Rule'’;  for 
this  is  only  a reminder,  a warning,  an  exhortation  ; it  is  my 
last  will  and  testament,  that  I,  little  Brother  Francis,  make 
for  you,  my  blessed  brothers,  in  order  that  we  may  observe 
in  a more  Catholic  way  the  Rule  which  we  promised  the  Lord 
to  keep. 

Let  the  ministers  general,  all  the  other  ministers,  and  the 
custodians  be  held  by  obedience  to  add  nothing  to  and  take 
nothing  away  from  these  words.  Let  them  always  keep  this 
writing  near  them  beside  the  Rule  ; and  in  all  the  assemblies 
which  shall  be  held,  when  the  Rule  is  read,  let  these  words 
be  read  also. 

I interdict  absolutely  by  obedience  all  the  brothers,  clerics 
and  laymen,  to  introduce  comments  in  the  Rule,  or  in  this 
will,  under  pretext  of  explaining  it.  But  since  the  Lord  has 
given  me  to  speak  and  to  write  the  Rule  and  these  words  in 
a clear  and  simple  manner,  so  do  you  understand  them  in 
the  same  way  without  commentary,  and  put  them  in  practice 
until  the  end. 

And  whoever  shall  have  observed  these  things,  may  he 
be  crowned  in  heaven  with  the  blessings  of  the  heavenly 
Father,  and  on  earth  with  those  of  his  well-beloved  Son  and 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  Consoler,  with  the  assistance  of  all 
the  heavenly  virtues  and  all  the  saints. 

And  I,  little  Brother  Francis,  your  servitor,  confirm  to  you, 
so  far  as  I am  able,  this  most  holy  benediction.  Amen. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Monastic  Orders:  Emerton,  pp.  555-577:  Munro,  pp.  122-134;  A.  Refer- 
Tout,  pp.  198-209.  ences. 

The  Spread  of  Heresy:  B^mont  and  Monod,  pp.  512-514;  Emer- 
ton, pp.  333-338;  Munro,  pp.  175-178;  Tout,  pp.  214-217. 

The  Albigensian  Crusade:  B^mont  and  Monod,  pp.  506-511; 

Emerton,  pp.  339-342. 

The  Mendicant  Friars:  Emerton,  pp.  578-581;  Munro,  pp.  178- 
180;  Tout,  pp.  434-444. 

The  Rule  of  St.  Francis : Henderson,  Historical  Documents^ 
pp.  344-349* 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 

The  Albi- 
genses  and 
Waldensians. 


396  Readings  in  Eitropean  History 

Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition  in  the  Middle  AgeSj  Vol.  I : Chapters 
II-V  deal  very  fully  with  the  development  of  the  Waldensian  and 
Albigensian  heresies  and  the  early  attempts  to  suppress  them ; Chap- 
ter VI  takes  up  both  the  Franciscan  and  Dominican  orders;  while  in 
Chapters  VII-XIV  there  is  by  far  the  fullest  and  best  account  in  Eng- 
lish of  the  origin  of  the  papal  Inquisition,  its  organization  and  methods. 
This  is  one  of  the  most  scholarly  works  ever  produced  in  the  United 
States. 

Sabatier,  Life  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  translated  from  the  French 
of  the  Protestant  scholar  who  has  done  most  to  clear  up  the  problems 
connected  with  the  sources  for  the  saint’s  life  and  teachings.  A charm- 
ing book,  with  a very  full  and  scholarly  discussion  of  the  sources. 

Abbe  Leon  le  Monnier,  History  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi,  1894. 
From  the  French  edition  of  1890.  The  work  of  a Catholic,  written 
before  the  appearance  of  Sabatier’s. 

Jessopp,  The  Coming  of  the  Friars. 

Drane,  Augusta,  History  of  St.  Dominic,  Founder  of  the  Friars 
Preachers,  1891. 

The  oldest  and  most  authentic  life  of  St.  Francis,  Brother  Leo’s 
Mirror  of  Perfection  (see  below),  is  to  be  had  in  English  (Temple 
Classics).  It  was  written  almost  immediately  after  the  death  of  Francis 
by  one  who  was  anxious  that  the  friars  should  carefully  adhere  to  the 
ideas  of  their  founder  as  they  are  expressed  in  his  will  (see  pp.  392  sqqi). 

The  Life  of  F'rancis  by  The  Three  Companions,  written  in  1246,  is 
also  in  the  Temple  Classics. 

The  Little  Flowers  of  St.  Francis  is  a charming  collection  of  anecdotes 
about  him,  which  was  probably  written  in  the  fourteenth  century. 


Schmidt,  Ch.,  Histoire  et  doctrine  de  la  secte  de  Cathares  ou  Albi- 
geois,  2 vols.,  1849.  Rather  old  but  still  the  best  full  account.  It 
may  be  controlled  by  Lea  and  also  by  Karl  Muller  i^Kirchengeschichte, 
Vol.  I),  who  has  given  much  attention  to  the  heresies  of  the  Middle 
Ages.  See  also  Douais,  Les  Albigeois,  leurs  origines,  etc.,  Paris,  1879, 
and  Tocco,  H Eresia  nel  medio  evo,  1884.  Ror  the  Waldensians  : Karl 
Muller,  Die  Waldenser  und  Hire  einzelnen  Gruppen,  1886,  and  the  new 
edition  of  Comba,  Histoire  des  Vaudois,  Vol.  I,  Florence,  1901. 

We  have  to  rely  for  the  sources  of  our  knowledge  of  the  heretics 
mainly  upon  the  writings  of  their  Catholic  opponents  and  upon  the 
reports  of  the  inquisitors.  An  excellent  review  by  Ch.  de  Smedt  of 
the  writers  who  deal  with  the  Albigenses  will  be  found  in  the  Revue  des 
Questions  Historiques,  Vol.  XVI,  pp.  433  sqq.  The  most  considerable 


Heresy  and  the  Friars 


397 


I 'collection  of  material  is  that  of  Bollinger,  Beitrdge  zur  Sectenge- 
schichte  des  Mittelalters^  1891,  especially  Vol.  II,  Docume7ite  v^^rnehm- 
\ lie h zur  Geschichte  der  Valdesier  und  KatharerB 

For  the  considerable  literature  that  exists  upon  the  Inquisition,  see 
Langlois,  U Inquisition  d'apres  des  travaux  rece7its,  Paris,  1901,  and  the 
"introduction  by  Fredericq  to  the  French  translation  of  Lea’s  htquisi- 
dion,  Paris,  3 vols.,  1902.  Besides  Lea’s  great  work,  see  Tanon, 
*;Tribu7taux  de  V ifiquisition  en  France^  1893,  Henner,  Beitrdge  zur 
Organisation  und  KoTnpetenz  des  pdpsthchen  Ketzergericht^  1890. 

Of  the  inquisitorial  guides  containing  official  acts  and  much  other 
(information,  one  of  the  oldest  and  most  authoritative  is  that  of  Ber- 
nard OF  Gui  (d.  1331),  an  experienced  inquisitor,  Pratica  ifiquisitionis 
heretice  pravitatis^  printed  for  the  first  time  by  Douais,  in  1886. 
Eymeric,  an  inquisitor  in  Aragon,  composed  his  Directormm  Ptquisi- 
torum  toward  the  end  of  the  fourteenth  century,  some  fifty  years  later 
,:than  the  date  of  the  Pratica  of  Bernard.  It  proved  more  popular 
Ithan  Bernard’s,  and  was  printed  a number  of  times  in  the  sixteenth 
century,  and  old  copies  of  it  are  not  difficult  to  find.  Among  the  collec- 
tions of  material  recently  published  are  : Fredericq,  Corpus  documento- 
rtiTn  inquisitio7iis  haereticae  pravitatis  Neerla7idicae^  I02g-ig28y  5 vols., 
1889-1902,  and  Douais,  DocuTnents  pour  servir  d Vhistoire  de  Vhiquisi- 
tion  da7ts  le  La7iguedoc,  Paris,  1900  (Soc.  de  I’hist.  de  Fr.). 

In  addition  to  the  excellent  and  popular  biography  of  St.  Francis 
by  Sabatier,  the  student  may  consult  Karl  Muller,  Die  Anfdnge 
des  Minoritenordens^  1885.  There  has  been  not  a little  discussion, 
which  has  in  some  cases  become  rather  acrid,  about  the  early  Lives  of 
St.  Francis.  The  SpeculuTn  perfectionis  oi  Brother  Leo,  written  appar- 
ently a year  after  the  saint’s  death,  is  the  earliest.  This  has  been 
reconstructed  and  edited  with  elaborate  notes  and  discussion  by  Saba- 
tier, Paris,  1898.  The  first  of  the  two  Lives  of  the  saint  by  Thomas 
OF  Celano  (written  in  1228),  was  previously  regarded  as  the  earliest 
and  most  authoritative.  This  is  in  the  Acta  sanctoruTn^  October,  Vol.  II, 
and  in  an  edition  published  at  Rome  in  1880.  The  Legenda  triuTn  soci- 
oru7n,  written  in  1246,  is  also  important  and  very  charming.  The  official 
'I  Life  composed  by  Bonaventura  in  1 261  was  prepared  with  a view  to  tak- 
^ing  the  place  of  the  earlier  Lives,  which  were  all  ordered  to  be  destroyed. 

(This  order  was  apparently  pretty  generally  carried  out,  and  it  is  this 
that  has  rendered  the  investigation  of  the  material  for  St.  Francis  so 
difficult.  All  these  Lives,  including  the  second  one  by  Thomas  of 
Celano,  may  be  found  in  the  Acta  sanctorum.  See  ‘‘The  Sources  of 


The 

mediaeval 

Inquisition. 


Inquisitorial 

guides. 


Early  Lives 
of  St.  Francis. 


398 


Readings  m European  History 


Life  of 
St.  Dominic. 


the  History  of  St.  Francis  of  Assisi”  in  the  English  Historical  Review^ 
Vol.  XVII,  pp.  643  sqq. 

Macdonell,  Anne,  The  Sons  of  St.  Francis y 1902.  Deals  with  the 
troubles  in  the  order  after  the  death  of  the  founder. 

The  earliest  Life  of  St.  Dominic  (written  before  1234)  is  that  of  Jor- 
DANUS,  the  second  head  of  the  order,  De  principiis  ordinis  Predicate- 
runiy  edited  by  Berthier,  Fribourg  in  Switzerland,  1892. 

See  articles  in  the  Kirchenlexikon  and  Realencyclopddie  for  all  the 
subjects  spoken  of  in  this  chapter.  Also  Heimbucher,  Die  Orden 
und  Co7igregatiotie7t  der  katholische7i  Kirche^  1896. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 


THE  PEOPLE  IN  COUNTRY  AND  TOWN 

I.  The  Manor  and  its  People^ 

The  following  official  accounts  of  two  English  manors 
and  their  people  give  a good  idea  of  the  condition  of 
the  serfs  in  general. 

In  Wermington  are  7 hides  at  the  taxation  of  the  king. 
And  of  this  land  20  full  villeins  and  29  half-villeins  hold 
34  virgates^  and  a half;  and  for  these  the  full  villeins  work 
3 days  a week  through  the  year  ; and  the  half-tenants  as 
much  as  corresponds  to  their  tenancies.  And  these  men 
have  in  all  16  plows,  and  they  plow  68  acres  and  a half 
and  besides  this  they  do  3 boon-works  with  their  plows,  and 
they  ought  to  bring  from  the  woods  34  wagonloads  of  wood. 
And  all  these  men  pay  £4.  ns.  4d.;  and  at  the  love  feast 
of  St.  Peter,  10  rams  and  400  loaves  and  40  platters  and 
34  hens  and  260  eggs.  And  there  are  8 socmen  who  have 
6 plows.  In  the  demesne  of  the  court  are  4 plows  and 
32  oxen  and  9 cows  and  5 calves  and  i riding  horse  and 
129  sheep  and  61  swine  and  i draught  horse  and  i colt. 
And  there  is  i mill  with  i virgate  of  land,  and  6 acres  which 
pays  60s.  and  500  eels.  And  Ascelin,  the  clerk,  holds  the 
church  with  2 virgates  of  land,  from  the  altar  of  St.  Peter 
of  Borough.  Robert,  son  of  Richard,  has  2 virgates  and  a 
half.  In  this  vill  100  sheep  can  be  placed. 

1 1 am  indebted  for  the  illustrations  u^ed  in  this  section  on  the  manor 
and  in  the  one  which  follows  on  the  towns,  to  Professor  Cheyney’s  admi- 
rable selection  of  documents  in  the  Translations  and  Reprints^  Vol.  1 1, 
No.  I,  and  Vol.  Ill,  No.  5. 

2 A virgate  appears  to  have  varied  greatly  in  extent. 

399 


157.  Ofacial 
description 
of  a manor 
belonging 
to  Peter- 
borough 
Abbey 
(ca.  1125). 


40Q 


Readings  in  Etcropean  History 


158.  A 


manor  in 
Sussex 


(1307)- 


Complicated 
services  ren- 
dered for  a 
house  and  30 
acres  of  land. 


Extent  of  the  manor  of  Bernehorne,  made  on  Wednesday 
following  the  feast  of  St.  Gregory  the  pope,  in  the  thirty- 
fifth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward,  in  the  presence  of 
Brother  Thomas,  keeper  of  Marley,  John  de  la  More,  and 
Adam  de  Thruhlegh,  clerks,  on  the  oath  of  William  de 
Gocecoumbe,  Walter  le  Parker,  Richard  le  Knyst,  Richard 
the  son  of  the  latter,  Andrew  of  Estone,  Stephen  Morsprich, 
Thomas  Brembel,  William  of  Swynham,  John  Pollard,  Roger 
le  Glide,  John  Syward,  and  John  de  Lillingewist,  who  say 
that  there  are  all  the  following  holdings  : . . . 

John  Pollard  holds  a half  acre  in  Aldithewisse  and  owes 
i8d.  at  the  four  terms,  and  owes  for  it  relief  and  heriot. 

John  Suthinton  holds  a house  and  40  acres  of  land  and 
owes  3s.  6d.  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas. 

William  of  Swynham  holds  i acre  of  meadow  in  the  thicket 
of  Swynham  and  owes  id.  at  the  feast  of  Michaelmas. 

Ralph  of  Leybourne  holds  a cottage  and  i acre  of  land  in 
Pinden  and  owes  3s.  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas,  and  attend- 
ance at  the  court  in  the  manor  every  three  weeks,  also  relief 
and  heriot. 

Richard  Knyst  of  Swynham  holds  2 acres  and  a half  of 
land  and  owes  yearly  4s. 

William  of  Knelle  holds  2 acres  of  land  in  Aldithewisse 
and  owes  yearly  4s. 

Roger  le  Glede  holds  a cottage  and  3 roods  of  land  and 
owes  2S.  6d.  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas. 

Alexander  Hamound  holds  a little  piece  of  land  near 
Aldewisse  and  owes  i goose  of  the  value  of  2d. 

The  sum  of  the  whole  rent  of  the  free  tenants,  with  the 
value  of  the  goose,  is  i8s.  pd. 

They  say,  moreover,  that  John  of  Cayworth  holds  a house 
and  30  acres  of  land,  and  owes  yearly  2s.  at  Easter  and 
Michaelmas;  and  he  owes  a cock  and  two  hens  at  Christ- 
mas of  the  value  of  4d. 

And  he  ought  to  harrow  for  2 days  at  the  Lenten  sowing 
with  one  man  and  his  own  horse  and  his  own  harrow,  the 
value  of  the  work  being  4.6.. ; and  he  is  to  receive  from 
the  lord  on  each  day  3 meals,  of  the  value  of  5d.,  and  then 


The  People  in  Coimtry  and  Town  40 1 

the  lord  will  be  at  a loss  of  id.  Thus  his  harrowing  is  of 
no  value  to  the  service  of  the  lord. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  the  manure  of  the  lord  for  2 days 
with  one  cart,  with  his  own  2 oxen,  the  value  of  the  work 
being  8d. ; and  he  is  to  receive  from  the  lord  each  day  3 
meals  at  the  value  as  above.  And  thus  the  service  is  worth 
3d.  clear. 

And  he  shall  find  one  man  for  2 days,  for  mowing  the 
meadow  of  the  lord,  who  can  mow,  by  estimation,  i acre 
and  a half,  the  value  of  the  mowing  of  an  acre  being  6d.  : 
the  sum  is  therefore  9d.  And  he  is  to  receive  each  day  3 
meals  of  the  value  given  above.  And  thus  that  mowing  is 
worth  4d.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  gather  and  carry  that  same  hay  which  he 
has  cut,  the  price  of  the  work  being  3d. 

And  he  shall  have  from  the  lord  2 meals  for  i man,  of  the 
value  of  i^d.  Thus  the  work  will  be  worth  i^d.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  the  hay  of  the  lord  for  i day  with 
a cart  and  3 animals  of  his  own,  the  price  of  the  work  being 
6d.  And  he  shall  have  from  the  lord  3 meals  of  the  value 
of  2^d.  And  thus  the  work  is  worth  3^d.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  in  autumn  beans  or  oats  for  2 days 
with  a cart  and  3 animals  of  his  own,  the  value  of  the  work 
being  i2d.  And  he  shall  receive  from  the  lord  each  day  3 
meals  of  the  value  given  above.  And  thus  the  work  is  worth 
yd.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  wood  from  the  woods  of  the  lord 
as  far  as  the  manor,  for  two  days  in  summer,  with  a cart  and 
3 animals  of  his  own,  the  value  of  the  work  being  9d.  And 
he  shall  receive  from  the  lord  each  day  3 meals  of  the  price 
given  above.  And  thus  the  work  is  worth  4d.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  find  i man  for  2 days  to  cut  heath,  the 
value  of  the  work  being  4d.,  and  he  shall  have  3 meals  each 
day  of  the  value  given  above  : and  thus  the  lord  will  lose, 
if  he  receives  the  service,  3d.  Thus  that  mowing  is  worth 
nothing  to  the  service  of  the  lord. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  the  heath  which  he  has  cut,  the 
value  of  the  work  being  5d.  And  he  shall  receive  from  the 


402 


Readings  in  European  History 


Nature  of 
heriot. 


lord  3 meals  at  the  price  of  2^d.  And  thus  the  work  will 
be  worth  2^d.  clear. 

And  he  ought  to  carry  to  Battle,  twice  in  the  summer 
season,  each  time  half  a load  of  grain,  the  value  of  the 
service  being  4d.  And  he  shall  receive  in  the  manor  each 
time  I meal  of  the  value  of  2d.  And  thus  the  work  is  worth 
2d.  clear. 

The  totals  of  the  rents,  with  the  value  of  the  hens,  is  2s.  4d. 

The  total  of  the  value  of  the  works  is  2s.  3^d.,  owed 
from  the  said  John  yearly. 

William  of  Cayworth  holds  a house  and  30  acres  of  land 
and  owes  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas  2s.  rent.  And  he  shall 
do  all  customs  just  as  the  aforesaid  John  of  Cayworth. 

William  atte  Grene  holds  a house  and  30  acres  of  land  and 
owes  in  all  things  the  same  as  the  said  John. 

Alan  atte  Felde  holds  a house  and  16  acres  of  land  (for 
which  the  sergeant  pays  to  the  court  of  Bixley  2s.),  and  he 
owes  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas  4s.,  attendance  at  the  manor 
court,  relief,  and  heriot. 

John  Lyllingwyst  holds  a house  and  4 acres  of  land  and 
owes  at  the  two  terms  2s.,  attendance  at  the  manor  court, 
relief,  and  heriot. 

The  same  John  holds  i acre  of  land  in  the  fields  of  Hoo 
and  owes  at  the  two  periods  2s.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Reginald  atte  Denne  holds  a house  and  18  acres  of  land  and 
owes  at  the  said  periods  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Robert  of  Northehou  holds  3 acres  of  land  at  Saltcote  and 
owes  at  the  said  periods  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Total  of  the  rents  of  the  villeins,  with  the  value  of  the 
hens,  20s. 

Total  of  all  the  works  of  these  three  villeins,  6s. 

And  it  is  to  be  noted  that  none  of  the  above-named  vil- 
leins can  give  their  daughters  in  marriage,  nor  cause  their 
sons  to  be  tonsured,  nor  can  they  cut  down  timber  growing 
on  the  lands  they  hold,  without  license  of  the  bailiff  or  ser- 
geant of  the  lord,  and  then  for  building  purposes  and  not 
otherwise.  And  after  the  death  of  any  one  of  the  aforesaid 
villeins,  the  lord  shall  have  as  a heriot  his  best  animal,  if  he 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  403 

had  any ; if,  however,  he  have  no  living  beast,  the  lord  shall 
have  no  heriot,  as  they  say.  The  sons  or  daughters  of  the 
aforesaid  villeins  shall  give,  for  entrance  into  the  holding  after 
the  death  of  their  predecessors,  as  much  as  they  give  of  rent 
per  year. 

Sylvester,  the  priest,  holds  i acre  of  meadow  adjacent  to 
his  house  and  owes  yearly  3s. 

Total  of  the  rent  of  tenants  for  life,  3s. 

Petronilla  atte  Holme  holds  a cottage  and  a piece  of 
land  and  owes  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas ; also,  attend- 

ance, relief,  and  heriot. 

Walter  Herying  holds  a cottage  and  a piece  of  land  and 
owes  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and 
heriot. 

Isabella  Mariner  holds  a cottage  and  owes  at  the  feast  of 
St.  Michael  i2d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Jordan  atte  Melle  holds  a cottage  and  acres  of  land 
and  owes  at  Easter  and  Michaelmas  2 s.,  attendance,  relief, 
and  heriot. 

William  of  Batelesmere  holds  i acre  of  land  with  a cottage 
and  owes  at  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  3d.,  and  i cock  and  i hen 
at  Christmas  of  the  value  of  3d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

John  le  Man  holds  half  an  acre  of  land  with  a cottage 
and  owes  at  the  feast  of  St.  Michael  2s.,  attendance,  relief, 
and  heriot. 

John  Werthe  holds  i rood  of  land  with  a cottage  and 
owes  at  the  said  term  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Geoffrey  Caumbreis  holds  half  an  acre  and  a cottage  and 
owes  at  the  said  term  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

William  Hassok  holds  i rood  of  land  and  a cottage  and 
owes  at  the  said  term  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

The  same  man  holds  3 acres  of  land  and  owes  yearly  at 
the  feast  of  St.  Michael  3s.  for  all. 

Roger  Doget  holds  half  an  acre  of  land  and  a cottage, 
which  were  those  of  R.  the  miller,  and  owes  at  the  feast  of 
St.  Michael  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 

Thomas  le  Brod  holds  i acre  and  a cottage  and  owes  at 
the  said  term  3 s.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot. 


Amount  of 
relief  fixed. 


List  of 
cottagers. 


159.  De- 
scription of 
an  English 
manor  house 
(1256). 


404  Readings  in  Enropea^t  History 

Agnes  of  Cayworth  holds  half  an  acre  and  a cottage  and 
owes  at  the  said  term  i8d.,  attendance,  relief,  and  heriot.  . . . 

Total  of  the  rents  of  the  said  cottagers,  with  the  value  of 
the  hens,  34s.  6d. 

And  it  is  to  be  noted  that  all  the  said  cottagers  shall  do 
as  regards  giving  their  daughters  in  marriage,  having  their 
sons  tonsured,  cutting  down  timber,  paying  heriot,  and  giv- 
ing fines  for  entrance,  just  as  John  of  Cayworth  and  the  rest 
of  the  villeins  above  mentioned. 

Note  : Fines  ^ and  penalties,  with  heriots  and  reliefs,  are 
worth  yearly  5 s. 

The  house  described  below  must  have  been  a pretty 
comfortable  one  for  the  time. 

He  received  also  a sufficient  and  handsome  hall  well  ceiled 
with  oak.  On  the  western  side  is  a worthy  bed,  on  the 
ground  a stone  chimney,  a wardrobe,  and  a certain  other 
small  chamber;  at  the  eastern  end  is  a pantry  and  a buttery. 
Between  the  hall  and  the  chapel  is  a side  room.  There  is 
a decent  chapel  covered  wdth  tiles,  a portable  altar,  and  a 
small  cross.  In  the  hall  are  four  tables  on  trestles.  There 
are  likewise  a good  kitchen  well  covered  with  tiles,  with  a 
furnace  and  ovens,  one  large,  the  other  small,  for  cakes,  two 
tables,  and  alongside  the  kitchen  a small  house  for  baking. 
Also  a new  granary  covered  with  oak  shingles,  and  a build- 
ing in  which  the  dairy  is  contained,  though  it  is  divided. 
Likewise  a chamber  suited  for  clergymen  and  a necessary 
chamber.  Also  a henhouse.  These  are  within  the  inner  gate. 

Likewise  outside  of  that  gate  are  an  old  house  for  the 
servants,  a good  stable,  long  and  divided,  and  to  the  east  of 
the  principal  building,  beyond  the  smaller  stable,  a solar  for 
the  use  of  the  servants.  Also  a building  in  which  is  con- 
tained a bed  ; also  two  barns,  one  for  wheat  and  one  for 
oats.  These  buildings  are  enclosed  with  a moat,  a wall,  and 

1 Namely,  payments  to  the  lord  by  those  who  acquired  land  within 
the  manor  in  any  other  way  than  by  inheritance.  The  corresponding 
payment  by  those  who  inherited  land  was  the  “ relief,’’ 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  405 

a hedge.  Also  beyond  the  middle  gate  is  a good  barn,  and 
a stable  for  cows  and  another  for  oxen,  these  old  and  ruinous. 
Also  beyond  the  outer  gate  is  a pigsty. 

The  position  of  the  serf  is  further  illustrated  by  the 
provisions  necessary  to  make  him  a free  man. 

To  all  the  faithful  of  Christ  to  whom  the  present  writing  shall 
come,  Richard,  by  the  divine  permission  abbot  of  Peterbo7‘ough 
and  of  the  Co7ivent  of  the  same  place,  eter7ial  greeting  in  the 
Lord : 

Let  all  know  that  we  have  manumitted  and  liberated  from 
all  yoke  of  servitude  William,  the  son  of  Richard  of  Wyth- 
ington,  whom  previously  we  have  held  as  our  born  bond- 
man,  with  his  whole  progeny  and  all  his  chattels,  so  that 
neither  we  nor  our  successors  shall  be  able  to  require  or 
exact  any  right  or  claim  in  the  said  William,  his  progeny, 
or  his  chattels.  But  the  same  William,  with  his  whole  prog- 
eny and  all  his  chattels,  shall  remain  free  and  quit  and 
without  disturbance,  exaction,  or  any  claim  on  the  part  of 
us  or  our  successors  by  reason  of  any  servitude  forever. 

We  will,  moreover,  and  concede  that  he  and  his  heirs 
shall  hold  the  messuages,  land,  rents,  and  meadows  in 
Wythington  which  his  ancestors  held  from  us  and  our  prede- 
cessors, by  giving  and  performing  the  fine  which  is  called 
merchet  for  giving  his  daughter  in  marriage,  and  tallage  from 
year  to  year  according  to  our  will,  — that  he  shall  have  and 
hold  these  for  the  future  from  us  and  our  successors  freely, 
quietly,  peacefully,  and  hereditarily,  by  paying  to  us  and  our 
successors  yearly  40s.  sterling,  at  the  four  terms  of  the  year, 
namely:  at  St.  John  the  Baptist’s  day  los.,  at  Michaelmas 
I os.,  at  Christmas  los.,  and  at  Easter  los.,  for  all  service, 
exaction,  custom,  and  secular  demand ; saving  to  us,  never- 
theless, attendance  at  our  court  of  Castre  every  three  weeks, 
wardship,  and  relief,  and  outside  service  of  our  lord  the  king, 
when  they  shall  happen. 

And  if  it  shall  happen  that  the  said  William  or  his  heirs 
shall  die  at  any  time  without  an  heir,  the  said  messuage, 


160.  Freeing 
of  a serf 
(1278). 


4o6 


Readings  in  Etiropea^i  History 


161.  Cus- 
toms of  the 
town  of 
Chester. 
(From 
Domesday 
Book.) 


land,  rents,  and  meadows  with  their  appurtenances  shall 
return  fully  and  completely  to  us  and  our  successors.  Nor 
will  it  be  allowed  to  the  said  William  or  his  heirs  to  give, 
sell,  alienate,  mortgage,  or  encumber  in  any  way,  the  said  mes- 
suage, land,  rents,  meadows,  or  any  part  of  them,  by  which 
the  said  messuage,  land,  rents,  and  meadows  should  not 
return  to  us  and  our  successors  in  the  form  declared  above. 
And  if  this  should  occur  later,  their  deed  shall  be  declared 
null,  and  what  is  thus  alienated  shall  come  to  us  and  our 
successors.  . . . 

Given  at  Borough,  for  the  love  of  Lord  Robert  of  good 
memory,  once  abbot,  our  predecessor  and  maternal  uncle 
of  the  said  William,  and  at  the  instance  of  the  good  man, 
Brother  Hugh  of  Mutton,  relative  of  the  said  abbot  Robert, 
A.D.  1278,  on  the  eve  of  Pentecost. 


II.  The  Mediaeval  Town 

As  the  towns  grew  up,  certain  local  customs  came 
into  ’ existence.  These  were  nothing  more  than  the 
rules  which  the  townspeople  recognized  as  necessary  to 
maintain  order  and  prevent  misunderstandings.  They 
were  not  necessarily  written  down,  as  every  one  was 
supposed  to  be  familiar  with  them.  The  commissioners 
of  William  the  Conqueror  judged  it  wise,  however,  to 
include  in  Domesday  Book  some  forty  of  the  town  cus- 
toms which  involved  the  king’s  financial  interests.  The 
following  provisions  occur  among  those  of  Chester. 

If  any  free  man  of  the  king  broke  the  peace  which  had 
been  granted,  and  killed  a man  in  his  house,  all  his  land  and 
money  came  to  the  king,  and  he  himself  became  an  outlaw. 

He  who  shed  blood  between  Monday  morning  and  the  ninth 
hour  of  Saturday  compounded  for  it  with  ten  shillings.*  From 
the  ninth  hour  of  Saturday  to  Monday  morning  bloodshed 
was  compounded  for  with  twenty  shillings.  Similarly  any 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  407 

one  paid  twenty  shillings  who  shed  blood  in  the  twelve 
days  alter  'Christmas,  on  the  day  of  the  Purification  of  the 
Blessed  Mary,  on  the  first  day  after  Easter,  the  first  day  of 
Pentecost,  Ascension  day,  on  the  Assumption  or  Nativity 
of  the  Blessed  Mary,  and  on  the  day  of  All  Saints. 

He  who  killed  a man  on  these  holy  days  compounded 
for  it  with  four  pounds ; but  on  other  days,  with  forty  shil- 
lings. Similarly  he  who  committed  burglary  or  assault  on 
those  feast  days  or  on  Sunday,  four  pounds ; on  other  days, 
forty  shillings. 

Any  one  setting  prisoners  free  in  the  city  gave  ten  shil- 
lings. But  if  the  reeve  of  the  king  or  of  the  earl  committed 
this  offense,  he  compounded  for  it  with  twenty  shillings. 

He  who  committed  theft  or  robbery,  or  exercised  violence 
upon  a woman  in  a house,  compounded  for  each  of  these 
with  forty  shillings. 

He  who  in  the  city  seized  upon  the  land  of  another  and 
was  not  able  to  prove  it  to  be  his  was  fined  forty  shillings. 
Similarly  also  he  who  made  claim  upon  it,  if  he  was  not 
able  to  prove  it  to  be  his. 

He  who  did  not  pay  the  tax  at  the  period  at  which  he 
owed  it  compounded  for  it  with  ten  shillings. 

If  fire  burned  the  city,  he  from  whose  house  it  started 
compounded  for  it  with  three  oras  of  pennies,  and  gave  to 
his  next  neighbor  two  shillings.  Of  all  these  forfeitures, 
two  parts  belonged  to  the  king  and  the  third  -to  the  earl. 

A man  or  a woman  making  false  measure  in  the  city, 
and  being  arrested,  compounded  for  it  with  four  shillings. 
Similarly  a person  making  bad  ale  was  either  placed  in  the 
ducking  stool  or  gave  four  shillings  to  the  reeve.  This  for- 
feiture the  officer  of  the  king  and  of  the  earl  received  in  the 
city,  in  whosesoever  land  it  has  been  done,  either  of  the 
bishop  or  of  another  man.  Similarly  also,  if  any  one  held 
the  toll  back  beyond  three  nights,  he  compounded  for  it 
with  forty  shillings. 

In  the  time  of  King  Edward  there  were  in  this  city  seven 
moneyers,  who  gave  seven  pounds  to  the  king  and  the  earl, 
besides  the  ferm,  when  the  money  was  turned  over. 


162.  Open- 
ing of 
charter 
granted  by 
Henry  II  to 
the  city  of 
Lincoln. 


163.  The 
Earl  of 
Chester’s 
charter  to 
the  city  of 
Chester 
(opening 
of  the 
thirteenth 
century). 


408  Readings  in  European  History 

This  city  paid  at  that  time  of  ferm  forty-five  pounds  and 
three  bundles  of  martens’  skins.  The  third  pan  belonged 
to  the  earl,  and  two  to  the  king. 

When  Earl  Hugh  received  it,  it  was  worth  only  thirty 
pounds,  for  it  was  much  wasted.  There  were  205  fewer 
houses  there  than  there  had  been  in  the  time  of  King 
Edward.  Now  there  are  just  as  many  there  as  he  found. 

When  the  king  or  lord  granted  a charter  to  a town 
which  had  grown  up  on  his  land,  he  usually  explicitly 
legalized  the  guild  of  merchants,  the  members  of  which 
enjoyed  the  monopoly  of  the  right  to  carry  on  trade. 
He  then  ratified,  in  whole  or  in  part,  the  customs  of 
the  town,  which  were  not  however  enumerated  in  detail. 
These  documents  are  consequently  usually  short. 

Henry^  by  the  grace  of  God  King  of  Englajid^  Duke  of  Nor- 
mandy and  Aquitaine^  Count  of  A7ijou^  to  the  Bishop  of  Lin- 
coln^ justiciars^  sheriffs^  barons^  officers^  and  all  his  faithful^ 
French  and  English^  of  Lincoln^  greeting: 

Know  that  I have  conceded  to  my  citizens  of  Lincoln  all 
their  liberties  and  customs  and  laws,  which  they  had  in  the 
time  of  Edward  and  William  and  Henry,  kings  of  England; 
and  their  guild  merchant  of  the  men  of  the  city  and  of  other 
merchants  of  the  county,  just  as  they  had  it  in  the  time  of 
our  aforesaid  predecessors,  kings  of  England,  best  and  most 
freely. 

Ralphs  Earl  of  Chester^  to  his  constable  and  steward^  and  to 
all  his  barons  and  bailiffs^  and  to  all  his  men^  French  and 
English^  as  well  to  come  as  at  present^  greetmg: 

Let  it  be  known  to  all  of  you  that  I have  given  and  con- 
ceded, and  by  this  my  present  charter  confirmed  to  all  my 
citizens  of  Chester,  their  guild  merchant,  with  all  liberties 
and  free  customs  which  they  have  had  in  the  aforesaid 
guild,  best,  most  freely  and  most  peacefully  in  the  times 
of  my  predecessors.  And  I forbid  under  forfeiture  to  me 


The  People  m Country  and  Tozvn  409 

of  ten  pounds  that  any  one  shall  disturb  them  in  it.  With 
these  witnesses,  etc. 

The  lists  of  rules  established  by  the  craft  guilds, 
two  examples  of  which  are  given  below,  cast  much 
light  on  the  industrial  conditions  and  the  habits  of  the 
mediaeval  artisans. 

Be  it  remembered,  that  on  Tuesday,  the  morrow  of  St. 
Peter’s  bonds,  in  the  nineteenth  year  of  the  reign  of  King 
Edward  III,  the  articles  underwritten  were  read  before 
John  Hammond,  mayor,  Roger  de  Depham,  recorder,  and 
the  other  aldermen ; and  seeing  that  the  same  were  deemed 
befitting,  they  were  accepted  and  enrolled  in  these  words. 

In  the  first  place,  that  no  one  of  the  trade  of  spurriers 
shall  work  longer  than  from  the  beginning  of  the  day  until 
curfew  rings  out  at  the  church  of  St.  Sepulcher,  without 
Newgate  ; by  reason  that  no  man  can  work  so  neatly  by 
night  as  by  day.  And  many  persons  of  the  said  trade,  who 
compass  how  to  practice  deception  in  their  work,  desire  to 
work  by  night  rather  than  by  day ; and  then  they  introduce 
false  iron,  and  iron  that  has  been  cracked,  for  tin,  and  also 
they  put  gilt  on  false  copper,  and  cracked. 

And  further,  many  of  the  said  trade  are  wandering  about 
all  day,  without  working  at  all  at  their  trade  ; and  then,  when 
they  have  become  drunk  and  frantic,  they  take  to  their 
work,  to  the  annoyance  of  the  sick,  and  all  their  neighbor- 
hood as  well,  by  reason  of  the  broils  that  arise  between  them 
and  the.  strange  folk  who  are  dwelling  among  them.  And 
then  they  blow  up  their  fires  so  vigorously,  that  their  forges 
begin  all  at  once  to  blaze,  to  the  great  peril  of  themselves 
and  of  all  the  neighborhood  around.  And  then,  too,  all  the 
neighbors  are  much  in  dread  of  the  sparks,  which  so  vigor- 
ously issue  forth  in  all  directions  from  the  mouths  of  the 
chimneys  in  their  forges. 

By  reason  thereof  it  seems  unto  them  that  working  by 
night  should  be  put  an  end  to,  in  order  to  avoid  such  false 
work  and  such  perils ; and  therefore  the  mayor  and  the 


164.  Articles 
of  the 
spurriers 
of  London 

(1345)- 


410  Readings  in  European  History 

aldermen  do  will,  by  the  assent  of  the  good  folk  of  the 
said  trade  and  for  the  common  profit,  that  from  henceforth 
such  time  for  working,  and  such  false  work  made  in  the 
trade,  shall  be  forbidden.  And  if  any  person  shall  be  found 
in  the  said  trade  to  do  the  contrary  hereof,  let  him  be 
amerced,  the  first  time  in  forty  pence,  one  half  to  go  to  the 
use  of  the  Chamber  of  the  Guildhall  of  London,  and  the 
other  half  to  the  use  of  the  said  trade ; the  second  time,  in 
half  a mark ; and  the  third  time,  in  ten  shillings,  to  the  use 
of  the  same  Chamber  and  trade  ; and  the  fourth  time,  let 
him  forswear  the  trade  forever. 

Also,  that  no  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  hang  his  spurs 
out  on  Sundays,  or  on  any  other  days  that  are  double  feasts; 
but  only  a sign  indicating  his  business  ; and  such  spurs  as 
they  shall  so  sell,  they  are  to  show  and  sell  within  their 
shops,  without  exposing  them  without  or  opening  the  doors 
or  windows  of  their  shops,  on  the  pain  aforesaid. 

Also,  that  no  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  keep  a house  or 
shop  to  carry  on  his  business,  unless  he  is  free  of  the  city ; 
and  that  no  one  shall  cause  to  be  sold,  or  exposed  for  sale, 
any  manner  of  old  spurs  for  new  ones,  or  shall  garnish  them 
or  change  them  for  new  ones. 

Also,  that  no  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  take  an  apprentice 
for  a less  term  than  seven  years,  and  such  apprentice  shall 
be  enrolled  according  to  the  usages  of  the  said  city. 

Also,  that  if  any  one  of  the  said  trade,  who  is  not  a free- 
man, shall  take  an  apprentice  for  a term  of  years,  he  shall 
be  amerced  as  aforesaid. 

Also,  that  no  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  receive  the  ap- 
prentice, serving  man,  or  journeyman  of  another  in  the  same 
trade,  during  the  term  agreed  upon  between  his  master  and 
him,  on  the  pain  aforesaid. 

Also,  that  no  alien  of  another  country,  or  foreigner  of  this 
country,  shall  follow  or  use  the  said  trade,  unless  he  is 
enfranchised  before  the  mayor,  aldermen,  and  chamberlain ; 
and  that,  by  witness  and  surety  of  the  good  folk  of  the  said 
trade,  who  will  go  surety  for  him,  as  to  his  loyalty  and  his 
good  behavior. 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  41 1 

Also,  that  no  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  work  on  Satur- 
days, after  nones  has  been  rung  out  in  the  city;  and  not  from 
that  hour  until  the  Monday  morning  following. 

In  honour  of  God,  of  our  Lady,  and  of  All  Saints,  and  for 
the  nurture  of  tranquillity  and  peace  among  the  good  folk, 
the  Megucers,  called  white-tawyers,^  the  folk  of  the  same 
trade  have,  by  assent  of  Richard  Lacer,  mayor,  and  of  the 
Aldermen,  ordained  the  points  underwritten. 

In  the  first  place,  they  have  ordained  that  they  will  furnish 
a wax  candle,  to  burn  before  our  Lady,  in  the  church  of  All- 
hallows, near  London  wall. 

Also,  that  each  person  of  the  said  trade  shall  put  in  the 
box  such  sum  as  he  shall  think  fit,  in  aid  of  maintaining  the 
said  candle. 

Also,  if  by  chance  any  of  the  said  trade  shall  fall  into 
poverty,  whether  through  old  age  or  because  he  cannot 
labor  or  work,  and  shall  have  nothing  with  which  to  keep  him- 
self, he  shall  have  every  week  from  the  said  box  seven  pence 
for  his  support,  if  he  be  a man  of  good  repute.  And  after 
his  decease,  if  he  have  a wife,  a woman  of  good  repjate,  she 
shall  have  weekly  for  her  support  seven  pence  from  the 
said  box,  so  long  as  she  shall  behave  herself  well  and  keep 
single. 

And  that  no  stranger  shall  work  in  the  said  trade,  or  keep 
a house  for  the  same  in  the  city,  if  he  be  not  an  apprentice, 
or  a man  admitted  to  the  franchise  of  the  said  city. 

And  that  no  one  shall  take  the  serving  man  of  another 
to  work  with  him,  during  his  term,  unless  it  be  with  the  per- 
mission of  his  master. 

And  if  any  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  have  work  in  his 
house  that  he  cannot  complete,  or  if  for  want  of  assistance 
such  work  shall  be  in  danger  of  being  lost,  those  of  the  said 
trade  shall  aid  him,  that  so  the  said  work  be  not  lost. 

And  if  any  one  of  the  said  trade  shall  depart  this  life, 
and  have  not  withal  to  be  buried,  he  shall  be  buried  at  the 

1 Those  who  dressed  leather  in  such  a way  as  to  give  it  a white 
surface. 


165.  Rules 
of  the  guild 
of  white- 
tawyers. 


412 


Readings  in  European  History 


166.  Em- 
peror Otto  II 
promises 
protection 
to  the 
merchants 
of  Magde- 
burg (975). 


expense  of  their  common  box.  And  when  any  one  of  the 
said  trade  shall  die,  all  those  of  the  said  trade  shall  go  to 
the  vigil,  and  make  offering  on  the  morrow.  . . . 


III.  The  Hanseatic  League 

Shortly  after  the  death  of  Otto  the  Great,  as  the  fol- 
lowing document  indicates,  the  merchants  began  to 
attract  the  attention  of  the  government  and  develop 
the  commerce  which  led,  some  centuries  later,  to  the 
formation  of  the  Hanseatic  League. 

Be  it  known  to  all  our  faithful  subjects,  now  and  in  the 
future,  that  according  to  the  desire  of  Adalbert,  archbishop 
of  Magdeburg,  and  the  suggestions  of  other  faithful  subjects, 
we  do  grant  to  the  merchants  dwelling  in  Magdeburg,  for 
themselves  and  their  descendants,  such  protection  as  our 
father,  of  blessed  memory,  did  in  his  time  allow  them  to 
have.  That  is,  that  everywhere  in  our  realm,  in  Christian 
and  in  .barbarous  lands,  they  shall  be  free  to  go  and  come 
unmolested. 

And  we  do  further  by  our  imperial  authority  forbid  that 
they  be  compelled  to  pay  any  taxes  for  cities,  bridges,  waters, 
and  highways,  except  in  the  following  places : Mayence, 
Cologne,  Bardewic,  and  Tiel ; and  in  these  places  no  more 
nor  greater  taxes  shall  be  exacted  than  by  their  laws  they 
ought  to  pay.  And  if  any  one  has  the  will,  through  enmity 
toward  us,  to  destroy  bridges  or  in  any  wise  to  impede  the 
highways,  let  him  know  that  such  acts  are  forbidden  by  us 
on  pain  of  our  ban.  And  if  any  man  shall  think  that  this 
decree  is  of  no  effect,  and  shall  dare  to  set  at  naught  the 
above  prohibitions,  we  command  that  whosoever  is  guilty  of 
such  insolence  shall  pay  to  our  treasury  ten  talents  of  gold. 

The  federation  of  Westphalian  towns  described  below 
indicates  the  dangers  to  which  the  merchants  were 
exposed. 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  413 

In  the  name  of  the  holy  and  indivisible  Trinity^  Amen.  The 
magistrates consuls.,  and  the  whole  community  of  burghers 
and  citizens  in  Munster.,  Dortmund,  Soest,  and  Lippstadt, 
to  all  who  may  read  this  document,  greeting : 

We  hereby  make  known  to  all  men,  now  and  in  the  future, 
that  because  of  the  manifold  dangers  to  which  we  are  con- 
stantly exposed,  of  capture,  robbery,  and  many  other  injuries, 
we  have,  by  common  counsel  and  consent,  decided  to  unite 
in  a perpetual  confederation  under  the  following  terms,  and 
we  have  mutually  given  and  received  word  and  oath : 

First,  that  if  any  man  shall  take  captive  one  of  our  citizens 
or  seize  his  goods  without  just  cause,  we  will  altogether 
deny  to  him  opportunity  to  trade  in  all  our  cities  aforesaid. 
And  if  the  castellan  of  any  lord  shall  be  the  author  of  an 
injury  that  has  been  done,  the  afore-mentioned  privileges 
shall  be  altogether  withheld  from  the  lord  of  that  castellan, 
and  front  all  his  soldiers  and  servants,  and  all  others  dwell- 
ing with  him  in  his  castle.  . . . 

If  any  robber  has  taken  goods  from  one  of  our  citizens 
. . . and  the  injured  man  shall  go  to  any  one  of  our  [feder- 
ated] cities  seeking  counsel  and  aid,  in  order  that  justice 
may  be  done  upon  the  malefactor,  the  citizens  of  that  city 
shall  act  as  they  would  be  obliged  to  act  if  executing  justice 
for  a similar  crime  committed  against  one  of  their  own 
fellow-citizens. 

And  if  any  of  our  burgesses  shall  chance  to  go  to  any  of 
our  cities  and  fear  to  go  forth  because  of  peril  to  life  and 
property,  the  burgesses  of  that  city  shall  conduct  him  to  a 
place  whence  his  fellow-citizens  can  receive  him  in  safety. 

If  a knight  shall  be  denounced  to  us  on  reasonable 
grounds  as  a violator  of  faith  and  honor,  we  will  denounce 
him  in  all  our  cities,  and  will  by  mutual  consent  withhold 
from  him  all  privileges  in  our  cities  until  he  shall  pay  the 
whole  debt  for  which  he  broke  his  word. 

If  any  one  of  us  shall  buy  goods  taken  from  any  of  our 
confederates  by  theft  or  robbery,  ...  he  shall  not  offer  the 
goods  at  retail  anywhere  and  shall  be  held  guilty  with  the 
thief  and  robber. 


167.  Mun- 
ster, Dort- 
mund, 

Soest,  and 
Lippstadt 
form  an 
alliance  to 
protect  their 
merchants 
(1253 ; con- 
densed). 


414 


Readings  in  European  History 


168.  Agree- 
ment 
between 
the  mayor 
and  citizens 
of  London 
and  the 
merchants 
of  the 

Hansa  towns 
(1282;  some- 
what con- 
densed). 


The  following  illustrates  the  way  in  which  the  Hansa 
towns  negotiated  with  the  city  of  London. 

In  the  tenth  year  of  the  reign  of  King  Edward,  son  of 
Henry,  Henry  de  Maleys  being  mayor  of  London,  a conten- 
tion arose  between  the  mayor  and  citizens  of  London  and 
the  merchants  of  the  German  Hansa,  concerning  the  gate 
called  Bishopsgate,  which  was  falling  into  ruin.  For  the 
mayor  and  citizens  of  London  claimed  that  the  merchants 
of  the  German  Hansa  were  bound  to  repair  this  gate  in 
return  for  the  liberties  granted  to  them ; but  the  merchants 
said  that  they  were  not  so  bound. 

Then  the  lord  king  of  England,  at  the  suggestion  of  the 
aforesaid  mayor  and  citizens,  wrote  to  his  treasurer  and  the 
barons  of  the  treasury,  and  commanded  them  to  call  together 
the  contending  parties  and  inquire  into  the  facts  of  the 
matter ; and  if  they  should  find  that  the  said  merchants 
were  bound  to  keep  this  gate  in  repair,  they  should  compel 
the  Germans  to  rebuild  it. 

When  the  two  parties  came  before  the  treasurer  and 
barons,  the  merchants  could  show  no  cause  wherefore  they 
should  not  make  the  repairs  in  question,  especially  since  it 
is  clearly  prescribed  in  the  liberty  which  they  have  from  the 
aforesaid  city  that  they  should  make  them.  Therefore  the 
treasurer  and  barons  did  enjoin  the  mayor  and  council  afore- 
said that  they  compel  the  merchants  to  repair  the  gate  in 
question. 

The  merchants,  Gerard  Merbade,  alderman  of  the  Hansa, 
Ludolph  of  Cusfeld,  burgher  of  Cologne,  Bertram,  burgher 
of  Hamburg,  John  of  Erest,  burgher  of  Tremoine,  John  of 
Dalen,  burgher  of  Munster,  did,  for  themselves  and  all  their 
associates  of  the  Hansa  then  dwelling  in  the  city,  promise  to 
pay  to  the  mayor  and  citizens  of  London  for  the  present 
repairs  of  the  gate  240  marks  sterling.  Further  they  agreed 
that  they  and  their  successors,  merchants  of  the  Hansa, 
would  at  all  times  repair  the  aforesaid  gate  whenever  it  should 
be  necessary ; and  that  when  need  should  arise  to  defend 
the  gate,  they  would  furnish  a third  part  of  the  guard,  to 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  4 1 5 

hold  it  above,  while  the  mayor  and  citizens  furnished  two 
thirds,  to  guard  it  below. 

The  mayor  and  citizens  confirmed  to  the  merchants  . . . 
the  liberties  which  they  had  possessed  before  this  time,  to 
be  enjoyed  by  themselves  and  their  successors  forever.  And, 
moreover,  in  consideration  of  the  repairs  and  defense  of  the 
gate  aforesaid,  the  citizens  shall,  so  far  as  in  them  lies, 
hold  their  peace  forever  concerning  the  duty  of  watch  and 
ward.  . . . 

The  mayor  and  citizens  agreed  that  the  merchants  should 
have  their  own  alderman  as  in  former  times,  so  that  the 
alderman  be  free  of  the  city  aforesaid ; provided  that,  after 
his  election  by  the  merchants,  he  be  presented  to  the  mayor 
and  aldermen  of  the  city,  and  swear  to  do  right  and  justice 
to  every  man,  according  to  the  law  and  custom  of  the  city. 


IV.  Knights,  Burghers,  and  Farmers 

Although  the  various  contracts  and  other  legal  ^0£- 
uments,  examples  of  which  have  been  given,  contain 
the  most  accurate  information  available  in  regard  to  the 
condition  of  the  famiers  and  townspeople  in  the  Middle 
Ages,  we  may  get  a livelier,  and  in  some  ways  better, 
idea  of  the  general  situation  from  the  fiction  of  the 
period.  While  this  cannot  be  taken  as  history,  such 
tales  as  those  given  below  seem  to  give  an  essentially 
true  and  living  picture  of  the  attitude  of  the  various 
classes  of  society  toward  one  another. 

Wolfram  von  Eschenbach  (d.  ea.  1225),  the  famous 
German  minnesinger,  narrates  the  adventures  of  Wil- 
liam, count  of  Orange  and  margrave  of  Aquitaine,  who, 
although  he  really  lived  in  the  eighth  century,  fares  in 
Wolfram’s  tale  as  any  knight  might  have  done  at  the 
opening  of  the  thirteenth,  when  Wolfram  wrote. 


169.  Knights 
and  burghers 
in  the  early 
thirteenth 
century. 
(From  Wolf- 
ram von 
Eschenbach’s 
William  of 
Orange, 
condensed.) 


416  Readings  in  European  History 

William  had  to  defend  his  possessions  in  southern 
France  against  the  Saracens.  Having  carried  off  a Sara- 
cen princess,  he  was  attacked  by  the  infidels,  defeated, 
and  forced  to  hasten  to  the  court  of  King  Louis  of 
France  for  assistance. 

After  some  days  — I know  not  how  many  — the  bold  hero 
came  to  Orleans.  ...  In  the  morning  he  left  his  inn  and 
fared  forth  into  the  city.  Now  there  was  in  the  town  a man 
of  power  who  held  his  head  high  because  he  wielded  author- 
ity in  the  king’s  name.  He  tried  to  wreak  causeless  spite 
upon  the  margrave ; but  the  knight  gave  him  as  good  as 
he  sent  “I  go  scot  free  of  toll  ! ” he  cried.  “There  are 
no  merchants’  mares  nor  pack  horses  at  my  back.  I am  a 
knight,  as  you  see.  If  you  can  ferret  out  no  harm  I have 
done  to  the  land  here,  let  that  stand  to  my  credit.  I did  not 
ride  out  of  the  road  upon  the  harvest  field ; I kept  to  the 
beaten  track,  which  is  free  to  all  the  world.  What  I had 
need  of  to  feed  myself  and  my  horse  I have  paid  for.” 

But  the  magistrate  and  his  men  sternly  ordered  him  to  halt, 
and  at  the  burgher’s  behest  forthwith  the  people  of  the  town 
came  flocking  from  all  sides.  The  magistrate  cried,  “ This 
traveler  must  pay  to  the  full  a tax  as  great  as  the  harm  he 
has  done.”  In  sooth  it  was  a shame  that  they  did  not  let 
him  go  free.  The  magistrate  called  to  his  people,  “Seize  his 
bridle  rein  ! ” He  answered  : “ My  horse  carries  no  load  but 
only  me  and  this  shield.  I ’ve  had  enough  of  this.”  Out 
flashed  his  sword,  and  the  magistrate  grew  shorter  by  a 
head.  Then  the  margrave  hewed  out  a way  through  the 
crowd  for  man  and  steed,  so  hastily  that  soon  the  street  was 
wide.  The  alarm  bell  began  to  sound. 

Arnalt,  son  of  the  count  of  Narbonne,  heard  in  his  castle 
the  doleful  cries  that  rang  through  all  the  streets.  Soon  the 
magistrate’s  wife  came  to  him  and  fell  down  on  the  ground 
before  him.  She  made  her  moan  : “ The  king  is  put  to 
shame  and  I am  undone.  My  husband  lies  in  the  market 
place,  slain  by  one  who  travels  without  retinue.  He  fought 


The  People  in  CoiuUry  and  Town  417 

off  all  our  people,  and  has  gone  hence  unhindered.  Woe 
is  me  ! He  has  left  us  a grim  trophy  for  toll  on  the  king’s 
highway.” 

To  whom  Count  Arnalt : ‘‘Who  can  this  be  whose  might 
has  done  ye  this  ill  ? Were  he  a merchant,  woman,  he  must 
needs  have  a train  and  pay  toll  for  his  wares.”  Those  who 
had  come  with  the  woman  bore  witness : “ He  carries  a 
shield,  his  banner  is  flecked  with  rust,  yet  in  all  Frankland 
know  we  no  knight  whose  armor  is  so  costly  and  beautiful, 
like  the  sun’s  beam  to  look  upon  — and  eke  his  doublet  and 
his  shield.  As  he  put  us  to  rout  he  cried  wildly,  ‘ Monjoie  ! ’ ” 

The  count  cried  : “ Cowards  all ! Did  ye  not  even  know 
it  is  not  seemly  to  treat  a knight  like  a tradesman  ? What 
should  a knight  give  for  toll  Ye  durst  not  murmur  if  he 
took  all  your  lives.  Yet  for  the  king’s  sake,  whose  crown 
my  sister  wears,  I must  after  him.” 

With  his  knights,  he  armed  and  hastened  after  the  mar- 
grave. A little  way  from  the  town  they  overtook  him,  and 
the  count  gave  him  battle.  Both  bore  themselves  bravely. 
They  did  not  give  over  fighting  until  the  count  became 
aware  that  the  stranger  knight  was  his  own  brother.  After 
a parley,  Arnalt  let  William  ride  on  to  seek  the  king. 
Then  the  burghers  clamored  to  know  why  he  was  suffered 
to  go  free.  To  whom  the  count : “ It  is  William,  the  mar- 
grave ; I can  in  no  wise  suffer  him  to  be  killed  here  on 
French  ground.  The  burghers  of  Orleans  have  borne  them- 
selves like  clumsy  boors.  Ye  dolts  ! How  could  my  brother 
pay  toll  like  a merchant  ? Even  he  who  knows  but  ill  the 
just  dues  of  knights  knows  that  he  goes  free  of  tax.” 

Meanwhile  William  rode  on  his  way,  and  in  due  time 
reached  Moulon.  A great  crowd  was  gathered  there  for  a 
royal  festival,  and  the  knight  could  find  no  place  to  lodge. 
At  last  he  went  forth  from  the  town.  He  took  off  his  helmet 
and  stretched  himself  on  the  grass  beside  the  road.  Then 
came  a merchant  from  the  town  and  begged  him  most  cour- 
teously to  do  honor  to  all  merchants  by  going  to  lodge  with 
him.  The  merchant’s  name  was  Wimar,  and  he  was  born 
of  knightly  blood.  He  said,  “ If  ye  will  but  grant  me  this 


4i8 


Readings  in  European  History 


boon  to-day,  all  my  fellows  will  tell  afterward  of  the  great 
honor  that  was  done  me/’  The  margrave  answered:  ^‘What 
ye  ask  I grant  right  gladly.  I will  requite  ye  as  I can.  And 
now  lead  on  ; I follow  you.” 

The  merchant  then  said  courteously : “You  should  ride,  and 
I must  walk  ; else  will  I stand  here  the  week  through.”  The 
margrave  replied : “ I know  friendship’s  tie  but  ill  if  I suffer 
ye  to  be  my  servant.  Let  me  show  courtesy  like  your  own. 
I will  follow  you  on  foot;  for  I would  be  your  good  comrade.” 

Wimar  led  his  guest  to  his  house.  There  the  knight  suffered 
them  to  disarm  him,  for  he  had  no  fear.  And  now  the  host 
bade  his  servants  lay  mattress  and  pillow  and  rich  coverlid 
on  the  carpet.  Then  Wimar  ordered  that  many  viands,  dainty 
and  fresh,  be  brought  to  be  cooked  and  roasted,  — meat  of 
all  sorts  and  fish  besides.  All  was  daintily  prepared.  They 
set  a little  table  for  the  margrave  alone ; and  when  he  had 
washed  his  hands,  his  host  served  him  right  deftly.  There 
were  dishes  manifold,  and  an  emperor  would  not  have  dis- 
dained the  liquors.  The  roast  peacock  was  served  with  the 
best  sauce  the  host  knew;  and^there  were  capon,  pheasant, 
partridge,  and  lamprey  served  in  jelly. 

The  knight  rested  at  the  merchant’s  house  until  the  next 
day  and  then  went  to  seek  the  king. 


The  following  story  was  written,  about  the  middle  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  by  one  who  calls  himself  Wernher 
the  Gardener.  The  scene  is  laid  in  southern  Germany. 
The  version  here  given  is  an  abridgment  of  the  more 
lengthy  original,  which  is  in  verse.^ 


170.  Farmer 
Helmbrecht : 
a picture  of 
German 
life  in  the 
thirteenth 
century. 


Old  farmer  Helmbrecht  had  a son.  Young  Helmbrecht’s 
yellow  locks  hung  down  to  his  shoulders.  He  tucked  them 
into  a handsome  silken  cap,  embroidered  with  doves  and  par- 
rots and  many  a picture.  This  cap  had  been  embroidered 
by  a nun  who  had  run  away  from  her  convent  through  a love 


1 I owe  this  tale  in  its  present  form  to  Professor  George  L.  Burr, 
who  bases  his  translation  upon  the  prose  version  given  by  Freytag  in 
his  Bilder  aus  der  deutschen  Vergangenheit, 


The  People  in  Coimtry  and  Town  419 

adventure,  as  happens  to  so  many.  From  her  Helmbrecht’s 
sister  Gotelind  had  learned  to  embroider  and  to  sew.  The 
girl  and  her  mother  had  well  earned  that  from  the  nun,  for 
they  gave  her  in  pay  a calf,  and  many  cheeses  and  eggs. 
Sister  and  mother  dressed  up  the  boy,  too,  with  fine  linen 
clothing  and  a chain  doublet  and  a sword,  with  pouch  and 
kerchief  and  a fine  overcoat  of  blue  cloth ; its  buttons  of  gold 
and  silver  and  glass  gleamed  bright  as  he  went  out  to  dance, 
and  its  seams  were  strung  with  bells  which  tinkled  in  the 
ears  of  the  maidens  as  he  tripped  to  the  measure. 

When  the  proud  boy  was  thus  tricked  out,  he  said  to 
his  father:  ‘‘Now  I want  to  go  to  court;  do  you  too,  dear 
father  mine,  give  me  something  toward  it.’’  His  father 
replied : “ I might,  to  be  sure,  buy  you  a swift  steed  that 
would  leap  over  hedge  and  ditch.  But,  my  dear  son,  give 
up  the  journey  to  the  court ; court  etiquette  is  hard  for 
one  who  is  not  used  to  it  from  his  youth.  Take  the  plow 
and  till  with  me  the  field  ; then  you  ’ll  live  and  die  respected. 
See  how  I live,  — true,  respectable,  honest.  Every  year  I 
pay  my  tithes,  and  my  whole  life  long  I have  never  known 
hate  or  envy.  At  court  you  ’ll  suffer  hunger,  your  bed  will 
be  hard,  and  you  must  do  without  love;  there  you  ’ll  be  the 
butt  of  the  genuine  court  folk;  in  vain  you  ’ll  try  to  do  like 
them  ; and,  on  the  other  hand,  you  will  be  just  the  one 
worst  hated  by  the  peasant,  — on  you  will  he  most  gladly 
revenge  himself  for  what  the  bluer-blooded  robbers  have 
taken  from  him.”  But  the  son  said  : “ Stop,  father  ! Never 
shall  your  bags  chafe  my  shoulders ; never  will  I load 
dung  upon  your  wagon  : ill  would  that  befit  my  long  curling 
locks,  my  handsome  coat,  and  my  embroidered  cap.  Shall 
I drudge  three  years  for  a colt  or  a calf,  when  I can  have 
my  plunder  every  day  ? I ’ll  drive  other  people’s  cattle  over 
the  border,  and  haul  the  peasants  by  their  hair  through 
the  hedges.  Hurry  up,  father;  I stay  with  you  no  longer.” 
Then  his  father  bought  him  the  horse,  and  said:  “Ah,  me, 
wasted  money!  ” But  the  boy  shook  his  head  and  cried: 
“ I could  bite  a stone  in  two,  so  fierce  is  my  mood.  Good- 
bye, father,  mother,  and  sister  1 ” 


420  Readmgs  m European  History 

So  he  galloped  through  the  gate  and  rode  to  a castle 
whose  lord  lived  by  fighting  and  gladly  kept  those  who  did 
knight  service.  There  the  boy  joined  the  troop  and  was 
soon  the  readiest  rider.  No  robbery  was  for  him  too  small 
and  none  too  great;  he  took  horse,  he  took  cow,  he  took 
mantle  and  coat ; even  what  another  let  lie,  he  stuffed  it  all 
in  his  sack.  For  the  first  year  everything  went  to  his  wish. 
Then  he  began  to  think  of  home,  took  a furlough  from  court, 
and  rode  to  his  father’s  house.  His  sister  ran  to  meet  him 
and  threw  her  arms  about  him.  He  said  to  her,  “ Gratia 
vestra ! ” His  parents  came  after  and  embraced  him  again 
and  again. 

He  shouted  to  his  father,  ‘‘  Dieu  vous  salue!  ” and  to  his 
mother  he  spoke  Bohemian  : ‘‘  Dobra  ytra ! ” Father  and 
mother  looked  at  each  other.  His  mother  said:  “ Husband, 
we’re  out  of  our  wits;  it’s  not  our  child;  it’s  a Bohemian 
or  a Wend.”  His  father  cried,  “ It’s  a foreigner  — not  my 
son,  much  as  he  looks  like  him.”  And  his  sister  Gotelind 
said:  “It’s  not  your  son;  to  me  he  spoke  Latin — it  must 
be  a priest.”  Now,  it  was  late  and  there  was  no  inn  in  the 
neighborhood  for  the  boy  to  put  up  at,  so  he  bethought  him 
and  said:  “Indeed,  I’m  he;  I’m  Helmbrecht;  once  I was 
your  son.”  His  father  said,  “You’re  not  he.”  “Yes,  I am.” 
“Well,  then,  name  me  the  names  of  my  four  oxen.”  “Auer, 
Rame,  Erke,  Sonne ; I ’ve  often  swung  my  switch  over  them; 
they  ’re  the  best  oxen  in  the  world  — do  you  know  me  now  ? ” 

So  the  son  was  well  received,  and  a soft  bed  made  ready 
by  sister  and  mother.  His  mother  called  to  her  daughter, 
“Run,  bring  a bolster  and  a soft  pillow.”  That  was  laid 
under  his  arm  on  the  warm  stove,  and  snugly  he  waited  till 
supper  was  ready.  It  was  a royal  meal : fine  chopped  cab- 
bage with  good  meat,  a fat  goose  roasted  on  the  spit, 
chickens  roasted  and  boiled.  And  his  father  said : “If  I 
had  wine,  to-day  it  should  be  drunk ; as  it  is,  however,  drink, 
dear  son,  of  the  best  spring  water  that  ever  flowed  out  of 
the  earth.” 

And  young  Helmbrecht  unpacked  his  presents  : for  his 
father  a whetstone,  a scythe,  and  a hatchet  — the  best 


The  People  hi  Country  and  Town  421 

peasant  jewels  in  the  world ; for  his  mother  a fox  skin  which 
he  had  pulled  off  a priest  ; for  his  sister  Gotelind  a silken 
band  and  a tagged  lace  that  would  better  have  befitted  a 
noble  dame  — he  had  taken  it  from  a peddler.  And  he 
said:  ‘‘I  must  to  sleep;  I have  ridden  far;  I need  rest 
to-night.’’  So  he  slept  far  into  the  next  day  in  the  bed  over 
which  his  sister  Gotelind  had  spread  out  a new-washed 
shirt  — for  a coverlet  was  there  unknown. 

So  the  son  tarried  at  his  father’s  for  a week. 

Then  the  father  asked  his  son  how  court  etiquette  was 
in  the  place  where  he  had  been  living.  “ I myself,”  said 
he,  “ when  I was  a boy,  went  once  to  court  with  cheeses 
and  eggs ; in  those  days  there  were  knights  of  other  sort, 
courteous  and  well  mannered ; they  practiced  knightly  feats 
of  arms,  then  they  danced  with  ladies  and  sang  to  their 
dancing.  Then  came  the  musician  with  his  fiddle;  and 
when  he  began,  the  ladies  stood  up,  the  knights  went  up  to 
them,  took  them  politely  by  the  hand  and  danced  gracefully, 
and,  when  that  was  over,  came  another  man  and  read  aloud 
out  of  a book  about  somebody  named  Ernst. 

“All  in  those  days  was  merry  good-fellowship.  Some  shot 
with  bows  at  a mark,  others  went  hunting  and  fishing;  the 
worst  one  then  would  be  the  best  nowadays.  For  now  the 
man  is  prized  who  can  spy  and  lie  ; truth  and  honor  are 
turned  into  falsehood ; not  even  the  tourneys  of  the  old 
sort  are  in  fashion  any  more  — others  are  all  the  rage. 
Then  one  used  to  hear  in  knightly  sport  the  shout:  ‘ Heia, 
knight,  good  cheer!’  Now  there  rings  through  the  air: 
‘Chase  him,  knight,  chase  him,  chase  him;  stab  him,  hit 
him,  maim  him,  cut  me  that  fellow’s  foot  off,  hew  me  this 
one’s  hands  off,  hang  me  that  one,  catch  this  rich  man,  he  ’ll 
pay  us  a good  hundred  pounds.’  So  it  was,  methinks, 
better  in  the  old  days  than  now.  Tell  me,  my  son,  more  of 
the  new  customs.” 

“That  I ’ll  do.  Nowadays  court  etiquette  is  : ‘Drink,  sir, 
drink,  drink ; if  you  ’ll  drink  this,  I ’ll  drink  that.’  One 
does  n’t  sit  any  more  with  women,  only  with  the  wine. 
Take  my  word  for  it,  the  life  of  the  old  fogies  who  live  as 


422 


Readings  in  European  History 


you  do  is  now  hated  like  the  hangman  by  man  and  woman. 
Law  and  order  is  now  a joke.’’ 

Son,”  said  his  father,  ‘‘  let  court  etiquette  go ; it  is 
bitter  and  sour.  I ’d  much  rather  be  a peasant  than  a poor 
courtier  who  must  forever  ride  for  his  life  and  take  care  that 
his  foes  don’t  catch  him  and  maim  him  and  hang  him.” 

“Father,”  said  the  youngster,  “I’m  obliged  to  you,  but 
it ’s  more  than  a week  since  I ’ve  tasted  wine  — since  then 
I ’ve  buckled  my  belt  three  holes  tighter.  I ’ll  have  cattle 
to  lift  before  the  buckle  goes  back  to  its  old  place.  A rich 
man  has  done  me  a grievous  wrong ; I saw  him  once  ride 
through  the  grain  of  my  godfather  the  knight.  He  shall 
pay  dear  for  it : his  cattle,  his  sheep,  and  his  hogs  shall 
trot  for  his  trampling  that  field  of  a godfather  of  mine. 
And  I know  another  rich  man  who  did  me  also  great  wrong  : 
he  ate  bread  with  doughnuts  — by  my  life,  I ’ll  be  revenged 
for  it.  And  I know  still  another  rich  man  who  has  given 
me  more  pain  than  anybody  else ; I would  n’t  forgive  it,  not 
even  if  a bishop  should  pray  for  him,  for  once  as  he  sat  at 
table  he  loosened  his  belt  most  ungracefully.  When  I get 
hold  of  what  he  calls  his,  it  shall  help  me  to  a Christmas 
suit  And  there ’s  yet  another  stupid  fool,  who  blew  the 
foam  off  his  glass  of  beer  in  the  most  awkward  fashion. 
If  I don’t  revenge  that.  I’ll  never  wear  a sword  or  win  a 
wife.  Helmbrecht  will  be  heard  of  shortly.” 

His  father  said:  “ Ei ! just  name  me  once  these  fellows, 
your  comrades,  who  have  taught  you  to  rob  a rich  man  if  he 
eats  bread  and  doughnuts  together ! ” Then  his  son  named 
his  comrades : “ Lammerschling  and  Schluckdenwidder, 

Hollensack  and  Riittelschrein,  Kiihfrass,  Knickekelch  and 
Wolfsgaumen,  Wolfsriissel  and  Wolfsdarm  ^ — these  are  my 
schoolmasters.” 

His  father  asked,  “And  how  do  they  call  you  ? ” 

“ I ’m  called  Schlingdengau  [i.e.  Gulp-down-the-land]  — I’m 
not  the  joy  of  the  peasants;  their  children  have  to  eat  water 

1 T.e.  Swallow-the-lamb,  Gobble-the-buck,  Hell-bag,  Ransack-the- 
cupboard,  etc. 


The  People  in  Connt7y  arid  Town  423 

soup;  what  the  peasants  have,  that  ^s  mine;  for  one,  I gouge 
his  eye  out,  another  I slash  in  the  back,  this  one  I tie  in  an 
ant-hill,  that  one  I string  up  by  his  legs  on  the  willow.’’ 

Then  his  father  burst  forth  : Son,  those  you  name  and 
brag  of,  be  they  never  so  fiery,  still  I hope,  if  there  lives  a 
just  God,  the  day  will  come  when  the  hangman  shall  seize 
them  and  push  them  off  his  ladder.” 

“Father,  often  from  my  comrades  I’ve  saved  your  geese 
and  poultry,  cattle  and  fodder ; I ’ll  never  do  so  again.  You 
speak  too  sorely  against  the  honor  of  good  fellows.  Your 
daughter  Gotelind  I would  have  given  as  a wife  to  my 
comrade  Lammerschling ; with  him  she ’d  have  led  the  best 
of  lives.  That ’s  past  now ; you ’ve  spoken  too  boorishly 
against  us.” 

And  he  took  his  sister  Gotelind  secretly  aside  and  told 
her  confidentially  : “ When  my  comrade  Lammerschling  first 
asked  me  for  you,  I said  to  him  : ‘ You’ll  find  her  worth  your 
while;  if  you  take  her,  never  fear  that  you’ll  hang  long  on 
the  gallows  tree  — she’ll  cut  you  down  with  her  own  hand 
and  drag  you  to  the  grave  at  the  crossroads;  with  incense 
and  myrrh  she’ll  march  about  your  bones  swinging  the 
censer  a whole  year.  And  if  you  have  the  luck  to  be  only 
blinded,  she’ll  lead  you  by  the  hand  over  highway  and 
byway  through  all  the  world  ; if  your  foot  is  struck  off,  she’ll 
bring  you  the  crutches  to  the  bed  every  morning;  and  if 
they  take  your  hand  too,  then  she’ll  cut  your  meat  and  bread 
to  the  end  of  your  days.’  Then  said  Lammerschling  to  me  : 
‘I’ve  three  full  bags  heavier  than  lead  with  fine  linen,  with 
gowns  and  underwear  and  costly  clothing,  with  scarlet  and 
sable ; I have  it  hid  in  a gorge  near  by  — that  I ’ll  give  her 
for  a morning-gift.’  All  that,  Gotelind,  you ’ve  lost  through 
your  father’s  fault ; now  take  you  a peasant  and  spend  your 
days  digging  turnips  for  the  churl.  A pity- about  your  father  ! 
For  my  father  he’s  not:  I’m  sure  some  courtier  had  to  do 
with  my  mother  — from  him  I get  my  high  spirit.” 

And  his  foolish  sister  said  : “ Dear  brother  Schlingdengau, 
let  your  comrade  marry  me,  and  I ’ll  leave  father,  mother,  and 
kinsfolk.” 


424  Readings  in  European  History 

‘‘  I ’ll  send  you  my  messenger,  whom  you  must  follow ; 
hold  yourself  ready.  Good-bye,  I’m  going;  the  landlord 
here  is  as  little  to  me  as  I to  him.  Mother,  good-bye.” 

So  he  rode  back  whence  he  came,  and  told  his  comrade 
his  sister’s  wish  ; and  the  comrade  kissed  his  hand  for  joy, 
and  made  a bow  to  the  wind  that  blew  from  Gotelind’s  way. 

Many  the  widows  and  orphans  who  were  robbed  of  their 
own  when  the  hero  Lammerschling  and  his  bride  Gotelind 
sat  on  the  bridal  seat.  Busily  did  the  retainers,  on  wagon 
and  on  horseback,  carry  stolen  food  and  drink  into  Lammer- 
schling’s  house.  But  when  Gotelind  came,  the  bridegroom 
went  to  meet  her,  and  received  her  : Welcome,  Lady  Gote- 
lind.” “ God  save  you.  Sir  Lammerschling.”  Thus  did 
they  greet  each  other  in  friendly  fashion  ; and  an  old  man, 
wise  in  words,  stood  up  and  placed  the  two  in  a ring,  and 
asked  three  times  both  the  man  and  the  maiden,  ‘‘  Will  you 
take  each  other  in  marriage  ; if  so,  say  yes.”  Then  he  gave 
them  to  each  other.  All  sang  the  bride-song,  and  the  bride- 
groom trod  on  the  bride’s  foot. 

Then  the  wedding  feast  was  made  ready.  But  strange  it 
was : the  food  vanished  before  the  men  as  if  a wind  blew  it 
from  the  table ; they  ate  without  end  whatever  the  steward 
brought  on  from  the  kitchen,  and  there  was  not  enough  left 
of  it  for  the  dog  to  gnaw  the  bones.  They  say  that  when 
anybody  eats  ravenously  like  that  his  end  is  nigh.  The 
bride,  Gotelind,  began  to  be  frightened,  and  she  moaned  : 
‘‘Ah  me  ! some  trouble  is  nearing  us,  my  heart  is  so  heavy! 
Woe  is  me  that  I have  left  father  and  mother ; who  grasps 
at  too  much  gets  little  ; this  greediness  leads  to  the  pit  of 
hell.” 

They  sat  yet  awhile  after  the  feast,  and  already  the  musi- 
cians had  received  their  gift  from  bride  and  bridegroom, 
when  the  judge  was  seen  coming  with  five  men.  It  was  a 
short  fight ; with  five  the  judge  was  victorious  over  ten,  for 
a real  thief,  no  matter  how  bold,  even  though  he  can  beat  a 
whole  army,  is  helpless  against  the  hangman.  The  robbers 
hid  in  the  oven  and  under  the  bench ; whoever  had  not 
taken  to  his  legs  betimes,  the  hangman’s  man  now  hauled 


The  People  in  Country  a^td  Tozvn  425 

out  by  the  hair.  Gotelind  lost  her  bridal  gown  : in  a hedge 
they  found  her,  scared,  tattered,  despised.  But  on  the  necks 
of  the  thieves  were  bound  the  hides  of  the  cattle  they  had 
stolen,  as  a fee  for  the  judge.  Nine  the  hangman  hung  ; the 
tenth  he  left  alive,  by  hangman’s  right,  and  this  tenth  was 
Schlingdengau  Helmbrecht.  The  hangman  revenged  his 
father  on  him  — he  picked  him  his  eyes  out ; he  revenged 
his  mother,  and  chopped  him  a hand  and  a foot  off.  So 
the  blind  Helmbrecht  on  a crutch  was  led  home  to  his 
father’s  house. 

Hear  how  his  father  greeted  him  : “ Dieu  salue,  Sir  Blind 
Man.  Be  off  with  you.  Monsieur  Blind  Man;  if  you  loiter, 
I ’ll  have  you  clubbed  off  by  my  man  ; get  away  with  you 
from  the  door.” 

So  shouted  his  father ; yet  his  mother  put  a loaf  of  bread 
into  his  hand,  as  if  he  were  a child.  And  so  the  blind  man 
went  away ; and  the  peasants  called  after  him  and  taunted 
him. 

A year  he  suffered  want.  Once  early  in  the  morning  he 
was  going  through  the  forest  to  beg  bread,  when  some  peas- 
ants who  were  gathering  wood  saw  him ; from  one  of  them 
he  had  stolen  a cow  which  had  seven  times  calved,  and  now 
that  peasant  called  the  others  to  help  him.  He  had  wronged 
them  all : one’s  hut  he  had  broken  into  and  plundered ; 
another’s  daughter  he  had  disgraced  ; the  fourth  quivered 
with  fury  and  said,  “ I ’ll  kill  him  like  a hen  ^ — he  stuffed  my 
sleeping  baby  at  night  into  a bag,  and  when  it  awoke  and 
cried,  he  shook  it  out  into  the  snow,  where  it  would  have 
died  had  I not  come  to  its  help.”  All  turned  then  toward 
Helmbrecht : “ Now  look  out  for  thy  cap  ! ” The  embroid- 
ery which  once  the  hangman  had  left  untouched  was  torn 
in  pieces  and  scattered  with  his  hair  along  the  road.  His 
confession  they  let  the  wretch  utter,  and  one  broke  a clod 
from  the  earth  and  put  it  in  the  gentleman’s  hand  as  an 
entrance  fee  to  hell  fire.  Then  they  hanged  him  on  a tree. 

If  there  are  still  at  home,  with  father  and  mother,  children 
who  want  to  be  knights,  let  them  be  warned  by  Helmbrecht’s 
fate. 


171.  Ex- 
pulsion of 
the  Jews 
from  France. 
(From 
Rigord’s 
Life  of  Philip 
Augustus.) 


426  Readings  in  European  History 

V.  Maltreatment  of  the  Jews 

[Philip  Augustus  had  often  heard]  that  the  Jews  who  dwelt 
in  Paris  were  wont  every  year  on  Easter  day,  or  during  the 
sacred  week  of  our  Lord’s  Passion,  to  go  down  secretly  into 
underground  vaults  and  kill  a Christian  as  a sort  of  sacri- 
fice in  contempt  of  the  Christian  religion.  For  a long  time 
they  had  persisted  in  this  wickedness,  inspired  by  the  devil, 
and  in  Philip’s  father’s  time  many  of  them  had  been  seized 
and  burned  with  fire.  St.  Richard,  whose  body  rests  in  the 
church  of  the  Holy  Innocents-in-the-Fields  in  Paris,  was 
thus  put  to  death  and  crucified  by  the  Jews,  and  through 
martyrdom  went  in  blessedness  to  God.  Wherefore  many 
miracles  have  been  wrought  by  the  hand  of  God  through 
the  prayers  and  intercessions  of  St.  Richard,  to  the  glory  of 
God,  as  we  have  heard. 

And  because  the  most  Christian  King  Philip  inquired 
diligently,  and  came  to  know  full  well  these  and  many  other 
iniquities  of  the  Jews  in  his  forefathers’  days,  therefore  he 
burned  with  zeal,  and  in  the  same  year  in  which  he  was 
invested  at  Rheims  with  the  holy  governance  of  the  kingdom 
of  the  French,  upon  a Sabbath,  the  first  of  March,  by  his 
command,  the  Jews  throughout  all  France  were  seized  in 
their  synagogues  and  then  bespoiled  of  their  gold  and  silver 
and  garments,  as  the  Jews  themselves  had  spoiled  the  Egyp- 
tians at  their  exodus  from  Egypt.  This  was  a harbinger 
of  their  expulsion,  which  by  God’s  will  soon  followed.  . . . 

At  this  time  a great  multitude  of  Jews  had  been  dwelling 
in  France  for  a long  time  past,  for  they  had  flocked  thither 
from  divers  parts  of  the  world,  because  peace  abode  among 
the  French,  and  liberality;  for  the  Jews  had  heard  how  the 
kings  of  the  French  were  prompt  to  act  against  their  ene- 
mies, and  were  very  merciful  toward  their  subjects.  And 
therefore  their  elders  and  men  wise  in  the  law  of  Moses, 
who  were  called  by  the  Jews  didascali.,  made  resolve  to  come 
to  Paris. 

When  they  had  made  a long  sojourn  there,  they  grew  so 
rich  that  they  claimed  as  their  own  almost  half  of  the  whole 


The  People  in  Country  and  Tow7i  427 

city,  and  had  Christians  in  their  houses  as  menservants 
and  maidservants,  who  were  open  backsliders  from  the  faith 
of  Jesus  Christ,  and  judaized  with  the  Jews.  And  this  was 
contrary  to  the  decree  of  God  and  the  law  of  the  Church. 
And  whereas  the  Lord  had  said  by  the  mouth  of  Moses  in 
Deuteronomy  (xxiii.  19,  20),  ‘‘Thou  shalt  not  lend  upon 
usury  to  thy  brother,’’  but  “to  a stranger,”  the  Jews  in  their 
wickedness  understood  by  “ stranger  ” every  Christian,  and 
they  took  from  the  Christians  their  money  at  usury.  And 
so  heavily  burdened  in  this  wise  were  citizens  and  soldiers 
and  peasants  in  the  suburbs,  and  in  the  various  towns  and 
villages,  that  many  of  them  were  constrained  to  part  with 
their  possessions.  Others  were  bound  under  oath  in  houses 
of  the  Jews  in  Paris,  held  as  if  captives  in  prison. 

The  most  Christian  King  Philip  heard  of  these  things,  and 
compassion  was  stirred  within  him.  He  took  counsel  with 
a certain  hermit,  Bernard  by  name,^  a holy  and  religious 
man,  who  at  that  time  dwelt  in  the  forest  of  Vincennes,  and 
asked  him  what  he  should  do.  By  his  advice  the  king 
released  all  Christians  of  his  kingdom  from  their  debts  to 
the  Jews,  and  kept  a fifth  part  of  the  whole  amount  for 
himself. 

Finally  came  the  culmination  of  their  wickedness.  Cer- 
tain ecclesiastical  vessels  consecrated  to  God  — the  chalices 
and  crosses  of  gold  and  silver  bearing  the  image  of  our 
Lord  Jesus  Christ  crucified  — had  been  pledged  to  the  Jews 
by  way  of  security  when  the  need  of  the  churches  was  press- 
ing. These  they  used  so  vilely,  in  their  impiety  and  scorn 
of  the  Christian  religion,  that  from  the  cups  in  which  the 
body  and  blood  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  was  consecrated 
they  gave  their  children  cakes  soaked  in  wine.  . . . 

In  the  year  of  our  Lord’s  Incarnation  1182,  in  the  month 
of  April,  which  is  called  by  the  Jews  Nisan,  an  edict  went 
forth  from  the  most  serene  king,  Philip  Augustus,  that  all 
the  Jews  of  his  kingdom  should  be  prepared  to  go  forth  by 

1 Not  St.  Bernard  of  Clairvaux,  who  died  some  thirty  years  before, 
whose  advice  in  regard  to  the  treatment  of  the  Jews  will  be  found 
above,  p.  332. 


428 


Readings  in  European  History 


the  coming  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist.  And  then  the 
king  gave  them  leave  to  sell  each  his  movable  goods  before 
the  time  fixed,  that  is,  the  feast  of  St.  John  the  Baptist. 
But  their  real  estate,  that  is,  houses,  fields,  vineyards,  barns, 
winepresses,  and  such  like,  he  reserved  for  himself  and  his 
successors,  the  kings  of  the  French. 

When  the  faithless  Jews  heard  this  edict  some  of  them 
were  born  again  of  water  and  the  Holy  Spirit  and  converted 
to  the  Lord,  remaining  steadfast  in  the  faith  of  our  Lord 
Jesus  Christ.  To  them  the  king,  out  of  regard  for  the 
Christian  religion,  restored  all  their  possessions  in  their 
entirety,  and  gave  them  perpetual  liberty. 

Others  were  blinded  by  their  ancient  error  and  persisted 
in  their  perfidy  ; and  they  sought  to  win  with  gifts  and 
golden  promises  the  great  of  the  land,  — counts,  barons, 
archbishops,  bishops,  — that  through  their  influence  and 
advice,  and  through  the  promise  of  infinite  wealth,  they 
might  turn  the  king’s  mind  from  his  firm  intention.  But 
the  merciful  and  compassionate  God,  who  does  not  forsake 
those  who  put  their  hope  in  him  and  who  doth  humble  those 
who  glory  in  their  strength,  ...  so  fortified  the  illustrious 
king  that  he  could  not  be  moved  by  prayers  nor  promises 
of  temporal  things.  ... 

The  infidel  Jews,  perceiving  that  the  great  of  the  land, 
through  whom  they  had  been  accustomed  easily  to  bend 
the  king’s  predecessors  to  their  will,  had  suffered  repulse, 
and  astonished  and  stupefied  by  the  strength  of  mind  of 
Philip  the  king  and  his  constancy  in  the  Lord,  exclaimed, 
“ Scema  Israhel ! ” and  prepared  to  sell  all  their  household 
goods.  The  time  was  now  at  hand  when  the  king  had 
ordered  them  to  leave  France  altogether,  and  it  could  not 
be  in  any  way  prolonged.  Then  did  the  Jews  sell  all  their 
movable  possessions  in  great  haste,  while  their  landed  prop- 
erty reverted  to  the  crown.  Thus  the  Jews,  having  sold 
their  goods  and  taken  the  price  for  the  expenses  of  their 
journey,  departed  with  their  wives  and  children  and  all  their 
households  in  the  aforesaid  year  of  the  Lord  1182. 


The  People  in  Country  and  Town  429 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

The  Serfs  and  Peasants:  Cheyney,  Industrial  and  Social  History 
of  England^  Chapter  II,  pp.  31-56;  Emerton,  pp.  509-520;  Munro, 

pp.  148-153. 

The  Growth  of  Commerce  and  the  Towns  : Cheyney,  Chapter  III, 
“ Town  Life  and  Organization,”  pp.  57-73,  and  Chapter  IV,  “ Trade  and 
Commerce,”  pp.  75-94  ; Adams,  Civilization^  pp.  279-310  ; Bemont  and 
Monod,  pp.  375-390;  Emerton,  pp.  520-540;  Henderson,  Germany 
in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  417-422;  Munro,  pp.  1 53-1 59. 

London  in  the  Twelfth  Century : Colby,  pp.  63-66 ; Kendall, 
pp.  65-78. 

The  Hanseatic  League : Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany, 
pp.  181-202  ; Lodge,  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  4 19-451. 

A number  of  important  documents  relating  to  the  manor  and  the 
towns  may  be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprhits,  Vol.  II,  No.  i,  and 
Vol.  Ill,  No.  5.  The  extracts  from  the  manor  court  rolls,  which 
Professor  Cheyney  gives  there — Vol.  Ill,  No.  5,  pp.  20  sqq.  — are 
particularly  important.  

Bateson,  Mary,  Mediceval  England,  Efiglish  Feudal  Society  from  the 
Norman  Conquest  to  the  Middle  of  the  Fourteenth  Century,  1904  (Story 
of  the  Nations). 

Jessopp,  Coming  of  the  Friars,  second  essay  on  “Village  Life  Six 
Hundred  Years  Ago.” 

Barnard,  Companion  to  English  History  (Middle  Ages),  Oxford, 
1902,  containing  essays  by  a number  of  scholars  on  social  conditions, 
trade,  commerce,  architecture,  monasticism,  etc.  Very  useful. 

Gibbins,  History  of  Commerce  in  Europe.  The  best  short  account, 
with  good  maps  of  the  trade  routes.  Also  by  the  same  writer.  The 
Industrial  History  of  England,  and  a more  elaborate  treatise,  Eidustry 
in  England. 

Ingram,  History  of  Slavery  and  Serfdom,  1895,  especially  Chapters 
IV  and  V. 

Cunningham,  Outlines  of  English  Industrial  History,  and  his  fuller 
Growth  of  English  Industry  and  Commerce  during  the  Middle  Ages. 
All  these  give  good  descriptions  of  the  manor,  the  guilds,  the  fairs,  etc. 

Jusserand,  English  Wayfaring  Life  in  the  Middle  Ages  (fourteenth 
century),  translated  from  the  French  by  Lucy  Smith,  1887.  Very 
interesting  and  instructive,  with  good  illustrations. 

Zimmern,  Helen,  The  Hansa  (Story  of  the  Nations).  Interesting, 
with  good  illustrations. 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


430 


Readings  in  European  History 


C.  Materials  GROSS,  The  Gild  Merchant^  2 vols.,  1890.  The  second  volume  com 
for  advanced  tains  documents.  Excellent. 

Ashley,  English  Economic  History^  1892. 

ViNOGRADOFF,  Villanage  in  England.  One  of  several  special  trea- 
tises upon  this  rather  obscure  subject,  some  of  which  are  reviewed  in 
Ashley’s  Surveys  (see  above,  p.  192). 

Luchaire,  Manuel.,  Part  I,  Book  II.  On  the  agrarian  arrangements 
in  France. 

Levasseur,  Histoire  des  classes  ouvrih'es  et  de  V Industrie  en  France 
avant  lySg,  2d  ed.,  1900,  Vol.  I.  Excellent. 

See,  Les  Classes  rurales  et  le  regime  dominial  en  France  au  moyen 
dge,  1901.  With  many  short  extracts  from  the  sources. 

PiGEONNEAU,  Histoire  du  commerce  de  la  France,  1885-1889,  Vol.  I. 

Heyd,  Geschichte  des  Levantehandels  im  Mittelalter,  2 vols.,  1879. 
Also  a French  translation,  1885-1886.  A very  important  work. 

Schulte,  Geschichte  des  mittelalterlichen  Handels  und  Verkehrs 
zwischen  Westdeutschland  und  Italien,  2 vols.,  1900.  Very  careful 
treatment. 

Von  Below,  Das  dltere  deutsche  Stddtewesen,  in  the  beautifully  illus- 
trated and  inexpensive  series  of  Monographien  zur  Weltgeschichte. 

The  most  important  work  on  German  towns  is  Hegel,  Stddte  und 
Gilden  der  germanischen  Vdlker  im  Mittelalter,  2 vols.,  1891. 

The  discussion  which  has  raged  over  the  origin  of  the  towns  is 
summed  up  by  Pirenne,  HOrigine  des  constitutions  urbaines  au  moyen 
dge  in  the  Revue  Historique,  Vol.  LIII  (1893)  LVII  (i§95). 

Besides  the  material  given  by  Professor  Gross  in  the  second  volume 
of  his  Gild  Merchant,  the  following  in  the  Collection  de  textes  (see  above, 
p.  220)  are  readily  procured: 

Documents  sur  les  relations  de  la  royaute  avec  les  villes  en  France 
de  1180  d 1314,  edited  by  Giry,  1885. 

Fagniez,  Documents  relatifs  d V histoire  de  V Industrie  et  du  commerce 
en  France.  Fascicle  i (to  fourteenth  century). 


CHAPTER  XIX 


THE  CULTURE  OF  THE  MIDDLE  AGES 

I.  The  Development  of  the  Modern  Languages 
A,  — English 

From  the  little  example  of  Anglo-Saxon  given  below 
one  can  form  some  notion  of  the  general  appearance  of 
English  as  it  was  written  from  the  times  of  Alfred  to 
those  of  Henry  II.  The  characters  \ and  ^ both  stand 
for  th.  The  former  is  equivalent  to  in  thin  ” and  is 
used  at  the  beginning  of  a word ; the  latter  corresponds 
to  the  vocalized  th  in  father  ” and  occurs  in  the  middle 
of  a word.  The  sign  means  ‘‘and.’' 

A little  study  and  comparison  with  the  translation 
will  show  that  almost  all  the  words  used  correspond 
to  those  with  which  we  are  familiar  in  our  own  modern 
speech. 

Here  on  fissum  geare  Willelm  cyng  geaf  Rodberde  eorle 
thone  eorldom  on  Nor^hymbraland.  Da  comon  fa  landes 
menn  togeanes  him.  ^ hine  ofslogon.  •]  ix.  hund  manna 
mid  him.  And  Eadgar  ae'Seling  com  fa  mid  eallum  Nor- 
^hymbram  to  Eoferwic  •]  fa  fortmen  wi^  hine  griSedon.  j 
se  cyng  Willelm  com  su^an  mid  eallan  his  fyrde.  fa  burh 
forhergode  fela  hund  manna  ofsloh.  se  aeSeling  for  eft 
to  Scotlande. 

In  this  year  [1068]  King  William  gave  to  Earl  Robert  the 
earldom  of  Northumberland.  Then  came  the  men  of  the 
country  against  him  (Robert),  and  slew  him,  and  nine  hun- 
dred men  with  him.  And  Edgar  aetheling  came  then  with 

431 


172.  Ex- 
ample of 
Anglo- 
Saxon. 
(From  the 
Anglo-Saxon 
Chronicle.) 


Translation 


173.  An 
example  of 
English 
in  the 
thirteenth 
century. 
(From 
A Metrical 
Version  of 
Genesis.) 


Modernized 

version. 


432  Readings  in  European  History 

all  the  Northumbrians  to  York,  and  the  townsmen  made 
peace  with  him.  And  King  William  came  from  the  south 
with  all  his  force,  and  ravaged  the  town,  and  slew  many  hun- 
dred men.  And  the  aetheling  went  back  again  to  Scotland. 

By  the  middle  of  the  thirteenth  century  English 
begins  to  look  pretty  familiar,  although  at  first  glance  a 
word  may  be  disguised  by  the  spelling.  In  the  four- 
teenth century  the  language  became  a literary  vehicle  of 
great  force  and  beauty,  especially  in  the  verse  of  Chaucer 
and  the  prose  of  Wycliffe.  Examples  of  the  language 
as  used  by  the  latter  will  be  found  in  a succeeding  chap- 
ter (see  below,  pp.  498  sqqi). 

And  Aaron  held  up  his  bond 
To  the  water  and  the  more  lond  ; 

Tho  cam  thor  up  schwilc  froschkes  here 
The  dede  al  folc  Egipte  dere ; 

Summe  woren  wilde,  and  summe  tame. 

And  tho  hem  deden  the  moste  schame ; 

In  huse,  in  drinc,  in  metes,  in  bed. 

It  cropen  and  maden  hem  for-dred.  . . . 

And  Aaron  held  up  his  hand 
To  the  water  and  the  greater  land ; 

Then  came  there  up  such  host  of  frogs 
That  did  all  Egypt’s  folk  harm  ; 

Some  were  wild,  and  some  were  tame. 

And  those  caused  them  the  most  shame ; 

In  house,  in  drink,  in  meats,  in  bed. 

They  crept  and  made  them  in  great  dread,  . . . 

B.  — French 

The  oath  taken  by  Louis  the  German  at  Strasburg  in 
842  ^ furnishes  the  first  example  which  has  been  preserved 
of  the  language  which  was  destined  to  develop  into  modern 

1 See  History  of  Western  Europe.,  pp.  94  sq. 


433 


The  CiUture  of  the  Middle  Ages 

French.  A French  scholar  has  ingeniously  illustrated,  by 
the  following  parallel  columns,  the  more  important  stages  in 
the  progress  from  the  ancient  Latin  to  the  French  as  it  is 
written  to-day. 


Classical  Latin 

Per  Dei  amorem  et  per 
christiani  populi  et  nos- 
tram  communem  salutem, 
t ab  hac  die,  quantum  Deus 
scire  et  posse  mihi  dat, 

! servabo  hunc  meum  fra- 
trem  Carolum,  et  ope  mea 
et  in  quacumque  re,  ut 
quilibet  fratrem  suum 
servare  jure  debet,  dum- 
modo  mecum  idem  agat, 
et  cum  Clotario  nullam 
unquam  pactionem  faci- 
am,  quae  mea  voluntate 
huic  meo  fratri  Carolo 
damno  sit. 


Conjectural  Spoken  Lan- 
guage of  the  Trajisi- 
tion  Period 

Pro  deo  amore  et  pro 
christiano  popolo  et  nos- 
tro commune  salvamento 
de  esto  die  in  abante,  in 
quanto  deos  sapere  et  po- 
tere  me  donat,  sic  salva- 
raio  eo  eccesto  mem  fratre 
Karlo  et  in  adjutare  et  in 
catuna  causa  sic  qomo 
omo  per  drecto  som  fra- 
tre salvare  debet,  in  o 
qued  elle  me  altero  sic 
faciat,  et  ab  Luthero  nul- 
lo  placito  nunquam  pren- 
deraio,  qui  mem  volere 
eccesto  mem  fratre  Karlo 
in  damno  sit. 


Strasburg  Oath  {842) 

Pro  deo  amur  et  pro 
Christian  poblo  et  nostro 
commun  saluament,  d’ist 
di  en  avant,  in  quant 
Deus  savir  et  podlr  me 
dunat,  si  salvarai  eo  cist 
meon  fradre  Karlo,  et  in 
aiudha  et  in  cadhuna  co- 
sa,  si  cum  om  per  dreit 
son  fradra  salvar  dift,  in 
o quid  il  mi  altresi  fazet, 
et  ab  Ludher  nul  plaid 
nunquam  prindrai,  qui 
meon  vol  cist  meon  fra- 
dre Karle  in  damno  sit> 


French  of  To-day 

Pour  I’amour  de  Dieu 
et  pour  le  salut  commun 
du  peuple  chretien  et  le 
notre,  a partir  de  ce  jour, 
autant  que  Dieu  m’en 
donne  le  savoir  et  le  pou- 
voir,  je  soutiendrai  mon 
frere  Charles  de  mon  aide 
et  en  toute  chose,  comme 
on  doit  justement  soute- 
nir  son  frere,  k condition 
qu’il  m’en  fasse  autant, 
et  je  ne  prendrai  jamais 
aucun  arrangement  avec 
Lothaire,  qui,  k ma  vo- 
lonte,  soit  au  detriment  de 
mon  dit  fr^re  Charles. 


Fre^ich  of  the  nth  Cen- 
tury^ Period  of  the  Song 
of  Roland 

Por  dieu  amor  et  por 
del  crestiien  poeple  et 
nostre  comun  salvement, 
de  cest  jor  en  avant,  quant 
que  Dieus  saveir  et  po- 
deir  me  donet,  si  salverai 
io  cest  mien  fredre  Char- 
Ion,  et  en  aiude,  et  en 
chascune  chose,  si  come 
ibn  par  dreit  son  fredre 
} salver  deit,  en  go  que  il 
me  altresi  faget,  et  a Lo- 
dher  nul  plait  oncques  ne 
prendrai,  qui  mien  vueil 
:est  mien  fredre  Charlon 
! m dam  sit. 


Middle  French^  Opening 
of  the  igth  Century 

Pour  I’amour  Dieu  et 
pour  le  sauvement  du 
chrestien  peuple  et  le  nos- 
tre commun,  de  cest  jour 
en  avant,  quant  que  Dieu 
savoir  et  pouvoir  me  do- 
net, si  sauverai  je  cet  mien 
frere  Charle,  et  par  mon 
aide  et  en  chascune  chose, 
si  comme  on  doit  par  droit 
son  frere  sauver,  en  ce 
qu’il  me  face  autresi,  et 
avec  Lothaire  nul  plaid 
onques  ne  prendrai,  qui, 
k mon  veuil,  k ce  mien 
frere  Charles  soit  k dan. 


174.  Com- 
parison of 
the  various 
stages  in 
the  develop- 
ment of 
French. 


434 


\ ') 


Q i . - <['  .0  c3 


Readings  in  European  History 


ni\ 


1 


C.  — Provencal 


175.  A few 
lines  of 
Provencal. 


leu  m’en  irai ; e on?  Non  sai, 
Mais  lai  on  tota  li  gens  vai, 

En  Tautre  segle,  per  saber 
Si  lai  aves  tant  de  poder. 


Translation  I am  going  hence;  and  whither?  I know  not, 

But  there  where  all  the  people  go, — 

Into  the  other  world  to  learn 

If  you  [namely,  love]  have  as  much  power  there. 


176  The 
ideals  of  the 
trouba- 
dours. 

(From 
Smith,  The 
Troubadours 
at  Home.) 


It  was  precisely  in  the  land  of  the  troubadours,  and  keep-  ' 
ing  time  by  the  music  of  their  songs,  that  a gay,  brilliant,  | 
and  polished  society  was  first  developed  in  the  modern  : 
world.  Partly  by  instinct,  partly  by  feeling,  and  partly  by 
taking  thought,  a code  of  ideals  and  a system  of  conduct 
were  elaborated,  to  break  and  put  in  training  the  rude  ways  ' 
and  ungoverned  passions  of  the  feudal  world.  The  starting- 
point  was  love  for  woman,  as  we  have  already  discovered.  i 

As  the  result  of  love  came  that  joi  of  which  we  already  j 
know,  a gladness  and  lightness  of  heart  that  illuminated  and  i 
vivified  the  inner  world  like  another  sun,  and  prompted  to  i 
all  noble,  beautiful,  and  self-denying  acts,  /oi  led  especially  ; 
to  the  boundless  generosity  that  frequently  almost  ruined  • 
wealthy  nobles,  and  even  made  robbers  of  them  sometimes.  ^ 
Along  with  such  qualities  went  naturally  a passionate  fond- 
ness for  social  pleasure,  witty  conversation,  and  gallantry. 

All  these  together  were  summed  up  in  the  word^^^g^^?^^^ 
youngness  or  young-heartedness  which  has  alread^THSe^en  i 
mentioned  more  than  once ; while  feebleness  of  spirit  and  ’ 
meanness  of  life  were  signified  by  the  contrary  word,  old-  ■ 
ness.  Over  all  this  were  thrown  the  bonds  of  self-control  jj 
and  moderation,  expressed  by  another  word  always  on  the  n 
lips  — mesurd^  measure,  which  endeavored  to  bring  even  the 
virtues  into  aesthetic  form. 

The  precious  fruit  of  so  much  striving  and  study  was 
known  as  cortesia.^  courtliness,  the  perfect  bearing  and  conduct 
of  a finished  gentleman  according  to  the  code  of  chivalry  and 


435 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 

poetry;  and  the  rewards  a man  gained  from  this  were  the 
excellence  or  worth  that  he  felt  within  himself,  and  — far 
more  important,  as  a rule  — the  repute  or  credit  with  others 
that  all  were  passionately  bent  upon  winning. 

Fair  to  me  is  April,  bearing 

Winds  that  o’er  me  softly  blow,  — 

Nightingales  their  music  airing 
While  the  stars  serenely  glow; 

All  the  birds  as  they  have  power, 

While  the  dews  of  morning  wait, 

Sing  of  joy  in  sky  or  bower. 

Each  consorting  with  his  mate. 

And  as  all  the  world  is  wearing 

New  delight  while  new  leaves  grow, 

’Twould  be  vain  to  try  forswearing 
Love  which  makes  my  joys  overflow ; 

Both  by  habit  and  by  dower 
Gladness  is  my  rightful  state. 

And  when  clouds  no  longer  lower 
Quick  my  heart  throws  off  its  weight. 

Helen  were  not  worth  comparing. 

Gardens  no  such  beauty  show ; 

Teeth  of  pearl,  — the  truth  declaring, 

Blooming  cheeks,  a neck  of  snow. 

Tresses  like  a golden  shower. 

Courtly  charms,  for  baseness,  hate,  — 

God  who  made  her  thus  o’ertower 
All  the  rest,  her  way  make  straight ! 

Kindness  may  she  do  me,  sparing 
Courtship  long  and  favor  slow. 

Give  a kiss  to  cheer  my  daring  — 

More,  if  more  I earn,  bestow ; 

Then  the  path  where  pleasures  flower 
We  shall  tread  nor  slow  nor  late,  — 

Ah,  such  hopes  my  heart  overpower 
When  her  charms  I contemplate. 


177.  A trou- 
badour’s 
song.  (By 
Arnault  de 
Maruelh.) 


436 


Readings  in  European  History 


178.  The 
trouba- 
dours’ 
creed. 

(By  Sordel.) 


179. A song 
by  Vidal. 


As  treasures  buried  in  the  earth 
Possess  no  longer  any  worth, 

I likewise  count  good  sense  quite  vain 
If  one  conceal  it  in  his  brain.  . . . 
Whoe’er  considers  life  with  care 
Will  always  find,  — so  I declare, 

One  thing  enjoined  by  wisdom’s  rod: 
To  please  at  once  the  world  and  God.  . 

One  is  not  wise,  as  wise  I deem. 

Unless  he  oft  can  make  it  seem 
That  he  is  pleased  with  what  annoys 
And  bored  by  what  he  most  enjoys; 
And  who  this  maxim  e’er  applies, — 

I’  faith  I count,  him  truly  wise.  . . . 

A life  of  baseness  and  ill-fame 
Destroys  the  body,  soils  the  name, 

And  sends  the  rebel  soul  to  dwell 
Forever  in  the  fires  of  hell.  . . . 

man  of  worth,  it  seems  to  me, 
Should  wish  to  live  except  it  be 
For  joy  and  fame,  since  only  these 
Give  life  a flavor  that  can  please.  . . « 


Oh,  ’tis  good  and  fair 
When  the  trees  all  wear 
Fresh  green  leaves,  — the  air 
Sweet  with  flowers  new. 

Song  birds,  here  and  there. 
Chanting  full  in  view. 

While  gay  lovers  sue. 
Amorous  and  true ; 

Loved  and  lover  I would  be. 

Yet  such  answers  to  my  plea 
It  hath  been  my  lot  to  find 
That  I ’ve  nearly  lost  my  mind. 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


437 


Strength  and  heart  and  mind. 
Lovingly  inclined, 

I have  all  resigned 
To  my  lady  fair ; 

Glad  new  life  I find 

Like  the  boughs  that  wear 
Fruit  again,  — birds  air 
All  their  music  there  ; 

Springing  leaves  and  blossoms  new 
In  my  heart  I ever  view. 

And  this  joy  will  eve?i:  be 
Mine,  for  she  hath  heard  my  plea. 


Whene’er  the  lark’s  glad  wings  I see 
Beat  sunward  ’gainst  the  radiant  sky 
Till,  lost  in  joy  so  sweet  and  free. 

She  drops,  forgetful  how  to  fly,  — 

Ah,  when  I view  such  happiness 
My  bosom  feels  so  deep  an  ache, 
Meseems  for  pain  and  sore  distress 

My  longing  heart  will  straightway  break, 

Alas,  I thought  I held  the  key 
To  love  ! How  ignorant  am  1 1 
For  her  that  ne’er  will  pity  me 
I am  not  able  to  defy ; 

My  loving  heart,  my  faithfulness. 

Myself,  my  world,  she  deigns  to  take. 
Then  leaves  me  bare  and  comfortless 
To  longing  thoughts  that  ever  wake. 

— Germa7t 

So  die  bluomen  us  dem  grase  dringent, 

Sam  si  lachen  gegen  den  spilnden  sunnen 
In  einem  meien  an  dem  morgen  fruo, 

Und  die  kleinen  vogellin  wol  singent 
In  ir  besten  wise  die  si  kunnen, 

Wunne  kan  sich  da  gelichen  zuo  ? . . . 


180.  A song 
by  Bernard  de 
Ventadorn. 


181. A song 
by  the 
minne- 
singer, 
Waliher 
von  der 
Vogeluueide. 


438 


Readings  in  European  History 


Translation 
of  these  and 
the  following 
lines. 


When  from  the  sod  the  flowhets  spring, 

And  smile  to  meet  the  sun’s  bright  ray, 

When  birds  their  sweetest  carols  sing 
In  all  the  morning  pride  of  May, 

What  lovelier  than  the  prospect  there  ? 

Can  earth  boast  anything  more  fair  ? 

To  me  it  seems  an  almost  heaven. 

So  beauteous  to  my  eyes  that  vision  bright  is  given. 

But  when  a lady,  chaste  and  fair, 

Noble  and  clad  in  rich  attire. 

Walks  through  the  throng  with  gracious  air. 

As  sun  that  bids  the  stars  retire,  — 

Then,  where  are  all  thy  boastings.  May? 

What  hast  thou  beautiful  and  gay 
Compared  with  that  supreme  delight  ? 

We  leave  thy  loveliest  flowers,  and  watch  that  lady  bright. 

Wouldst  thou  believe  me,  — come  and  place 
Before  thee  all  this  pride  of  May ; 

Then  look  but  on  my  lady’s  face. 

And,  which  is  best  and  brightest  ? say : 

For  me,  how  soon  (if  choice  were  mine) 

This  would  I take,  and  that  resign ! 

And  say,  ‘‘  Though  sweet  thy  beauties.  May, 

I’d  rather  forfeit  all  than  lose  my  lady  gay.” 


II.  Medieval  Natural  Science 

Mediaeval  books  on  science  differ  greatly,  as  might  be 
expected,  from  the  scientific  manuals  of  our  own  age. 
In  the  first  place,  they  are  usually  devoted  to  things  in 
general  and  are  called  On  the  Nature  of  Things^  On  the 
Properties  of  Things ^ Things  that  can  be  Known,  Mirror 
of  the  World,  etc.  A writer  did  not  hesitate  to  huddle 
together  into  a short  treatise  matters  which  we  should 
regard  as  properly  belonging  to  a dozen  distinct  sciences, 


439 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 

such  as  zoology,  mineralogy,  botany,  chemistry,  physics, 
meteorology,  anatomy,  physiology,  ethics,  theology,  law, 
and  medicine.  In  the  second  place,  important  scientific 
observations  are  mixed  with  what  seem  to  us  the  most 
preposterous  legends  and  irrelevant  anecdotes.  Lastly, 
writers  were  rarely  satisfied  when  they  had  described  a 
particular  kind  of  bird,  fish,  or  mineral  unless  they  could 
add  a moral,  or  illustrate  the  truths  of  Scripture. 

Among  the  more  worthy  and  serious  of  these  mediaeval 
writers  is  Alexander  Neckam  in  his  work  entitled  On 
the  Natures  of  Things,  He  was  an  Englishman,  a con- 
temporary of  Richard  the  Lion-Hearted,  and  for  a time 
a professor  in  the  University  of  Paris.  In  a single 
fair-sized  volume  he  takes  up  in  turn  the  world  and  the 
heavenly  bodies  ; fire,  air,  and  the  various  birds  ; water 
and  the  fishes  ; the  earth,  metals,  gems,  plants,  and  ani- 
mals, with  their  respective  virtues  and  properties  ; man, 
the  vanity  of  his  pursuits,  his  domesticated  animals,  — 
the  dog,  horse,  sheep,  mule,  silkworm  ; scholastic  learn- 
ing, the  universities,  Virgil’s  necromancy,  court  life,  dice, 
chess,  and  the  vices  of  envy  and  arrogance. 

The  eagle,  [Neckam  tells  us]  on  account  of  its  great 
heat,  mixeth  very  cold  stones  with  its  eggs  when  it  sitteth 
on  them,  so  that  the  heat  shall  not  destroy  them.  In  the 
same  way  our  words,  when  we  speak  with  undue  heat, 
should  later  be  tempered  with  discretion,  so  that  we  may 
conciliate  in  the  end  those  whom  we  offended  by  the 
beginning  of  our  speech. 

The  wren  is  but  a little  bird,  yet  it  glories  in  the  number 
of  its  progeny.  Who  has  not  wondered  to  hear  a note  of 
such  volume  proceeding  from  so  trifling  a body  ? The 
smaller  the  body,  indeed,  the  greater  the  sound,  it  would 
seem.  By  such  things  we  are  taught  that  the  virtues  of 


182.  The 
birds  and 
their  lesson. 
(From 
Neckam, 

On  the  Natures 
of  Things.) 


The  wren. 


440 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  mag- 
netic needle. 


little  things  should  not  be  scorned.  . . . They  say,  more- 
over, that  when  the  body  of  the  wren  is  put  upon  the  spit 
and  placed  before  the  fire  it  need  not  be  turned,  for  the 
wren  will  turn  itself,  not  forgetful  of  its  royal  dignity. 

The  stratagem  by  which,  according  to  a fabulous  story,  it 
gained  the  royal  power  among  birds  is  well  known.  The 
birds  had  agreed  among  themselves  that  the  glory  of  the 
supreme  power  should  be  allotted  to  the  one  who  should 
excel  all  others  by  flying  highest.  The  wren  seized  its 
opportunity  and  hid  itself  under  the  eagle’s  wing.  When 
the  eagle,  who  attains  nearest  to  Jove’s  gates,  would  have 
claimed  the  supremacy  among  its  fellows,  the  little  wren 
sallied  forth  and  perching  on  the  eagle’s  head  declared 
itself  the  victor.  And  so  it  obtained  its  name  of  Regulus 
(i.e.  “ruler”). 

This  fable  touches  those  who  enter  upon  the  works  of 
others  and  presumptuously  appropriate  the  credit  due  else- 
where. As  the  philosopher  says,  “ We  are  all  like  dwarfs 
standing  upon  giants’  shoulders.”  We  should  therefore  be 
careful  to  ascribe  to  our  predecessors  those  things  which  we 
ought  not  to  claim  for  our  own  glory,  and  not  follow  the 
example  of  that  wren  which,  with  little  or  no  effort  of  its 
own,  claimed  to  have  outdone  the  eagle. 

In  contrast  with  these  tales  and  moralizings,  Neckam 
gives  many  true  and  useful  facts.  For  example,  the 
habits  and  cultivation  of  the  silkworm  are  clearly  and 
correctly  described,  and  the  use  of  the  compass  is 
explained. 

The  sailors,  as  they  sail  over  the  sea,  when  in  cloudy 
weather  they  can  no  longer  profit  by  the  light  of  the  sun,  or 
when  the  world  is  wrapped  in  the  darkness  of  night,  and  they 
are  ignorant  whither  the  ship’s  course  is  directed,  touch 
a needle  to  the  magnet ; the  needle  will  then  whirl  around 
in  a circle  until,  when  its  motion  ceases,  its  point  is  directed 
to  the  north. 


The  CiUtiLve  of  the  Middle  Ages 


441 


A little  Anglo-Saxon  manual  of  the  tenth  century 
thus  describes  the  heavenly  bodies. 

On  the  second  day  God  made  the  heaven,  which  is  called 
the  firmament,  which  is  visible  and  corporeal ; and  yet  we 
may  never  see  it,  on  account  of  its  great  elevation  and  the 
thickness  of  the  clouds,  and  on  account  of  the  weakness  of 
our  eyes.  The  heaven  incloses  in  its  bosom  all  the  world, 
and  it  ever  turns  about  us,  swifter  than  any  mill-wheel,  all  as 
deep  under  this  earth  as  it  is  above.  It  is  all  round  and 
entire  and  studded  with  stars. ^ 

Truly  the  sun  goes  by  God’s  command  between  heaven 
and  earth,  by  day  above  and  by  night  under  the  earth.  She 
is  ever  running  about  the  earth,  and  so  light  shines  under 
the  earth  by  night  as  it  does  above  our  heads  by  day.  . . . 
The  sun  is  very  great : as  broad  she  is,  from  what  books  say, 
as  the  whole  compass  of  the  earth  ; but  she  appears  to  us 
very  small,  because  she  is  very  far  from  our  sight.  Every- 
thing, the  further  it  is,  the  less  it  seems.  . . . The  moon 
and  all  the  stars  receive  light  from  the  great  sun.  The  sun 
is  typical  of  our  Saviour,  Christ,  who  is  the  sun  of  right- 
eousness, as  the  bright  stars  are  typical  of  the  believers  in 
God’s  congregation,  who  shine  in  good  converse.  . . . No 
one  of  us  has  any  light  of  goodness  except  by  the  grace  of 
Christ,  who  is  called  the  sun  of  true  righteousness.  . . . 

Truly  the  moon’s  orb  is  always  whole  and  perfect,  although 
it  does  not  always  shine  quite  equally.  Every  day  the  moon’s 
light  is  waxing  or  waning  four  points  through  the  sun’s  light. 

. . . VVe  speak  of  new  moon  according  to  the  custom  of 
men,  but  the  moon  is  always  the  same,  though  its  light  often 

1 Educated  persons  realized  all  through  the  Middle  Ages  that  the  earth 
was  a sphere.  Bede  — of  whose  work,  On  The  NatM7'e  of  Things^  the 
present  treatise  is  an  abridgment  — says  (Chapter  XLVI) : “We 
speak  of  the  globe  of  the  earth,  not  that  it  is  perfectly  round,  owing  to 
the  inequalities  of  mountains  and  plains,  but  because,  if  all  its  lines  be 
considered,  it  has  the  perfect  form  of  a sphere.”  He  adds  that  stars  far 
to  the  south  are  not  vi  ,ible  to  northern  peoples,  owing  to  the  convexity 
of  the  earth. 


183.  The 
earth  and 
the  stars. 
(From  a 
little  Anglo- 
Saxon 
treatise : 
somewhat 
condensed.) 


442 


Readings  in  European  History 


Eclipse  of 
the  sun. 


Meteors. 


The  planets. 


Comets. 


184.  The 
pelican. 
(From  a 
book  on 
beasts  — 
Bestiary  ; 
early 
twelfth 
century.) 


varies.  ...  It  happens  sometimes  when  the  moon  runs  on 
the  same  track  that  the  sun  runs,  that  its  orb  intercepts  the 
sun’s,  so  that  the  sun  is  all  darkened  and  the  stars  appear 
as  by  night.  This  happens  seldom,  and  never  but  at  new 
moons.  By  this  it  is  clear  that  the  moon  is  very  large,  since 
it  thus  darkens  the  sun. 

Some  men  say  stars  fall  from  heaven,  but  it  is  not  stars 
that  fall,  but  it  is  fire  from  the  sky,  which  flies  down  from 
the  heavenly  bodies  as  sparks  do  from  fire.  Certainly 
there  are  still  as  many  stars  in  the  heavens  as  there  were 
at  the  beginning,  when  God  made  them.  They  are  almost 
all  fixed  in  the  firmament,  and  will  not  fall  thence  while  this 
world  endures.  The  sun,  and  the  moon,  and  the  evening 
star,  and  morning  star,  and  three  other  stars  are  not  fast  in 
the  firmament,  but  they  have  their  own  course  severally. 
These  seven  stars  are  called  planets. 

Those  stars  are  called  comets  which  appear  suddenly  and 
unusually,  and  which  are  rayed  so  that  the  ray  goes  from 
them  like  a sunbeam.  They  are  not  seen  for  any  long  time, 
and  as  oft  as  they  appear  they  foreshadow  something  new 
toward  the  people  over  whom  they  shine. 

A few  examples  of  mediaeval  zoology  and  of  the 
edifying  habits  of  beasts  and  birds  may  be  added. 

The  pelican  is  a bird  of  such  fashion  as  is  the  crane,  and  it 
is  found  in  Egypt.  ...  Its  nature  is  such  that  when  it  comes 
to  its  little  ones,  and  they  are  large  and  beautiful,  it  wishes  to 
fondle  them,  and  to  cover  them  with  its  wings.  But  the  little 
ones  are  fierce  ; they  seize  him  to  peck  him,  and  wish  to  de- 
vour him  and  pick  out  his  two  eyes.  Then  he  takes  them 
and  pecks  them,  and  slays  them  with  torment,  and  thereupon 
leaves  them, — leaves  them  lying  dead.  On  the  third  day  he 
returns,  and  is  grieved  to  find  them  dead,  and  makes  sore 
lamentations  when  he  sees  his  little  ones  dead  ; with  his 
beak  he  strikes  his  body  so  that  the  blood  gushes  forth:  the 
blood  goes  dropping  down  and  falls  upon  his  birdlings : the 
blood  has  such  virtue  that  by  it  they  come  to  life.  . , , 


443 


Jlie  Cultitre  of  the  Middle  Ages 

This  bird  signifies  the  son  of  Mary,  and  we  are  the  young 
birds  in  fashion  of  men.  We  are  so  raised  and  restored 
from  death  by  the  precious  blood  which  God  shed  for  us,  as 
the  birdlings  are  which  were  three  days  dead.  Now  hear 
by  science  what  that  signifies,  — why  the  birdlings  peck  at 
the  father’s  eye,  and  why  the  father  is  angry  when  he  kills 
them  thus : he  who  denies  truth  will  put  out  the  eye  of  God, 
and  God  will  take  vengeance  upon  that  people.  Have 
in  remembrance  that  this  is  the  meaning. 

Satyrs  be  somewhat  like  men,  and  have  crooked  noses, 
and  horns  in  the  forehead,  and  are  like  to  goats  in  their 
feet.  St.  Anthony  saw  such  an  one  in  the  wilderness,  as 
it  is  said,  and  he  asked  what  he  was,  and  he  answered 
Anthony,  and  said,  “ I am  deadly,  and  one  of  them  that 
dwelleth  in  the  wilderness.”  These  wonderful  beasts  be 
divers ; for  some  of  them  be  called  Cynophali,  for  they  have 
heads  as  hounds,  and  seem,  by  the  working,  beasts  rather 
than  men  ; and  some  be  called  Cyclops,  and  have  that  name 
because  each  of  them  hath  but  one  eye,  and  that  in  the 
middle  of  the  forehead  ; and  some  be  all  headless  and  nose- 
less and  their  eyes  be  in  the  shoulders ; and  some  have 
plain  faces  without  nostrils,  and  the  nether  lips  of  them 
stretch  so  that  they  hele  therewith  their  faces  when  they  be 
in  the  heat  of  the  sun  ; and  some  of  them  have  closed  mouths, 
in  their  breasts  only  one  hole,  and  breathe  and  suck,  as  it 
were,  with  pipes  and  veins,  and  these  be  accounted  tongue- 
less, and  use  signs  and  becks  instead  of  speaking ; also  in 
Scythia  be  some  with  so  great  and  large  ears,  that  they 
spread  their  ears  and  cover  all  their  bodies  with  them,  and 
these  be  called  Panchios.  . . . 

And  others  there  be  in  Ethiopia,  and  each  of  them  have 
only  one  foot,  so  great  and  so  large  that  they  beshadow 
themselves  with  the  foot  when  they  lie  gaping  on  the  ground 
in  strong  heat  of  the  sun  ; and  yet  they  be  so  swift  that  they 
be  likened  to  hounds  in  swiftness  of  running,  and  therefore 
among  the  Greeks  they  be  called  Cynopodes.  Also  some 
have  the  soles  of  their  feet  turned  backward  behind  the 


185.  Of 
satyrs, 
Cyclops,  etc. 
(From  The 
Properties  of 
Things,  by 
Bartholomew 
Anglicus, 
thirteenth 
century.) 


444 


Readings  in  European  History 


legs,  and  in  each  foot  eight  toes,  and  such  go  about  and 
stare  in  the  desert  of  Lybia. 


A discriminat- 
ing descrip- 
tion of  the 
domestic  cat. 
(From  the 
same  source.) 


The  cat  is  a full  lecherous  beast  in  youth,  swift,  pliant, 
and  merry,  and  leapeth  and  runneth  on  everything  that  is  to 
fore  him  : and  is  led  by  a straw,  and  playeth  therewith:  and 
is  a right  heavy  beast  in  age  and  full  sleepy,  and  lieth  slyly 
in  wait  for  mice:  and  is  aware  where  they  be,  more  by  smell 
than  by  sight,  and  hunteth  and  runneth  on  them  in  privy 
places ; and  when  he  taketh  a mouse,  he  playeth  therewith, 
and  eateth  him  after  the  play,  iln  time  of  love  is  hard 
fighting  for  wives,  and  one  scratcheth  and  rendeth  the  other 
grievously  with  biting  and  with  claws.  And  he  maketh  a 
ruthful  noise  and  ghastful,  when  one  proffereth  to  fight  with 
another:  nor  is  he  hurt  when  he  is  thrown  down  off  an  high 
place!^  And  when  he  hath  a fair  skin,  he  is,  as  it  were, 
proud  thereof,  and  goeth  fast  about ; and  when  his  skin  is 
burnt,  then  he  bideth  at  home  ; and  he  is  oft,  for  his  fair 
skin,  taken  of  the  skinner,  and  slain  and  flayed. 


III.  Historical  Knowledge  in  the  Middle  Ages 

Like  the  works  on  natural  science,  the  histories  of  the 
twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries  furnish  a singular  mix- 
ture of  truth  and  occasional  acute  criticism  along  with 
the  most  palpable  absurdities.  Such  a writer  as  Otto  of 
Freising  made  use  of  some  excellent  authorities,  — for 
example,  Eusebius  and  the  best  of  the  mediaeval  chroni- 
cles,— and  one  is  astonished  to  find  how  correct  and 
philosophic  is  his  account  of  the  history  of  the  world. 
He  knew  as  much  about  the  past  as  writers  of  a hundred 
years  ago.  On  the  other  hand,  there  are  frequent 
passages  like  the  following  in  other  writers  of  the  time. 

[Philip  Augustus,  distressed  by  the  ill-smelling  mud  in 
Paris,  arranges  to  have  the  city  paved  with  hard  and  solid 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


445 


blocks  of  stone.]  This  city  was  originally  called  Lutetia 
on  account  of  the  pestilential  mud  with  which  it  was  filled. 
The  inhabitants,  shocked  by  the  name,  which  was  always 
recalling  the  mud  to  them,  preferred  to  call  the  city  Paris, 
from  Paris  Alexander,  son  of  Priam,  king  of  Troy;  for  we 
read  in  the  Acts  of  the  Franks  that  the  first  king  of  the 
Franks  who  exercised  the  royal  power  was  Pharamond,  son 
of  Marcomir,  whose  father  was  Priarn,  king  of  Austrasia. 
This  Priam,  king  of  Austrasia,  was  not,  however,  the  great 
Priam,  king  of  Troy,  but  he  was  a descendant  of  Hector, 
Priam’s  son,  through  Francius,  as  will  be  seen  from  the 
following  table. 

Priam,  King  of  Troy 


Hector  Troilus 

Francius,  son  of  Hector  Turck,  son  of  Troilus 

Priam,  king  of  Austrasia 
Marcomir,  his  son 

Pharamond,  his  son,  first  king  of  Gaul, 
reigned  ii  years 

Clodius,  his  son,  reigned  20  years 

Meroveus,  of  his  race,  reigned  17  years 
Childeric,  his  son,  reigned  20  years 

Now,  since  it  is  not  rare  to  find  those  who  doubt  this 
origin  of  the  Franks  and  the  authorities  which  would  prove 
that  the  kings  of  France  may  really  be  traced  back  to  the 
Trojans,  we  have  taken  pains  to  collect  all  the  information 
in  the  history  of  Gregory  of  Tours,  in  the  chronicles  of 
Eusebius  and  of  Idacius,  besides  the  writings  of  many 
others,  in  order  to  establish  this  genealogy  correctly. 

After  the  destruction  of  Troy  a great  number  of  the 
I inhabitants  of  that  city  fled,  and  later  separated  into  two 
I peoples;  one  of  these  took  for  their  king  Francius,  son  of 
Hector,  and  consequently  grandson  of  Priam  the  former  king 
of  the  Trojans;  the  other  followed  the  son  of  Troilus,  the 
I second  son  of  Priam.  He  was  called  the  Turck  ; and  it  is 
! in  this  way,  it  is  said,  that  these  two  peoples  received  the 


186.  How 
the  Mero- 
vingian 
kings 
sprang 
from  Troy. 
(From  the 
Life  of  Philip 
Augustus, 
by  Rigord.) 


How  the 
Franks  and 
the  Turks 
came  to  be 
so  called. 


44^  Readings  in  European  History 

names  which  they  keep  even  until  to-day  of  Franks  and 
Turks. 

Having  advanced  inland,  they  soon  found  themselves  in 
Thrace  on  the  banks  of  the  Danube ; but  Turck  soon  sepa- 
rated from  Francius,  his  cousin,  in  order  to  establish  a king- 
dom in  lower  Scythia.  We  have  here  the  origin  of  the  Oster 
Goths,  the  Hypo  Goths,  the  Vandals,  and  the  Normans. 
Francius,  on  his  part,  established  himself  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  the  Danube,  and  there  he  founded  his  state  under 
the  name  of  Sicambria.  There  he  and  his  descendants 
reigned  for  the  space  of  1507  years,  until  the  time  of  the 
emperor  Valentinian,  who  came  to  the  throne  in  the  year 
376  of  the  Incarnation  of  our  Lord.  They  were  then  driven 
from  their  country  because  they  refused  to  pay,  like  the  other 
nations,  a tribute  to  the  Romans.  . . . 

They  finally  established  themselves  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Rhine  in  a country  neighboring  upon  Germany  and  Ale- 
mannia,  called  Austrasia.  Valentinian,  having  tried  their 
courage  in  many  conflicts  without  ever  being  able  to  vanquish 
them,  called  this  people  by  their  proper  name  of  “ Franks,’^ 
— that  is  to  say,  in  the  language  of  the  North,  Feranc  — that 
is  ferocious.  The  Franks  soon  increased  their  power  to  such 
an  extent  that  they  finally  conquered  all  Germany,  and  Gaul 
as  far  as  the  Pyrenees  and  beyond. 

IV.  Abelard  and  the  Universities 

While  Abelard  was  not  the  first  teacher  to  attract 
students  to  Paris,  his  great  gifts  and  his  remarkable 
popularity  served  to  arouse  such  enthusiasm  for  learning 
that  it  was  not  long  after  his  death  that  the  teachers 
and  students  became  so  numerous  that  they  organized 
themselves  into  guilds,  or  corporations,  which  formed  the 
basis  of  the  later  university. 

It  is  not  difficult  to  understand  the  charm  of  Abelard’s 
teaching.  Three  qualities  are  assigned  to  it  by  the  writers 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


447 


of  the  period,  some  of  whom  studied  at  his  feet : clearness, 
richness  in  imagery,  and  lightness  of  touch  are  said  to  have 
been  the  chief  characteristics  of  his  teaching.  Clearness  is, 
indeed,  a quality  of  his  written  works,  though  they  do  not, 
naturally,  convey  an  impression  of  his  oral  power.  His 
splendid  gifts  and  versatility,  supported  by  a rich  voice,  a 
charming  personality,  a ready  and  sympathetic  use  of  human 
literature,  and  a freedom  from  excessive  piety,  gave  him  an 
immeasurable  advantage  over  all  the  teachers  of  the  day. 
Beside  most  of  them,  he  was  as  a butterfly  to  an  elephant. 
A most  industrious  study  of  the  Roman  classics  that  were 
available,  a retentive  memory,  an  ease  in  manipulating  his 
knowledge,  a clear,  penetrating  mind,  with  a corresponding 
clearness  of  expression,  a ready  and  productive  fancy,  a 
great  knowledge  of  men,  a warmer  interest  in  things  human 
than  in  things  divine,  a laughing  contempt  for  authority,  a 
handsome  presence,  and  a musical  delivery,  — these  were 
his  gifts. 

Nov^here  is  so  much  to  be  found  about  Abelard’s  life 
and  the  education  of  his  time  as  in  a certain  long,  sad 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  a friend  describing  his  troubles, 
and  which  is  really  a brief  autobiography.  He  tells  first 
of  his  birth  in  Brittany,  not  far  from  Nantes.  His  father 
had  been  interested  in  learning,  although  a soldier  by 
profession,  and  had  resolved  that  his  children  should  be 
reared  in  letters  before  they  were  trained  in  arms.  Abe- 
lard, the  firstborn,  decided  to  surrender  all  his  possessions 
to  his  brothers  and  set  forth  to  seek  instruction,  especially 
in  logic,  preferring  the  laurels  to  be  won  in  disputation 
to  the  trophies  of  war,  the  natural  profession  of  a young 
nobleman. 

Consequently  [he  says]  I traversed  the  various  provinces, 
engaging  in  disputation  and  visiting  all  those  places  where 
I heard  that  the  art  of  logic  flourished.  I came  finally  to 


187.  Abe- 
lard’s popu- 
larity as  a 
teacher. 
(From 
McCabe’s 
Abelard.) 


188.  Abe- 
lard’s 
auto- 
biography. 
(Summary 
of  the 
earlier 
portions.) 


448 


Readings  in  Eicropean  History 


Abelard 
falls  out 
with  his 
master  at 
Paris. 


Abelard 
turns  to 
theology. 


Paris,  where  this  art  was  wont  to  be  most  cultivated,  to 
William  of  Champeaux,  my  preceptor,  who  at  that  time  was 
quite  justly  famous  in  his  profession.  I remained  with  him 
for  a time  and  was  at  first  favorably  received ; later  he  came 
to  dislike  me  heartily,  when  I attempted  to  oppose  certain  of 
his  opinions.  I began  frequently  to  argue  against  him,  and 
sometimes  appeared  to  get  the  better  of  him  in  debate. 
Moreover  those  among  my  fellow-students  who  stood  high- 
est were  especially  indignant  with  me,  since  I was  reckoned 
of  slight  consequence  owing  to  my  youth  and  the  brief 
period  I had  been  studying.  Here  my  calamities  had  their 
beginning  and  they  still  continue. 

[In  spite  of  his  youthfulness  Abelard  ventured  to  begin 
teaching  for  himself  near  Paris,  and  attracted  many  stu- 
dents. But  he  speedily  broke  down  in  health  and  went 
back  to  Brittany  for  several  years.  Later  he  returned  to 
Paris,  and  forced  poor  William  of  Champeaux  to  change 
the  formulation  of  his  doctrine  in  a single  point.  The 
master  being  thus  discredited,  the  students  now  flocked  to 
listen  to  the  new  teacher.  Before  long,  however,  Abelard 
decided  to  turn  to  theology.  He  accordingly  went  to  Laon, 
to  study  under  Master  Anselm,  then  famous  in  that  subject] 

I accordingly  betook  myself  to  this  old  man,  but  found  that 
he  owed  his  name  rather  to  mere  tradition  than  to  any  special 
ability.  If  one  applied  to  him,  uncertain  as  to  some  ques- 
tion, one  left  him  still  more  uncertain.  He  was  marvelous 
in  the  eyes  of  those  who  merely  listened,  but  contemptible 
to  those  who  asked  questions.  He  enjoyed  an  astonishing 
facility  in  words  but  was  despicable  in  his  understanding 
and  fatuous  in  his  reasoning.  . . . When  I discovered  that 
he  was  like  a tree  full  of  leaves  but  without  fruit,  I did  not 
spend  many  days  lying  idle  in  his  shade.  I went  more  and 
more  infrequently  to  his  lectures.  Some  of  the  most  promi- 
nent among  his  students  took  this  ill,  since  I seemed  to 
despise  their  great  master. 

[One  day  Abelard’s  fellow-students,  who  regarded  him 
as  very  ill  prepared  for  the  study  of  theology,  asked  him 
jokingly  what  he  thought  of  the  reading  of  the  Scriptures. 


The  Ciiltitre  of  the  Middle  Ages 


449 


Abelard  replied  that  he  believed  that  any  one  who  could 
read  ought  to  be  able  to  understand  the  writings  of  the 
saints  without  a long  course  under  a master.]  Those  who 
heard  laughed  and  asked  if  I would  presume  to  interpret  the 
Scriptures  myself.  I said  that  if  they  wished  to  try  me  I was 
ready.  They  then  exclaimed,  amid  renewed  laughter,  that 
they  gladly  assented. 

[They  agreed  upon  a very  obscure  passage  in  Ezekiel. 
Abelard  insisted  upon  the  students  coming  on  the  morrow, 
although  they  advised  him  to  take  more  time  to  think  over 
the  passage.]  I said  indignantly  that  it  was  not  my  custom 
to  reach  my  goal  by  long  practice  but  by  my  wits.  I added 
that  they  should  either  let  me  off  altogether  or  come  to  my 
lecture  when  I wished  them  to  come. 

At  my  first  lecture  few  were  present,  since  it  seemed  absurd 
to  them  all  that  I,  hitherto  almost  wholly  inexperienced  in 
the  Scriptures,  should  undertake  the  task  so  suddenly.  How- 
ever, all  who  came  were  so  pleased  that,  one  and  all,  they 
praised  my  words  and  urged  me  to  proceed  with  my  comments 
according  to  my  interpretation.  As  the  affair  became  known, 
those  who  had  not  been  present  at  the  first  lecture  began 
to  come  in  great  numbers  to  the  second  and  third.  All 
were,  moreover,  eager  to  make  notes  from  the  very  begin- 
ning, upon  the  explanation  which  I had  given  the  first  day. 

[Not  unnaturally  Anselm  was  very  much  irritated  and  made 
the  audacious  and  self-complacent  lecturer  a great  deal  of 
trouble  later.] 

Enough  has  been  given  from  Abelard’s  famous  biogra- 
phy to  show  something  of  his  character.  The  reasons, 
too,  are  clear  why  he  had  many  enemies.  He  has  well 
been  called  the  enfant  terrible  of  the  schools  of  his  day. 

In  order  to  justify  and  promote  a free  discussion  of  the 
theological  questions  in  which  he  was  much  interested, 
Abelard  prepared  his  famous  book,  Yea  and  Nay.  A 
brief  summary  of  the  introduction  is  given  below. 


Abelard 
lectures  on 
Ezekiel 
without 
preparation. 


450 


Readings  in  European  History 


189.  Abe-  There  are  many  seeming  contradictions  and  even  obscuri- 
lard*s  innumerable  writings  of  the  church  fathers.  Our 

Yea  and  Nay  . 

(summarized),  respect  for  their  authority  should  not  stand  in  the  way  of 
an  effort  on  our  part  to  come  at  the  truth.  The  obscurity 
and  contradictions  in  ancient  writings  may  be  explained  upon 
many  grounds,  and  may  be  discussed  without  impugning 
the  good  faith  and  insight  of  the  fathers.  A writer  may  use 
different  terms  to  mean  the  same  thing,  in  order  to  avoid  a 
monotonous  repetition  of  the  same  word.  Common,  vague 
words  may  be  employed  in  order  that  the  common  people 
may  understand ; and  sometimes  a writer  sacrifices  perfect 
accuracy  in  the  interest  of  a clear  general  statement.  Poeti- 
cal, figurative  language  is  often  obscure  and  vague. 

Not  infrequently  apocryphal  works  are  attributed  to  the 
saints.  Then,  even  the  best  authors  often  introduce  the 
erroneous  views  of  others  and  leave  the  reader  to  distinguish 
between  the  true  and  the  false.  Sometimes,  as  Augustine 
confesses  in  his  own  case,  the  fathers  ventured  to  rely  upon 
the  opinions  of  others. 

Doubtless  the  fathers  might  err ; even  Peter,  the  prince  of 
the  apostles,  fell  into  error;  what  wonder  that  the  saints 
do  not  always  show  themselves  inspired  ? The  fathers  did 
not  themselves  believe  that  they,  or  their  companions,  were 
always  right.  Augustine  found  himself  mistaken  in  some 
cases  and  did  not  hesitate  to  retract  his  errors.  He  warns 
his  admirers  not  to  look  upon  his  letters  as  they  would  upon 
the  Scriptures,  but  to  accept  only  those  things  which,  upon 
examination,  they  find  to  be  true. 

• All  writings  belonging  to  this  class  are  to  be  read  with 

full  freedom  to  criticise,  and  with  no  obligation  to  accept 
unquestioningly ; otherwise  the  way  would  be  blocked  to  all 
discussion,  and  posterity  be  deprived  of  the  excellent  intel- 
lectual exercise  of  debating  difficult  questions  of  language 
and  presentation.  But  an  explicit  exception  must  be  made  in 
the  case  of  the  Old  and  New  Testaments.  In  the  Scriptures, 
when  anything  strikes  us  as  absurd,  we  may  not  say  that  the 
writer  erred,  but  that  the  scribe  made  a blunder  in  copying 
the  manuscripts,  or  that  there  is  an  error  in  interpretation,  or 


The  CiUtiLre  of  the  Middle  Ages  451 

that  the  passage  is  not  understood.  The  fathers  make  a 
very  careful  distinction  between  the  Scriptures  and  later 
works.  They  advocate  a discriminating,  not  to  say  suspi- 
cious, use  of  the  writings  of  their  own  contemporaries. 

In  view  of  these  considerations,  I have  ventured  to  bring 
together  various  dicta  of  the  holy  fathers,  as  they  came  to 
mind,  and  to  formulate  certain  questions  which  were  sug- 
gested by  the  seeming  contradictions  in  the  statements. 
These  questions  ought  to  serve  to  excite  tender  readers  to  a 
zealous  inquiry  into  truth  and  so  sharpen  their  wits.  The 
master  key  of  knowledge  is,  indeed,  a persistent  and  frequent 
questioning.  Aristotle,  the  most  clear-sighted  of  all  the  phi- 
losophers, was  desirous  above  all  things  else  to  arouse  this 
questioning  spirit,  for  in  his  Categories  he  exhorts  a student 
as  follows  : “ It  may  well  be  difficult  to  reach  a positive 
conclusion  in  these  matters  unless  they  be  frequently  dis- 
cussed. It  is  by  no  means  fruitless  to  be  doubtful  on  par- 
ticular points.’’  By  doubting  we  come  to  examine,  and  by 
examining  we  reach  the  truth. 

Abelard  supplies  one  hundred  and  fifty-eight  prob- 
lems, carefully  balancing  the  authorities  pro  and  con, 
and  leaves  the  student  to  solve  each  problem  as  best 
he  may.  This  doubtless  shocked  many  of  his  con- 
temporaries. Later  scholastic  lecturers  did  not  hesitate 
to  muster  all  possible  objections  to  a particular  position, 
but  they  always  had  a solution  of  their  own  to  propose 
and  defend. 

The  following  will  serve  as  examples  of  the  questions 
- Abelard  raised  in  the  Yea  and  Nay : 

Should  human  faith  be  based  upon  reason,  or  no  ? 

Is  God  one,  or  no  ? 

Is  God  a substance,  or  no  ? 

Does  the  first  Psalm  refer  to  Christ,  or  no } 

Is  sin  pleasing  to  God,  or  no  ? 

Is  God  the  author  of  evil,  or  no  ? 


Questions 
proposed  by 
Abelard  for 
discussion. 


452 


Readings  in  European  History 


Is  God  all-powerful,  or  no  ? 

Can  God  be  resisted,  or  no  ? 

Has  God  free  will,  or  no  ? 

Was  the  first  man  persuaded  to  sin  by  the  devil,  or  no  ? 
Was  Adam  saved,  or  no  ? 

Did  all  the  apostles  have  wives  except  John,  or  no  ? 

Are  the  flesh  and  blood  of  Christ  in  very  truth  and  essence 
present  in  the  sacrament  of  the  altar,  or  no  ? 

Do  we  sometimes  sin  unwillingly,  or  no  ? . 

Does  God  punish  the  same  sin  both  here  and  in  the  future, 
or  no  ? 

Is  it  worse  to  sin  openly  than  secretly,  or  no  ? 


190.  Privi- 
leges 

granted  to 
students  by- 
Frederick 
Barbarossa. 


In  the  thirteenth  century  the  rulers,  both  ecclesiastical 
and  lay,  vied  with  one  another  in  protecting  the  ever- 
growing body  of  students  and  in  granting  them  excep- 
tional privileges.  The  first  instance  of  such  protection 
is  found  in  the  following  document  issued  by  Frederick 
Barbarossa  in  1158. 


After  a careful  consideration  of  this  subject  by  the  bishops, 
abbots,  dukes,  counts,  judges,  and  other  nobles  of  our  sacred 
palace,  we,  out  of  our  piety,  have  granted  this  privilege  to  all 
scholars  who  travel  for  the  sake  of  study,  and  especially  to 
the  professors  of  divine  and  sacred  laws,  namely : that  they 
may  go  in  safety  to  the  places  in  which  the  studies  are  carried 
on,  both  they  themselves  and  their  messengers,  and  may 
dwell  there  in  security.  For  we  think  it  fitting  that,  so  long 
as  they  conduct  themselves  with  propriety,  those  should 
enjoy  our  approval  and  protection  who,  by  their  learning, 
enlighten  the  world  and  mold  the  life  of  our  subjects  to 
obey  God  and  us,  his  minister.  By  reason  of  our  special 
regard  we  desire  to  defend  them  from  all  injuries. 

For  who  does  not  pity  those  who  exile  themselves  through 
love  for  learning,  who  wear  themselves  out  in  poverty  in  place  ^ 
of  riches,  who  expose  their  lives  to  all  perils  and  often  suffer 
bodily  injury  from  the  vilest  men,  — yet  all  these  vexatious 


The  CiUtiire  of  the  Middle  Ages 


453 


things  must  be  endured  by  the  scholar.  Therefore,  we 
declare,  by  this  general  and  ever-to-be-valid  law,  that  in  the 
future  no  one  shall  be  so  rash  as  to  venture  to  inflict  any 
injury  on  scholars,  or  to  occasion  any  loss  to  them  on  account 
of  a debt  owed  by  an  inhabitant  of  their  province,  — a thing 
which  we  have  learned  is  sometimes  done,  by  an  evil  custom. 
And  let  it  be  known  to  the  violators  of  this  decree,  and  also 
to  those  who  shall  at  the  time  be  the  rulers  of  the  places 
where  the  offense  is  committed,  that  a fourfold  restitution  of 
property  shall  be  exacted  from  all  those  who  are  guilty  and 
that,  the  mark  of  infamy  being  affixed  to  them  by  the  law 
itself,  they  shall  lose  their  office  forever. 

Moreover,  if  any  one  shall  presume  to  bring  a suit  against 
them  on  account  of  any  business,  the  choice  in  this  matter 
shall  be  given  to  the  scholars,  who  may  summon  the  accusers 
to  appear  before  their  professors,  or  before  the  bishop  of 
the  city,  to  whom  we  have  given  jurisdiction  in  this  matter. 
But  if,  in  sooth,  the  accuser  shall  attempt  to  drag  the  scholar 
before  another  judge,  even  though  his  cause  is  a very  just 
one,  he  shall  lose  his  suit  for  such  an  attempt. 

We  also  order  this  law  to  be  inserted  among  the  imperial 
constitutions  under  the  title,  ne  filius  pro  patre^  etc. 

Given  at  Roncaglia,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1158,  in  the 
month  of  November.^ 


A modern  writer  gives  the  following  picture  of  student 
life  at  Paris  in  Abelard’s  time. 

At  five  or  six  o’clock  each  morning  the  great  cathedral 
bell  would  ring  out  the  summons  to  work.  From  the  neigh- 
boring houses  of  the  canons,  from  the  cottages  of  the  towns- 
folk, from  the  taverns,  and  hospices,  and  boarding-houses, 
the  stream  of  the  industrious  would  pour  into  the  enclosure 
beside  the  cathedral.  The  master’s  beadle,  who  levied  a 


191.  An 
account  of 
the  lectures 
at  Paris. 
(From 
McCabe’s 
Abelard.) 


1 The  remarkable  privileges  granted  by  Philip  Augustus  to  the  stu- 
dents at  Paris  in  1200,  and  the  protection  extended  to  the  same  students 
by  Pope  Gregory  IX  in  1231,  may  be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprints., 
Vol.  II,  No.  3,  “ The  Meiaeval  Student,”  by  Professor  Munro. 


454 


Readmgs  in  European  History 


precarious  tax  on  the  mob,  would  strew  the  floor  of  the  lec- 
ture hall  with  hay  or  straw,  according  to  the  season,  bring 
the  master^s  text-book,  with  the  notes  of  the  lecture  between 
lines  or  on  the  margin,  to  the  solitary  desk,  and  then  retire 
to  secure  silence  in  the  adjoining  street.  Sitting  on  their 
haunches  in  the  hay,  the  right  knee  raised  to  serve  as  a desk 
for  the  waxed  tablets,  the  scholars  would  take  notes  during 
the  long  hours  of  lecture  (about  six  or  seven),  then  hurry 
home  — if  they  were  industrious  — to  commit  them  to  parch- 
ment while  the  light  lasted. 

The  lecture  over,  the  stream  would  flow  back  aver  the 
Little  Bridge,  filling  the  taverns  and  hospices,  and  pouring 
out  over  the  great  playing  meadow,  that  stretched  from  the 
island  to  the  present  Champ  de  Mars.  All  the  games  of 
Europe  were  exhibited  on  that  international  play-ground : 
running,  jumping,  wrestling,  hurling,  fishing  and  swimming 
in  the  Seine,  tossing  and  thumping  the  inflated  ball  — a 
game  on  which  some  minor  poet  of  the  day  has  left  us  an 
enthusiastic  lyric  — and  especially  the  great  game  of  war, 
in  its  earlier  and  less  civilized  form.  The  nations  were  not 
yet  systematically  grouped,  and  long  and  frequent  were  the 
dangerous  conflicts. 


192.  Life 
of  the 
students 
at  Paris. 
(From  The 
History  of 
the  West, 
by  Jacques 
de  Vitry ; 
d.  1240.) 


That  the  students  had  a bad  reputation  among  the 
serious-minded  may  be  inferred  from  the  following. 

Almost  all  the  students  at  Paris,  foreigners  and  natives, 
did  absolutely  nothing  except  learn  or  hear  something  new. 
Some  studied  merely  to  acquire  knowledge,  which  is  curi- 
osity ; others  to  acquire  fame,  which  is  vanity ; still  others 
for  the  sake  of  gain,  which  is  cupidity  and  the  vice  of 
simony.  Very  few  studied  for  their  own  edification  or  that 
of  others.  They  wrangled  and  disputed  not  merely  about 
the  various  factions  and  subjects  of  discussions;  but  the 
differences  between  the  countries  also  caused  dissensions, 
hatreds  and  virulent  animosities  among  them,  and  they 
impudently  uttered  all  kinds  of  affronts  and  insults  against 
one  another. 


The  Ciilture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


455 


They  affirmed  that  the  English  were  drunkards  and  had 
tails ; that  the  sons  of  France  were  proud,  effeminate  and 
carefully  adorned  like  women.  They  said  that  the  Germans 
were  furious  and  obscene  at  their  feasts ; the  Normans,  vain 
and  boastful ; the  Poitevins,  traitors  and  always  adventurers. 
The  Burgundians  they  considered  vulgar  and  stupid.  The 
Bretons  were  reported  to  be  fickle  and  changeable  and  were 
often  reproached  for  the  death  of  Arthur.  The  Lombards 
were  called  avaricious,  wicked  and  cowardly ; the  Romans, 
seditious,  turbulent  and  slanderous  ; the  Sicilians,  tyrannical, 
brigands  and  ravishers  ; the  Flemings,  fickle,  prodigal,  glut- 
tonous, yielding  as  butter,  and  slothful.  After  such  insults 
as  these  in  words  they  often  came  to  blows. 


V.  Supremacy  of  Aristotle  in  the  Mediaeval 
Universities  : Scholasticism 

Aristotle,  utilizing  all  that  the  previous  Greek  phi- 
losophers, including  Socrates  and  Plato,  had  discovered, 
augmented  what  the  past  had  bequeathed  to  him  by  his 
own  thought  and  investigations.  He  then  gathered  the 
whole  vast  and  heterogeneous  material  into  a series  of 
works  summing  up  the  achievements  of  the  Greeks  in 
all  the  more  important  fields  of  knowledge,  — logic,  meta- 
physics, physics,  natural  history,  politics,  ethics,  rhetoric, 
etc.  His  works  form  an  encyclopedia  of  ancient  thought 
and  discovery.  Abelard  possessed  none  of  Aristotle's 
works  except  a part  of  his  logical  treatises,  but  shortly 
after  the  year  1200  practically  all  of  his  works  became 
known  in  Paris.  The  abstract  scientific  discussion  and 
the  unreligious  character  of  his  books  offended  some 
good  people,  but  the  enthusiasm  for  his  incomparable 
learning  and  insight  was  so  great  that  he  was  generally 
held  in  the  utmost  veneration. 


193.  Aver- 
roes  on 
Aristotle’s 
greatness. 


Attitude  of 
the  Church 
toward 
Aristotle’s 
works. 


456  Readings  in  European  History 

His  Arabic  commentator,  Averroes,  shared  his  fame, 
and  promoted  the  superstitious  awe  in  which  ‘‘  The  Phi- 
losopher ” was  held  by  the  following  eulogy,  to  be  found 
in  the  preface  to  his  commentary  on  Aristotle’s  Physics, 

Aristotle  was  the  wisest  of  the  Greeks  and  constituted 
and  completed  logic,  physics,  and  metaphysics.  I say  that 
he  constituted  these  sciences,  because  all  the  works  on  these 
subjects  previous  to  him  do  not  deserve  to  be  mentioned 
and  were  completely  eclipsed  by  his  writings.  I say  that 
he  put  the  finishing  touches  on  these  sciences,  because  none 
of  those  who  have  succeeded  him  up  to  our  time,  to  wit, 
during  nearly  fifteen  hundred  years,  have  been  able  to  add 
anything  to  his  writings  or  find  in  them  any  error  of  any 
importance.  Now  that  all  this  should  be  found  in  one  man 
is  a strange  and  miraculous  thing,  and  this  privileged  being 
deserves  to  be  called  divine  rather  than  human. 

The  Church  at  first  opposed  the  study  of  Aristotle's 
books  on  natural  philosophy,  and  forbade,  in  1210,  their 
discussion  at  Paris.  Five  years  later  the  papal  legate 
ordered  that  no  one  should  lecture  upon  either  the  meta- 
physics or  natural  philosophy  of  Aristotle,  or  discuss 
the  commentary  of  Averroes.  In  spite  of  this  we  find 
the  University  of  Toulouse  advertising  in  1229  that  the 
various  treatises  on  natural  science  which  had  been 
prohibited  at  Paris  might  be  read  there  freely  by  all 
those  who  cared  to  penetrate  into  the  secrets  of  nature. 

When,  about  1230,  Pope  Gregory  IX  undertook  a 
partial  reorganization  of  the  demoralized  University  of 
Paris,  he  learned  that  the  prohibited  books  of  natural 
science  by  Aristotle  contained  many  useful  matters, 
along  with  some  reprehensible  things.  Three  masters 
were  consequently  appointed  to  examine  the  works  with 
penetration  and  prudence  and  suppress  everything  which 


457 


The  Culticre  of  the  Middle  Ages 

might  lead  to  scandal  or  harm  the  reader,  so  that  the 
rest  might  become  a safe  subject  for  study.  This  was 
a difficult  task,  and  the  pope’s  plan  was  not  carried  out. 
It  would  seem  that  the  monks  and  some  of  the  theolo- 
gians remained  suspicious  of  Aristotle  during  pretty 
much  the  whole  of  the  thirteenth  century. 

The  distinguished  Dominican  monk,  Albertus  Mag- 
nus, undertook,  however,  to  put  Aristotle  in  a form 
suitable  for  general  study.  He  did  this  by  writing  a 
series  of  works  in  which  he  followed  Aristotle’s  classifi- 
cation of  the  sciences,  and  in  which  he  incorporated  his 
own  notions  and  discoveries  and  the  suggestions  of  the 
Arabic  commentators.  While  this  was  useful  as  a form 
of  popularization,  Aristotle  roused  such  interest  in  the 
minds  of  many  of  the  scholars  of  the  time  that  they 
began  to  ask  to  see  his  work  in  its  original  form. 

It  was  perhaps  due  to  this  demand  that  Thomas  Aqui- 
nas undertook,  with  a collaborator,  a new  translation,  or 
revision  of  the  Latin  version,  of  many  of  Aristotle’s 
works,  and  then  added  a commentary  on  the  text. 
Aquinas  appears  to  have  done  his  work  with  extraor- 
dinary thoroughness  and  to  have,  in  general,  faithfully 
reproduced  the  thought,  although  his  translation,  like 
Aristotle’s  own  works,  has  little  elegance  of  style. 

Aquinas  did  not,  however,  share  the  unreasonable 
admiration  for  Aristotle  which  was  expressed  by  the 
followers  of  Averroes.  He  declares  that  ‘Hhe  object 
of  the  study  of  philosophy  is  not  to  learn  what  men 
have  thought,  but  what  is  the  real  truth  of  the  matter.” 
He  says,  moreover,  in  his  commentary  on  The  Meta- 
physics: Anything  that  a single  man  can  contribute 

by  his  labors  to  the  knowledge  of  truth  is  necessarily 


Editing  of 

Aristotle’s 

works  by 

Albertus 

Magnus  and 

Thomas 

Aquinas. 


View  of 
Aquinas 
on  the 
progress  of 
thought. 


458 


Readings  in  European  History 


Roger 

Bacon’s 

views. 


194.  Rash- 
dall  on 
Aquinas 
and  his 
work. 


trifling  in  comparison  with  our  knowledge.  Neverthe- 
less, when  all  the  contributions  are  correlated,  selected, 
and  brought  together,  they  produce  something  really 
great.  This  is  readily  seen  in  the  case  of  the  various 
branches  of  knowledge  where,  by  the  studies  and  insight 
of  many  investigators,  a marvelous  increase  results.'' 

Roger  Bacon,  as  usual,  took  a rather  gloomy  view  of 
the  situation.  ‘‘The  books  and  sciences  of  Aristotle,’' 
he  says,  “are  the  foundations  of  all  the  study  of  wisdom, 
and  whoever  is  ignorant  of  his  works  labors  in  vain  and 
takes  useless  pains.  Yet  the  sciences  in  general,  such 
as  logic,  natural  philosophy,  mathematics,  are  so  badly 
translated  that  no  mortal  can  really  understand  anything 
of  them,  as  I myself  have  learned  by  sad  experience. 
. . . Therefore  I am  sure  it  would  be  better  for  the 
Latins  if  the  wisdom  of  Aristotle  had  not  been  trans- 
lated at  all  than  translated  so  obscurely  and  incorrectly." 
Bacon  declares,  further,  that  he  has  seen  the  translations 
made  by  Thomas  Aquinas  and  his  colleague,  and  that 
they  are  altogether  incorrect  and  should  be  carefully 
avoided. 

In  his  remarkable  History  of  the  Mediceval  Univer- 
sities Rashdall  thus  describes  the  work  of  the  great 
Dominican  scholars. 

The  Dominican  theologians  made  peace  between  the  con- 
tending factions  by  placing  Aristotle  and  the  fathers  side 
by  side,  and  deferring  as  reverently  to  the  one  as  to  the 
other,  except  on  the  few  fundamental  points  upon  which 
the  former  could  not  be  interpreted  into  harmony  with  the 
latter.  The  scholastic  form  of  argument,  which  attained  its 
full  development  in  Aquinas,  — a chain  of  authorities  and 
syllogisms  in  defence  of  one  thesis,  another  series  for  the 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


459 


opposite  view,  a conclusion  in  harmony  with  Augustine  or 
Aristotle,  as  the  case  might  be,  and  a reply  to  the  opposing 
arguments  by  means  of  ingenious  distinction  or  reconcili- 
ation, — afforded  exceptional  facilities  for  the  harmonious 
combination  of  orthodoxy  and  intellectuality.^ 

The  Dominicans  showed  the  Latin  churchman  how  to 
be  ingenious,  startling,  brilliant,  even  destructive,  without 
suspicion  of  heresy.  [St.]  Bernard  would  have  been  shocked 
at  the  idea  of  inventing  or  even  of  fairly  stating  objections 
to  the  Catholic  Faith.  By  the  time  of  Aquinas  it  was  felt 
that  the  better  the  imaginary  opponent’s  case  could  be  stated, 
the  more  credit  there  was  in  refuting  it.  The  scholar’s  intel- 
lectual enjoyment  of  thirty  ingenious  arguments  against  the 
Immortality  of  the  Soul  was  not  diminished  by  the  thirty-six 
equally  ingenious  arguments  with  which  the  attack  would 
immediately  be  met.  In  scholastic  disputation  restless  intel- 
lectual activity  found  an  innocent  outlet;  love  of  controversy 
and  speculation,  the  real  ardour  for  truth  and  knowledge 
which  distinguished  the  age  of  Berengar^  and  the  age  of 
Abelard,  had  for  the  most  part  degenerated.  . . . 

Hitherto  Philosophy  had  been  either  an  avowed  foe  to 
Theology  or  a dangerous  and  suspected  ally.  By  the  genius 
of  the  great  Dominicans  all  that  was  Christian,  or  not  un- 
christian, in  Aristotle  was  woven  into  the  very  substance 
and  texture  of  what  was  henceforth  more  and  more  to  grow 
into  the  accredited  Theology  of  the  Catholic  Church.  The 
contents  of  whole  treatises  of  the  pagan  Philosopher  — in- 
cluding even  his  great  treatise  on  Ethics  — are  embodied 
in  the  Summa  Theologiae  of  Aquinas,  still  the  great  classic 
of  the  Seminaries.  To  that  marvellous  structure  — strangely 
compounded  of  solid  thought,  massive  reasoning,  baseless 
subtlety,  childish  credulity,  lightest  fancy  — Aristotle  has 
contributed  assuredly  not  less  than  St.  Augustine. 

1 An  example  of  the  scholastic  method  of  arraying  arguments  and 
reaching  conclusions  will  be  found  in  Translations  and  Reprints^ 
Vol.  Ill,  No.  6. 

2 A philosopher  of  the  eleventh  century. 


460 


Readings  in  Eitropean  History 


195.  Roger 
Bacon’s 
eulogy  of 
one  who 
devoted 
himself 
to  experi- 
mental 
science. 


VI.  Roger  Bacon  and  the  Beginning  of  Modern 
Experimental  Science 

The  following  passage  makes  clear  Bacon’s  attitude 
toward  investigation,  and  also  shows  that  he  was  not 
the  only  one  who  was  turning  his  attention,  to  experi- 
ment, which  was  to  prove  so  fruitful  in  the  following 
centuries. 

One  man  I know,  and  one  only,  who  can  be  praised  for 
his  achievements  in  experimental  science.^  Of  discourses 
and  battles  of  words  he  takes  no  heed : he  pursues  the 
works  of  wisdom  and  in  them  finds  satisfaction.  What 
others  strive  to  see  dimly  and  blindly,  like  bats  blinking  at 
the  sun  in  the  twilight,  he  gazes  at  in  the  full  light  of  day, 
because  he  is  a master  of  experiment.  Through  experiment 
he  gains  knowledge  of  natural  things,  medical,  chemical, 
indeed  of  everything  in  the  heavens  and  on  earth. 

He  is  ashamed  that  things  should  be  known  to  laymen,  old 
women,  soldiers,  plowmen,  of  which  he  is  ignorant.  There- 
fore he  has  looked  closely  into  the  doings  of  those  who  melt 
metals  and  who  work  in  gold  and  silver  and  other  metals 
and  in  minerals  of  all  sorts ; he  knows  everything  relating  to 
the  art  of  war,  the  making  of  weapons,  and  the  chase  ; he  has 
looked  carefully  into  agriculture,  mensuration,  and  farming 
work ; he  has  even  taken  note  of  remedies,  lot  casting,  and 
charms  used  by  old  women  and  by  wizards  and  magicians, 
and  of  the  devices  and  deceptions  of  conjurers,  so  that 
nothing  which  deserves  investigation  should  escape  him,  and 
in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to  expose  the  impostures 
of  the  magicians. 

If  philosophy  is  to  be  carried  to  its  perfection  and  is  to 
be  handled  with  certainty  and  advantage,  his  aid  is  indis- 
pensable. As  for  reward,  he  neither  receives  it  nor  looks 
for  it.  If  he  frequented  the  courts  of  kings  and  princes  he 
would  easily  find  those  who  would  bestow  upon  him  both 

1 Of  Peter  of  Maricourt,  to  whom  Bacon  refers,  very  little  is  known. 


461 


The  Ciiltitre  of  the  Middle  Ages 

honor  and  wealth.  Or  if  he  would  show  the  results  of  his 
researches  in  Paris  the  whole  world  would  follow  him.  But 
since  either  of  these  courses  would  hinder  him  from  pursuing 
the  great  experiments  in  which  he  takes  delight,  he  puts 
honor  and  wealth  aside,  knowing  well  that  his  knowledge 
would  secure  him  wealth  whenever  he  chose.  For  the  last 
three  years  he  has  been  working  at  the  invention  of  a mirror 
which  should  produce  combustion  at  a fixed  distance,  and  he 
will,  with  God’s  aid,  soon  reach  his  end. 

In  a curious  letter  On  the  hidden  workings  of  nature 
and  art  and  the  emptyness  of  magic,”  Bacon  forecasts 
the  wonderful  achievements  which  he  believed  would 
come  with  the  progress  of  applied  science. 

I will  now  enumerate  the  marvelous  results  of  art  and 
nature  which  will  make  all  kinds  of  magic  appear  trivial 
and  unworthy.  Instruments  for  navigation  can  be  made 
which  will  do  away  with  the  necessity  of  rowers,  so  that 
great  vessels,  both  in  rivers  and  on  the  sea,  shall  be  borne 
about  with  only  a single  man  to  guide  them  and  with  greater 
speed  than  if  they  were  full  of  men.  And  carriages  can  be 
constructed  to  move  without  animals  to  draw  them,  and  with 
incredible  velocity.  Machines  for  flying  can  be  made  in 
which  a man  sits  and  turns  an  ingenious  device  by  which 
skillfully  contrived  wings  are  made  to  strike  the  air  in  the 
manner  of  a flying  bird.  Then  arrangements  can  be  devised, 
compact  in  themselves,  for  raising  and  lowering  weights 
indefinitely  great.  . . . Bridges  can  be  constructed  ingen- 
iously so  as  to  span  rivers  without  any  supports. 

Some  other  hopes  expressed  elsewhere  in  this  letter 
seem  a bit  fantastic,  even  to  us,  habituated  as  we  are 
to  the  most  incredible  achievements.  We  may,  how- 
ever, yet  learn  to  make  gold  and  to  prolong  human  life 
almost  indefinitely,  as  Bacon  believed  would  be  possible. 


196.  Bacon 

foresees 

marvelous 

progress  in 

inventions. 

(Slightly 

condensed.) 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


462  Readings  in  European  History 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Popular  Literature  : B^mont  and  Monod,  pp.  527-534  ; Emerton, 
pp.  471-476;  Henderson,  Germany  in  the  Middle  Ages,  pp.  427-437; 
Masson,  Mediceval  France,  pp.  36-46. 

Chivalry:  Henderson,  Short  History  of  Germany,  pp.  111-121; 
Masson,  pp.  33-36.  The  making  of  a knight,  and  a fourteenth-century 
tourney:  Fling,  Studies,  Vol.  II,  No.  4. 

Architecture  : Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  536-544.  The  burning  and 
rebuilding  of  Canterbury  Cathedral : Colby,  pp.  59-63. 

Rise  of  the  Universities:  Bemont  and  Monod,  pp.  515-527; 
Emerton,  pp.  465-471 ; Munro,  pp.  160-168;  Tout,  pp.  428-434  and 
444-449.  University  charters  and  privileges:  Henderson,  Select 
Documents,  pp.  262-266.  Course  of  study  at  Paris  : Translations  and 
Rep7'ints,  Vol.  II,  No.  3. 

Scholasticism:  Emerton,  pp.  446-464;  Tout,  209-214.  Roger 
Bacon’s  account  of  his  own  difficulties : Colby,  pp.  83-87. 


Saintsbury,  The  Flourishing  of  Romance.  The  best  short  account 
of  the  state  of  literature  in  the  twelfth  and  thirteenth  centuries. 

Lounsbury,  History  of  the  English  Language.  Short  and  good. 

Ten  Brink,  Early  English  Literature  to  Wiclif  (Bohn  Library). 
Excellent. 

Specimens  of  Early  English,  edited  by  Morris  and  Skeat,  2 vols. 
(Clarendon  Press),  with  vocabularies  and  notes. 

Smith,  Justin  H.,  The  Troubadours  at  Home.  An  excellent  popu- 
lar description  of  the  life  in  Provence  and  the  poems  of  the  troubadours 
by  one  who  has  made  a careful  study  of  them  and  their  country. 

Gautier,  L6on,  Chivalry.  The  standard  work. 

Cornish,  Chivalry.  Shorter  and  more  recent  than  Gautier. 

Putnam,  George  Haven,  Books  and  their  Makers  during  the  Middle 
Ages,  2 vols.,  1896-1897.  Vol.  I deals  with  the  Middle  Ages.  An  inter- 
esting work  by  an  experienced  publisher. 

Rashdall,  History  of  the  Universities  of  Europe  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
3 vols.,  1895.  This  is  by  far  the  best  general  account  of  the  mediaeval 
universities  in  any  language.  It  has  an  excellent  index,  and  may  be 
consulted  with  advantage  upon  most  topics  connected  with  mediaeval 
higher  education.  Earlier  works  on  the  subject  in  English  should  be 
avoided,  as  they  all  rest  upon  very  insufficient  investigation. 

McCabe,  Abelard.  A model  biography. 

Ueberweg,  History  of  Philosophy,  Vol.  I.  Contains  a good  account 
of  the  scholastic  philosophy. 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


463 


Moore,  C.  H.,  The  Development  and  Character  of  Gothic  Architec- 
ture. Excellent.  The  general  history  of  art  is  treated  in  the  rather  arid 
review  given  by  Lubke,  Outlines  of  the  History  of  Art ^ 2 vols. 

Among  the  few  examples  of  mediaeval  popular  literature  to  be  had 
in  English,  the  following  are  especially  good  and  available  : 

Symonds,  J.  a.,  Wine^  Women  and  Song.  (Selections  from  this  in 
Latin  Students'  Songs.^  published  by  Mosher  in  his  Bibelot  Series.) 
In  this  little  volume  Symonds  has  translated,  with  an  excellent  and 
scholarly  introduction,  some  of  the  Carmina  Burana.,  a strange  collec- 
tion of  verses  in  Latin,  or  Latin  mixed  with  German,  discovered  in  the 
monastery  of  Benediktbeuren,  Bavaria,  — hence  the  name,  “ Burana.” 
The  collection  was  made  apparently  in  the  thirteenth  century,  and  con- 
tains the  greatest  variety  of  pieces,  ranging  from  love  and  drinking 
songs,  through  satirical  attacks  on  the  clergy  1 and  parodies  of  the  church 
service,  to  poems  showing  genuine  religious  and  poetic  feeling.  Few 
sources  give  one  so  vivid  a notion  of  the  variety  and  range  of  sentiment 
in  the  Middle  Ages  as  the  Carmina  Burana.  (The  complete  collection 
in  the  original  tongues,  edited  by  Schmeller,  has  been  twice  reprinted 
and  is  not  difficult  to  obtain.) 

The  Song  of  Roland  has  been  translated  into  spirited  English  verse 
by  O’Hagen. 

Aucassin  and Nicolette.  A most  charming  tale  of  the  twelfth  century. 

Mallory,  Mort  d' Arthur  (Temple  Classics).  A collection  of  the 
stories  of  King  Arthur,  made  in  the  fifteenth  century  for  English  readers. 

Wolfram  ofEschenbach,  ParzifaP  translated  by  Jessie  L.  Weston, 
2 vols.,  London,  1894 ; and  Godfrey  of  Strasburg,  Tristan  and 
Iseult,  translated  by  the  same.  New  York,  1902. 

The  Romance  of  the  Rose.  A famous  production  of  the  thirteenth 
century,  in  the  Temple  Classics. 

Huon  of  Bordeaux.,  Renaud  of  Montatiban.,  and  The  Story  of  Alexander 
(Allen,  London).  These  three  romances  have  been  excellently  pre- 
pared for  English  readers  by  Mr.  Steele. 

Mediceval  Tales,  edited  by  Henry  Morley  in  his  Universal 
Library. 

For  the  general  mediaeval  knowledge  of  the  world,  the  following  are 
especially  good  : 

The  Travels  of  Sir  fohn  Mandeville  (The  Macmillan  Company, 
1900).  This  is  not  only  a good  edition  of  the  story  of  travel  falsely 

1 One  of  these  satires,  “ The  Gospel  according  to  the  Marks  of  Silver,”  is 
translated  by  Emerton,  Mediceval  Europe,  p.  475. 


The 

Carnibia 

Burayia. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


464  Readings  in  European  History 

attributed  to  Mandeville,  but  contains  the  original  accounts  upon  which 
it  was  based. 

Steele,  Mediceval  Lore.  Selections  from  a very  early  English 
version,  printed  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth  century,  of  the  famous  popular 
encyclopedia  of  Bartholomew  Anglicus,  compiled  in  the  thirteenth 
century  (see  extracts  above,  pp.  443  sql). 


Even  a very  brief  bibliography  for  the  vast  subjects  of  Romance 
and  Germanic  philology,  mediaeval  art  in  its  various  manifestations,  and 
the  scholastic  philosophy  would  hardly  be  looked  for  in  the  present 
volume.  The  chief  works  on  the  economic  and  industrial  conditions 
have  been  already  enumerated  at  the  close  of  the  previous  chapter. 
It  only  remains,  therefore,  to  mention  a few  treatises  in  French  and 
German  to  which  the  student  of  history,  anxious  to  get  a general  idea 
of  the  range  of  mediaeval  culture  and  thought,  may  most  profitably 
turn. 

For  France:  Histoire  de  France^  edited  by  Lavisse,  Vol.  Ill,  Part  I, 
“ French  Society  at  the  End  of  the  Twelfth  and  the  Opening  of  the  Thir- 
teenth Century,”  by  Luchaire,  and  Vol.  Ill,  Part  II,  “ French  Society 
in  the  Thirteenth  Century,”  by  Langlois.  This  may  be  supplemented 
by  Langlois,  La  Societe  fran^aise  au  XLII^  siecle  d'^apres  dix  romans 
d'aventure^  1904. 

For  the  French  language  and  its  development,  above  all,  Gaston 
Paris,  La  Litterature  frangaise  au7noyen  dge.^ — a truly  remarkable  little 
manual  by  a great  scholar.  Also,  Histoire  de  la  langue  et  litterature 
fran(^aise^  edited  by  Petit  de  Julleville,  Vols.  I-II,  especially  the 
excellent  introduction.  On  the  formation  of  the  tongue,  see  the  intro- 
ductory essay  in  Hatzfeld  et  Darmesteter,  Dictionnaire  generale  de 
la  langue  fran(^aise^  1890-1900. 

Grundriss  der  romanischen  Philologie,  edited  by  Grober.  A tech- 
nical encyclopedia  by  a number  of  scholars  covering  the  whole  field. 
In  Vol.  II  there  is  a useful  Ubersicht  uber  die  Lateinischen  Litter atur^ 
from  the  sixth  century  to  1350. 

For  Germany,  the  fullest  and  most  recent  account  of  the  general  state 
of  culture  is  Michael,  Geschichte  des  deutschen  Volkes  seit  dem  drei- 
zeh^iten  Jahrhundert^  the  earlier  volumes  of  which  deal  with  the  thir- 
teenth century  and  are  evidently  modeled  upon  the  well-known  work  of 
the  Catholic  scholar  Janssen,  who  has  written  an  elaborate  account  of 
the  German  people  in  the  sixteenth  century  (see  bibliography  at  the  close 
of  Chapter  XXIV,  below).  There  is,  so  far  as  I know,  no  account  of 
the  German  language  and  literature  in  the  Middle  Ages  corresponding 


The  Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages 


465 


to  that  of  Gaston  Paris  for  France.  Scherer,  A History  of  German 
Literature^  is  fairly  good.  Lamprecht,  Deutsche  Geschichte,  Vol.  Ill, 
may  be  added. 

A very  useful  recent  work  on  the  architecture,  etc.,  of  France  is 
Enlart,  Manuel  cDarcheologie  fran(^aise  depuis  les  temps  Merovutgie7is 
jusqu^h  la  Renaissance^  igo2  sqq.  Vol.  I on  the  religious  structures, 
Vol.  II  on  the  civil  and  military  architecture.  Well  illustrated. 

The  chief  collection  of  sources  for  the  university  life  in  western 
Europe  is  the  Chartularium  universitatis  Farisiensis,  edited  by  Denifle 
and  Chatelain,  1889  sqq.  Vol.  I comes  down  to  the  latter  part  of 
the  thirteenth  century,  when  the  material  becomes  much  more  abun- 
dant. In  addition  to  Rashdall’s  work,  mentioned  above,  beyond  which 
few  will  care  to  go,  may  be  mentioned  Denifle,  Die  Entstehung  der 
Universitdten  des  Mittelalters^  which  served  to  dispel  many  ancient 
illusions  in  regard  to  the  subject,  and  Kaufmann,  Die  Geschichte  der 
deutschen  Universitdten^  Vol.  I;  also  Clerval,  Les  Ecoles  de  Chartres 
au  moyen  dge^  1895. 

The  Opus  Majus  of  Roger  Bacon,  edited  with  introduction  and 
analytical  table  by  J.  H.  Bridges,  2 vols.,  Oxford,  1897.  The  analysis 
which  fills  pp.  xciii-clxxxvii  is  so  full  and  satisfactory  that  it  almost 
takes  the  place  of  a condensed  translation.  For  several  of  the 
other  important  works  of  Bacon,  one  must  turn  to  Fr.  Rogeri  Bacon 
Opera  quaedam  hactenus  inedita^  edited  by  J.  S.  Brewer  (Rolls  Series), 
1859.  This  volume  contains  the  Opus  tertium^  the  Opus  minus^  and 
the  Compendium  philosophiae.  Brewer’s  introduction  is  valuable. 

Something  was  said  of  the  writings  of  Aquinas  and  the  theologians 
at  the  close  of  Chapter  XVI,  above,  p.  370. 


Roger 

Bacon’s 

works. 


CHAPTER  XX 


197.  The 
great  battle 
between  the 
French  and 
English  at 
Cr6cy(i346). 
(From 
Froissart’s 
Chronicles.) 


THE  HUNDRED  YEARS’  WAR 

I.  Froissart’s  Account  of  the  Battle  of  Crecy 

[Having  reached  a point  near  Crecy,]  the  king  of  England 
was  well  informed  how  the  French  king  followed  after  him 
to  fight.  Then  he  said  to  his  company : ‘‘  Let  us  take  here 
some  plot  of  ground,  for  we  will  go  no  farther  till  we  have 
seen  our  enemies.  I have  good  cause  here  to  abide  them, 
for  1 am  on  the  right  heritage  of  the  queen,  my  mother,  the 
which  land  was  given  her  at  her  marriage ; I will  challenge 
it  of  mine  adversary,  Philip  of  Valois.”  And  because  he 
had  not  the  eighth  part  in  number  of  men  that  the  French 
king  had,  therefore  he  commanded  his  marshals  to  choose 
a plot  of  ground  somewhat  for  his  advantage ; and  so  they 
did,  and  thither  the  king  and  his  host  went.  . . . 

That  night  the  king  made  a supper  to  all  his  chief  lords 
of  his  host,  and  made  them  good  cheer ; and  when  they  were 
all  departed  to  take  their  rest,  then  the  king  entered  into 
his  oratory  and  kneeled  down  before  the  altar,  praying  God 
devoutly  that  if  he  fought  the  next  day  he  might  achieve 
the  expedition  to  his  honor.  Then  about  midnight  he  laid 
him  down  to  rest,  and  in  the  morning  he  rose  betimes  and 
heard  mass,  and  the  prince  his  son  with  him ; and  the  most 
part  of  his  company  were  confessed  and  received  the  com- 
munion ; and  after  the  mass  was  said,  he  commanded  every 
man  to  be  armed  and  to  draw  to  the  field,  to  the  same  place 
before  appointed.  . . . 

Then  [after  arranging  his  army  in  three  divisions,]  the 
king  lept  on  a palfrey,  with  a white  rod  in  his  hand,  one  of 
his  marshals  on  the  one  hand  and  the  other  on  the  other 
hand.  He  rode  from  rank  to  rank,  desiring  every  man  to 

466 


The  Hundred  Years  War 


467 


take  heed  that  day  to  his  right  and  honor.  He  spake  it  so 
sweetly  and  with  so  good  countenance  and  merry  cheer  that 
all  such  as  were  discomfited  took  courage  in  the  seeing  and 
hearing  of  him.  And  when  he  had  thus  visited  all  his  bat- 
tles [i.e.  divisions]  it  was  then  nine  of  the  day.  Then  he 
caused  every  man  to  eat  and  drink  a little,  and  so  they  did 
at  their  leisure.  And  afterward  they  ordered  again  their 
battles.  Then  every  man  lay  down  on  the  earth,  his  hel- 
met and  his  bow  by  him,  to  be  the  more  fresher  when  their 
enemies  should  come. 

This  Saturday  the  French  king  rose  betimes  and  heard 
mass  in  Abbeville,  in  his  lodging  in  the  abbey  of  St.  Peter, 
and  he  departed  after  the  sun  rising.  [He  dispatched  four 
knights  to  view  the  English,  who  let  them  alone  and  per- 
mitted them  to  return  to  the  king  as  they  had  come.  The 
knights  advised  the  king  that  the  French  should  defer  the 
attack  until  the  morrow.]  Then  the  king  commanded  that  it 
should  be  so  done.  Then  his  two  marshals  rode,  one  before, 
another  behind,  saying  to  every  banner,  ‘‘Tarry  and  abide 
here  in  the  name  of  God  and  St.  Denis. They  that  were 
foremost  tarried,  but  they  that  were  behind  would  not  tarry, 
but  rode  forth,  and  said  how  they  would  in  no  wise  abide 
till  they  were  as  far  forward  as  the  foremost.  And  when 
they  that  were  before  saw  them  come  on  behind,  then  they 
rode  forward  again,  so  that  the  king  nor  his  marshals  could 
not  rule  them. 

So  they  rode  without  order  or  good  array  till  they  came  in 
sight  of  their  enemies  ; and  as  soon  as  the  foremost  saw  them, 
they  reculed  them  aback  without  good  array,  whereof  they 
behind  had  marvel  and  were  abashed,  and  thought  that  the 
foremost  company  had  been  fighting.  Then  they  might  have 
had  leisure  and  room  to  have  gone  forward  if  they  had  listed, 
but  some  went  forth  while  some  abode  still. 

The  commons,  of  whom  all  the  ways  between  Abbeville 
and  Crecy  were  full,  when  they  saw  that  they  were  near  to 
their  enemies,  took  their  swords  and  cried,  “Down  with 
them  ! Let  us  slay  them  all.’’  There  were  no  man,  though 
he  were  present,  that  could  imagine  or  show  the  truth  of  the 


King 
Edward 
cheers  his 
forces,  who 
arrange 
themselves 
with  care 
and  deliber- 
ation. 


Hasty  and 
disorderly 
approach  of 
the  French. 


468 


Readings  in  European  History 


The  Genoese 
mercenaries 
forced  to 
lead  the 
attack. 


•evil  order  that  was  among  the  French  party,  — and  yet  they 
were  a marvelous  great  number.  What  I write  in  this  book 
I learned  especially  of  the  Englishmen,  who  beheld  their 
dealing;  and  also  certain  knights  of  Sir  John  of  HainaulFs, 
who  was  always  about  King  Philip,  showed  me  what  they 
knew. 

The  Englishmen,  who  were  in  three  battles  lying  on  the 
ground  to  rest  them,  as  soon  as  they  saw  the  Frenchmen 
approach,  they  rose  upon  their  feet,  fair  and  easily  without 
any  haste,  and  arranged  their  battles.  The  first  was  the 
prince's  battle,  and  the  archers  there  stood  in  manner  of  a 
harrow  and  the  men-at-arms  in  the  bottom  of  the  battle. 
The  earl  of  Northampton  and  the  earl  of  Arundel  with  the 
second  battle  were  on  the  wing  in  good  order,  ready  to  com- 
fort the  prince's  battle,  if  need  were. 

The  lords  and  knights  of  France  came  not  to  the  engage- 
ment together  in  good  order,  for  some  came  before  and  some 
came  after,  in  such  evil  order  that  one  of  them  did  trouble 
another.  When  the  French  king  saw  the  Englishmen  his 
blood  changed  and  he  said  to  his  marshals,  “ Make  the 
Genoese  go  on  before  and  begin  the  battle  in  the  name  of 
God  and  St.  Denis."  There  were  of  the  Genoese  crossbows 
about  fifteen  thousand,  but  they  were  so  weary  of  going  afoot 
that  day  a six  leagues  armed  with  their  crossbows  that  they 
said  to  their  constables,  ‘‘We  be  not  well  ordered  to  fight  this 
day,  for  we  be  not  in  the  case  to  do  any  great  deed  of  arms  ; 
we  have  more  need  of  rest."  . . . 

Also  the  same  season  there  fell  a great  rain,  and  a flash  of 
lightning  with  a terrible  thunder,  and  before  the  rain  there 
came  flying  over  both  battles  a great  number  of  crows  for 
fear  of  the  tempest  coming.  Then  anon  the  air  began  to 
wax  clear,  and  the  sun  to  shine  fair  and  bright,  the  which 
was  right  in  the  Frenchmen's  eyen  and  on  the  Englishmen's 
backs. 

When  the  Genoese  were  assembled  together  and  began  to 
approach  they  uttered  a great  cry  to  abash  the  Englishmen, 
but  these  stood  still  and  stirred  not  for  all  that.  Then  the 
Genoese  a second  time  made  a fell  cry  and  stept  forward  a 


The  Htmdred  Years'  War 


469 


little,  but  the  Englishmen  removed  not  one  foot.  Thirdly 
they  shouted  again  and  went  forth  until  they  came  within 
shot.  Then  they  shot  fiercely  with  their  crossbows.  Then 
the  English  archers  stepped  forth  one  pace  and  let  fly  their 
arrows  so  wholly  and  so  thick  that  it  seemed  snow.  When 
the  Genoese  felt  the  arrows  piercing  through  their  heads, 
arms,  and  breasts,  many  of  them  cast  down  their  crossbows 
and  did  cut  their  strings  and  returned  discomfited. 

When  the  French  king  saw  them  fly  away  he  said,  ‘‘  Slay 
these  rascals,  for  they  shall  let  and  trouble  us  without  reason.'^ 
Then  ye  should  have  seen  the  men-at-arms  dash  in  among 
them  and  they  killed  a great  number  of  them ; and  ever  still 
the  Englishmen  shot  where  they  saw  the  thickest  press.  The 
sharp  arrows  ran  into  the  men-at-arms  and  into  their  horses, 
and  many  fell,  horses  and  men,  among  the  Genoese,  and  when 
they  were  down  they  could  not  rise  again ; the  press  was  so 
thick  that  one  overthrew  another.  And  also  among  the  Eng- 
lishmen there  were  certain  rascals  that  went  afoot  with  great 
knives,  and  they  went  in  among  the  men-at-arms  and  slew 
and  murdered  many  as  they  lay  on  the  ground,  both  earls, 
barons,  knights,  and  squires ; whereof  the  king  of  England 
was  after  displeased,  for  he  had  rather  that  they  had  been 
taken  prisoners.  . . . 

[The  division  led  by  the  king’s  son,  the  Black  Prince, 
being  hard  pressed,]  they  sent  a messenger  to  the  king,  who 
was  on  a little  windmill  hill.  Then  the  knight  said  to  the 
king,  ‘‘  Sir,  the  earl  of  Warwick  and  the  earl  of  Oxford,  Sir 
Raynold  Cobham,  and  others,  such  as  be  about  the  prince 
your  son,  are  fiercely  fought  withal  and  are  sorely  handled ; 
wherefore  they  desire  you  that  you  and  your  battle  will  come 
and  aid  them  ; for  if  the  Frenchmen  increase,  as  they  doubt 
they  will,  your  son  and  they  will  have  much  ado.”  Then  the 
king  said,  ‘‘  Is  my  son  dead,  or  hurt,  or  on  the  earth  felled  ? ” 
“ No,  sir,”  quoth  the  knight,  ‘‘but  he  is  hardly  matched,  where- 
for  he  hath  need  of  your  aid.”  “ Well,”  said  the  king,  “ return 
to  him  and  to  them  that  sent  you  hither,  and  say  to  them 
that  they  send  no  more  to  me  for  any  adventure  that  falleth, 
as  long  as  my  son  is  alive ; and  also  say  to  them  that  they 


470 


Readings  in  Enropean  History 


198.  Cap- 
ture of  King 
John  (1356). 
(From 
Froissart’s 
Chronicles.) 


suffer  him  this  day  to  win  his  spurs ; for  if  God  be  pleased, 
I will  that  this  expedition  be  his,  and  the  honor  thereof,  and 
to  them  that  be  about  him.’’ 


11.  How  King  John  of  France  was  taken  Prisoner 
BY  THE  English  at  Poitiers 

Ofttimes  the  adventures  of  amours  and  of  war  are  more 
fortunate  and  marvelous  than  any  man  can  think  or  wish. 
Truly  this  battle,  the  which  was  near  to  Poitiers  in  the  fields 
of  Beauvoir  and  Maupertuis,  was  right  great  and  perilous, 
and  many  deeds  of  arms  there  were  done  the  which  all  came 
not  to  knowledge.  The  fighters  on  both  sides  endured  much 
pain.  King  John  with  his  own  hands  did  that  day  marvels 
in  arms.  He  had  an  ax  in  his  hands  wherewith  he  defended 
himself  and  fought  in  the  breaking  of  the  press.  . . . 

The  pursuit  endured  to  the  gates  of  Poitiers.  There  were 
many  slain  and  beaten  down,  horse  and  man,  for  they  of 
Poitiers  closed  their  gates  and  would  suffer  none  to  enter; 
wherefore  in  the  street  before  the  gate  was  horrible  murder, 
men  hurt  and  beaten  down.  The  Frenchmen  yielded  them- 
selves as  far  as  they  might  know  an  Englishman  : there. were 
divers  English  archers  that  had  four,  five,  six  prisoners.  . . . 

Then  there  was  a great  press  to  take  the  king,  and  such 
as  knew  him  cried,  ‘‘  Sir,  yield  you,  or  else  ye  are  but  dead.” 
[A  French  knight  in  the  service  of  the  English  king  made 
his  way  through  the  press]  and  said  in  good  French,  Sir, 
yield  you.”  The  king  beheld  the  knight  and  said,  “ To  whom 
shall  I yield  me  ? Where  is  my  cousin,  the  prince  of  Wales  ? 
If  I might  see  him,  I would  speak  with  him.”  The  knight 
answered  and  said,  “ Sir,  he  is  not  here  ; but  yield  you  to  me 
and  I shall  bring  you  to  him.”  “Who  be  you?”  quoth  the 
king.  “ Sir,”  quoth  he,  “ I am  Denis  of  Morbeke,  a knight 
of  Artois ; but  1 serve  the  king  of  England  because  I am 
banished  from  the  realm  of  France  and  have  forfeited  all 
that  1 had  there.”  Then  the  king  gave  him  his  right 
gauntlet,  saying,  “I  yield  me  to  you.” 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


471 


The  prince  of  Wales,  who  was  courageous  and  cruel  as 
a lion,  took  that  day  great  pleasure  to  fight  and  chase  his 
enemies.  The  lord  John  Chandos,  who  was  with  him,  all 
that  day  never  left  him  nor  never  took  heed  of  taking  any 
prisoner.  Then  at  the  end  of  the  battle  he  said  to  the 
prince,  “ Sir,  it  were  good  that  you  rested  here  and  set  your 
banner  a-high  in  this  bush,  that  your  people  may  draw  hither, 
for  they  be  sore  spread  abroad,  nor  can  I see  no  more  ban- 
ners nor  pennons  of  the  French  party.  Wherefore,  sir,  rest 
and  refresh  you,  for  ye  be  sore  chafed.’’ 

[Then  the  prince  sent  two  lords  to  get  news  of  the  French 
king.]  These  two  lords  took  their  horses  and  departed  from 
the  prince  and  rode  up  a little  hill  to  look  about  them.  Then 
they  perceived  a flock  of  men-at-arms  coming  together  right 
slowly,  and  there  was  the  French  king  afoot  in  great  peril, 
for  the  Englishmen  and  Gascons  were  his  masters.  They 
had  taken  him  from  Sir  Denis  Morbeke  perforce,  and  such 
as  were  most  of  force  said,  ‘‘I  have  taken  him”;  “Nay,” 
quoth  another,  “I  have  taken  him.”  So  they  strave  which 
should  have  him.  Then  the  French  king,  to  eschew  that 
peril,  said,  “ Sirs,  strive  not : lead  me  courteously,  and  my 
son,  to  my  cousin  the  prince,  and  strive  not  for  my  taking, 
for  I am  so  great  a lord  as  to  make  you  all  rich.”  The  king’s 
words  somewhat  appeased  them.  Howbeit,  ever  as  they 
went  they  made  riot  and  brawled  for  the  taking  of  the  king. 

When  the  two  aforesaid  lords  saw  and  heard  that  noise 
and  strife  among  them,  they  came  to  them  and  said,  “ Sirs, 
what  is  the  matter  that  ye  strive  for  ? ” “ Sirs,”  said  one  of 

them,  “ it  is  for  the  French  king,  who  is  here  taken  pris- 
oner, and  there  be  more  than  ten  knights  and  squires  that 
challenge  the  taking  of  him  and  of  his  son.”  Then  the 
two  lords  entered  into  the  press  and  caused  every  man  to 
draw  back,  and  commanded  them  in  the  prince’s  name,  on 
pain  of  their  heads,  to  make  no  more  noise  nor  to  approach 
the  king  no  nearer  without  they  were  commanded.  Then 
every  man  gave  room  to  the  lords,  and  they  alighted  and  did 
their  reverence  to  the  king,  and  so  brought  him  and  his  son 
in  peace  to  the  prince  of  Wales.  . . . 


How  the 
Black  Prince 
received  the 
French  king 
with  knightly 
courtesy. 


199.  Sack 
of  Limoges 
(1370)  by 
the  Black 
Prince. 
(From 
Froissart’s 
Chronicles.) 


472  Readings  in  European  History 

The  same  day  of  the  battle  at  night  the  prince  made  a 
supper  in  his  lodging  to  the  French  king  and  to  the  most  of 
the  great  lords  that  were  prisoners.  The  prince  made  the 
king  and  his  son,  the  lord  James  of  Bourbon,  the  lord  John 
of  Artois,  the  earl  of  Tancreville,  the  earl  of  Estampes,  the 
earl  Dammartin,  the  earl  Joinville,  and  the  lord  of  Partenay, 
to  sit  all  at  one  board,  and  the  other  lords,  knights,  and 
squires  at  other  tables.  And  always  the  prince  served  before 
the  king  as  humbly  as  he  could,  and  would  not  sit  at  the 
king’s  board  for  any  desire  that  the  king  could  make,  for 
he  said  he  was  not  sufficient  to  sit  at  the  table  with  so  great 
a prince  as  the  king  was. 

Then  he  said  to  the  king:  Sir,  for  God’s  sake,  make  none 
evil  nor  heavy  cheer,  though  God  this  day  did  not  consent 
to  follow  your  will ; for,  sir,  surely  the  king,  my  father,  shall 
bear  you  as  much  honor  and  amity  as  he  may  do,  and  shall 
accord  with  you  so  reasonably  that  ye  shall  ever  be  friends 
together  after.  And,  sir,  methink  ye  ought  to  rejoice, 
though  the  expedition  be  not  as  ye  would  have  had  it,  for 
this  day  ye  have  won  the  high  renown  of  prowess  and  have 
surpassed  this  day  in  valiantness  all  other  of  your  party. 
Sir,  I say  not  this  to  mock  you,  for  all  that  be  of  our  party, 
that  saw  every  man’s  deeds,  are  plainly  accorded  by  true 
sentence  to  give  you  the  prize  and  chaplet.” 


III.  Fearful  Devastation  wrought  in  France  by  the 
Hundred  Years’  War 

[Having  mined  the  town  walls,]  the  miners  set  fire  into 
their  mine,  and  so  the  next  morning,  as  the  prince  had 
ordained,  there  fell  down  a great  piece  of  the  wall  and  filled 
the  moats,  whereof  the  Englishmen  were  glad  and  were 
ready  armed  in  the  field  to  enter  the  town.  The  foot-men 
might  well  enter  at  their  ease,  and  so  they  did,  and  ran  to 
the  gate  and  beat  down  the  fortifying  and  barriers,  for  there 
was  no  defense  against  them:  it  was  done  so  suddenly  that 
they  of  the  town  were  not  aware  thereof. 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


473 


Then  the  prince,  the  duke  of  Lancaster,  the  earl  of  Cam- 
bridge, the  earl  of  Pembroke,  Sir  Guichard  d’Angle,  and  all 
the  others,  with  their  companies,  entered  into  the  city,  and 
all  other  foot-men  ready  apparelled  to  do  evil,  and  to  pill  and 
rob  the  city,  and  to  slay  men,  women,  and  children;  for  so  it 
was  commanded  them  to  do.  It  was  a great  pity  to  see  the 
men,  women,  and  children  that  kneeled  down  on  their  knees 
before  the  prince  for  mercy.  But  he  was  so  inflamed  with 
ire  that  he  took  no  heed  of  them,  so  that  none  was  heard,  but 
all  put  to  death  as  they  were  met  withal,  and  such  as  were 
nothing  culpable. 

There  was  no  pity  taken  of  the  poor  people  who  wrought 
never  no  manner  of  treason,  yet  they  bought  it  dearer  than 
the  great  personages,  such  as  had  done  the  evil  and  trespass. 
There  was  not  so  hard  a heart  within  the  city  of  Limoges 
and  if  he  had  any  remembrance  of  God,  but  that  wept  pit- 
eously for  the  great  mischief  that  they  saw  before  their  eyen, 
for  more  than  three  thousand  men,  women,  and  children 
were  slain  that  day.  God  have  mercy  on  their  souls,  for  I 
trow  they  were  martyrs. 

And  thus  entering  into  the  city,  a certain  company  of 
Englishmen  entered  into  the  bishop’s  palace,  and  there  they 
found  the  bishop ; and  so  they  brought  him  to  the  prince’s 
presence,  who  beheld  him  right  fiercely  and  felly,  and  the 
best  word  that  he  could  have  of  him  was  how  he  would 
have  his  head  stricken  off,  and  so  he  was  had  out  of  his 
sight.  . . . 

Thus  the  city  of  Limoges  was  pilled,  robbed,  and  clean 
brent  and  brought  to  destruction. 

Father  Denifle,  a distinguished  Dominican  scholar, 
has  brought  together  from  the  Vatican  archives  — of 
which  he  is  the  head — and  from  other  sources  a volume 
of  letters  and  other  material  depicting  the  fearful  results 
of  the  Hundred  Years’  War  in  France,  especially  upon 
the  churches  and  monasteries.  The  following  extracts 
relating  to  the  period  following  the  death  of  Joan  of  Arc 


474 


Readings  in  European  History 


200.  How 
the  count 
of  Arundel 
burned  a 
town  and 
hanged  the 
inhabitants 
(co,  1433). 


Over  one 
half  of  the 
churches 
about  Quercy 
destroyed 
by  1441. 


201.  Con- 
ditions in 
the  time  of 
Charles  VII= 


will  give  some  idea  of  the  general  impression  produced 
by  reading  his  book. 

The  count  of  Arundel,  John  Fitz-Alain,  attacked  Mille 
and  its  church  with  fire.  The  women,  boys,  and  old  men 
took  refuge  in  the  tower  of  the  church,  but  were  soon  sur- 
rounded by  flames.  The  lead  of  the  roof  melted  and  fell  in 
burning  drops  on  the  miserable  folk  below,  and  even  the 
molten  metal  of  the  bells  ran  down  upon  them.  All  but 
two  perished.  The  fire  not  only  destroyed  the  church,  but 
all  the  houses  within  a wide  circuit  to  the  number  of  more 
than  seven  hundred.  The  wretched  inhabitants  and  the 
cultivators  of  the  soil  were  ordered  to  be  hung. 

Out  of  one  thousand  churches  in  the  region  of  Quercy, 
when  the  war  with  the  English  was  done  there  were  scarce 
three  or  four  hundred  left  in  which  services  could  be  held, 
so  completely  was  everything  devastated  and  consumed. 
Certain  parishes,  for  example  those  of  Fraissinet  and  St 
Caprassius,  were  entirely  deserted  by  their  former  inhab- 
itants, so  that  the  bishop  of  Bourges  was  forced  to  give  the 
lands  belonging  to  his  temporalities  as  fiefs  to  those  living 
at  a distance. 

Charles  VI  being  dead,  Charles  VII  succeeded  to  his 
father  in  the  kingdom,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1422,  when  he 
was  about  twenty-two  years  of  age.  In  his  time,  owing  to 
the  long  wars  which  had  raged  within  and  without,  the  leth- 
argy and  cowardliness  of  the  officers  and  commanders  who 
were  under  him,  the  destruction  of  all  military  discipline 
and  order,  the  rapacity  of  the  troopers,  and  the  general  dis- 
solution into  which  all  things  had  fallen,  such  destruction 
had  been  wrought  that  from  the  river  Loire  to  the  Seine,  — 
even  to  the  Somme,  — the  farmers  were  dead  or  had  fledy 
and  almost  all  the  fields  had  for  many  years  lain  without 
cultivation  or  any  one  to  cultivate  them.  A few  districts 
might  indeed  be  excepted,  where  if  any  agriculture  remained, 
it  was  because  they  were  far  from  cities,  towns,  or  castles. 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


475 


and  in  consequence  the  constant  excursions  of  the  despoil- 
ers could  not  be  extended  to  them.  Lower  Normandy, 
embracing  the  bishoprics  of  Bayeux  and  Coutances,  which 
were  under  English  rule,  were  far  from  the  headquarters  of 
the  enemy,  nor  could  they  be  easily  reached  by  the  depre- 
dators. They  therefore  remained  somewhat  better  off  in 
the  matter  of  population  and  cultivators,  but  nevertheless 
were  often  afflicted  by  the  greatest  misfortunes,  as  will 
appear  later. 

We  have  ourselves  beheld  the  vast  regions  of  Champagne, 
Brie,  Chartres,  Perche,  Beauvais,  . . . Amiens,  Abbeville, 
Soissons,  Laon,  and  beyond  toward  Hainault,  well-nigh 
deserted,  untilled,  without  husbandmen,  grown  up  to  weeds 
and  briers.  In  many  places  where  fruit  trees  could  flourish 
these  had  grown  up  into  dense  forests.  The  vestiges  of 
such  ruin,  unless  the  divine  clemency  shall  aid  mere  human 
endeavor,  will,  it  is  to  be  feared,  last  for  long  years  to  come. 

If  any  kind  of  cultivation  was  still  carried  on  in  the 
regions  enumerated,  it  could  only  be  done  close  to  cities, 
towns,  or  castles,  no  farther  away  than  the  watch  could  be 
seen,  stationed  on  a high  lookout,  whence  he  could  observe 
the  robbers  as  they  approached.  He  would  then  give  the 
alarm  by  means  of  a bell,  or  a hunter’s  horn,  to  those  in  the 
fields  or  vineyard,  so  that  they  could  betake  themselves  to 
a place  of  safety.  This  happened  so  frequently  in  many 
places  that  so  soon  as  the  oxen  and  plow  animals  were 
loosed,  having  heard  the  signal  of  the  watch,  they  would, 
taught  by  long  experience,  rush  to  a place  of  safety  in  a 
state  of  terror.  Even  the  pigs  and  sheep  did  the  same. 


IV.  “The  Vision  of  Piers  the  Plowman” 

From  a literary  standpoint,  by  far  the  most  important 
of  the  many  productions  in  prose  and  verse  relating  to 
the  conditions  in  England  in  the  times  of  the  Peasant 
Revolt  is  The  Vision  of  Piers  Plowman^  ascribed  to 


202.  Ex- 
tracts from 
The  Vision 
of  Piers  the 
Plowman 


476 


Readings  in  European  History 


Langland,  who  appears  to  have  been  born  about  1332, 
and  to  have  given  the  last  revision  to  his  poem  shortly 
before  the  year  1400.  Much  is  said  by  Langland  of  the 
hard  lot  of  the  peasant,  the  abuses  in  the  Church,  the 
seven  cardinal  sins,  and  the  various  Christian  virtues. 
The  following  passages  in  modern  English  prose  illus- 
trate the  spirit,  charm,  and  interest  of  the  little  bookd 


What  Piers 
had  withal 
to  stave  off 
hunger  until 
the  harvest. 


How  Covet- 
ousness 
appeared. 


“I  have  no  penny,’’  said  Piers,  ‘‘to  buy  pullets,  nor  geese, 
nor  pigs,  but  I have  two  green  cheeses,  a few  curds  and 
cream,  and  an  oat-cake,  and  two  loaves  of  beans  and  bran 
baked  for  my  children.  And  yet  I say,  by  my  soul,  I have 
no  salt  bacon  nor  eggs  forsooth  to  make  collops,  but  I have 
parsley  and  leeks  and  many  cabbages,  and  eke  a cow  and  a 
calf  and  a cart  mare  to  draw  my  dung  a-field  while  the  drought 
lasteth,  and  by  this  provision  we  must  live  till  Lammastide; 
and  by  that  I hope  to  have  harvest  in  my  croft,  and  then 
may  I get  thy  dinner  [O  Hunger]  as  it  pleaseth  me  well.” 

Then  [among  the  cardinal  sins]  came  Covetousness.  I 
cannot  describe  him,  so  hungry  and  hollow  Sir  Harvey 
looked.  He  was  beetle-browed  and  also  thick-lipped,  with 
two  bleared  eyes  like  a blind  hag;  and  like  a leathern  purse 
his  cheeks  lolled  about  even  lower  than  his  chin  and  they 
trembled  with  old  age.  And  his  beard  was  beslobbered 
with  bacon  like  a bondsman’s.  A hood  was  on  his  head 
above  a lousy  hat,  and  he  was  in  a tawny  coat  twelve  win- 
ters old,  and  full  of  vermin,  and  all  dirty  and  torn  to  rags, 
and  full  of  creeping  lice ; — except  a louse  were  a good 
leaper  he  could  not  have  walked  on  that  scurvy  coat,  it 
was  so  threadbare. 


The  poet  gives  at  the  close  of  his  poem  his  notion  of 
the  relative  worth  of  good  conduct  (“  Do-well as 
against  confidence  in  papal  pardons  and  in  masses  said 
after  one’s  death. 

^ I borrow,  with  slight  changes,  from  Miss  Kate  Warren’s  spirited 
and  scholarly  prose  version  (London,  1899). 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


477 


And  all  this  maketh  me  think  upon  my  dream.  And  how 
the  priest  found  no  pardon  like  Do-well  and  thought  that 
Do-well  surpassed  indulgences,  saying  mass  two  or  three 
years  for  departed  souls,  and  bishops’  letters ; and  how  Do- 
well shall  be  worthier  received  at  the  day  of  doom,  and  shall 
surpass  all  the  pardons  of  St.  Peter’s  church. 

Now  the  pope  hath  power  to  grant  people  the  power  to 
pass  into  heaven  without  any  penance.  This  is  our  belief, 
as  learned  men  teach  us.  Quodcumque  ligaveris  super  terrani^ 
erit  ligatuni  in  cells,  etc.^  And  so  I truly  believe  (Lord  for- 
bid otherwise !)  that  pardon  and  penance  and  prayers  indeed 
cause  souls  to  be  saved  which  have  sinned  deadly  seven 
times.  But  to  trust  these  three-year  masses  methinketh 
truly  is  not  so  safe  for  the  soul,  certes,  as  is  Do-well. 

Therefore,  I counsel  you,  ye  men  who  are  rich  on  this  earth 
and  have  three-year  masses  in  trust  of  your  treasure,  be  ye 
never  the  bolder  to  break  the  ten  commandments  ; and  espe- 
cially, ye  masters,  mayors,  judges,  who  are  held  for  wise  men 
and  have  the  wealth  of  this  world  and  can  purchase  pardon 
and  the  pope’s  bulls.  At  the  dreadful  doom  when  the  dead 
shall  rise  and  all  come  before  Christ  to  render  account,  — 
how  thou  didst  lead  thy  life  here  and  didst  keep  his  laws, 
and  how  thou  didst  do  day  by  day,  the  doom  will  declare. 
A bagful  of  pardons  there,  or  provincial  letters,  — or  though 
ye  be  found  in  the  fraternity  of  all  the  four  monastic  orders, 
and  have  doublefold  indulgences, — except  Do-well  help  you, 
I set  your  letters  and  pardons  at  the  worth  of  a pea  shell ! 


V.  Charles  the  Bold  of  Burgundy  and  the  Swiss 


What  ease  or  what  pleasure  did  Charles,  duke  of  Bur- 
gundy, enjoy  more  than  our  master.  King  Louis  1 In  his 
youth,  indeed,  he  had  less  trouble,  for  he  did  not  begin  to 
enter  upon  any  action  till  nearly  the  two-and-thirtieth  year 
of  his  age ; so  that  before  that  time  he  lived  in  great  ease 


203.  Charles 
the  Bold  and 
the  Swiss. 
(From  the 
Memoires  of 
Commines.) 


1 “ Whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  on  earth  shall  be  bound  in  heaven,” 
etc. 


Arduous  life 
of  Charles 
the  Bold. 


How  the 

Swiss 

defeated 

Charles  the 

Bold  at 

Granson 

(1476). 


478  Readings  in  European  History 

and  quiet.  . . . From  the  time  Duke  Charles  undertook 
his  war  to  recover  the  towns  in  Picardy  (which  our  master 
had  redeemed  from  Duke  Philip),  and  joined  himself  with 
the  lords  of  the  kingdom  in  the  war  called  the  Public  Good, 
what  pleasure,  what  tranquillity  had  he  ? He  had  continual 
trouble  and  labor,  without  the  least  cessation  or  refreshment, 
either  to  his  body  or  mind  ; for  ambition  got  entire  posses- 
sion of  his  heart  and  constantly  spurred  him  on  to  attempt 
new  conquests. 

He  was  always  in  the  field  during  summer,  exposing  his 
person  to  the  greatest  danger,  taking  the  care  and  command 
of  the  whole  army  upon  himself;  and  yet  he  thought  his 
work  too  little.  He  was  the  first  that  rose  and  the  last  that 
went  to  bed  in  the  camp;  and  he  slept  in  his  clothes,  like 
the  poorest  foot  soldier  in  the  army.  In  winter,  when  the 
campaign  was  over,  he  was  busily  employed  about  raising 
money  ; six  hours  every  morning  he  set  apart  for  conferences, 
and  for  giving  audience  to  ambassadors.  And  in  this  per- 
petual hurry  of  affairs  he  ended  his  days,  and  was  killed  by 
the  Swiss  in  the  battle  of  Nancy;  so  that  it  cannot  be  said 
that  he  enjoyed  one  happy  day  from  the  time  of  his  begin- 
ning to  aggrandize  himself  to  the  hour  of  his  death.  And 
then  what  were  the  fruits  of  all  his  pains  and  labor  ? Or 
what  necessity  was  there  of  his  so  doing  ? — since  he  was  a 
rich  prince,  and  already  had  towns  and  territories  large 
enough  to  have  made  him  happy,  if  he  could  have  been 
contented  with  them. 

All  hopes  of  an  accommodation  wdth  the  Swiss  being 
entirely  vanished,  their  ambassadors  returned  to  acquaint 
their  masters  with  the  duke  of  Burgundy’s  absolute  refusal 
of  their  propositions,  and  to  make  preparations  for  their 
defense.  The  duke  marched  with  his  army  into  the  Pays 
de  Vaud,  which  the  Swiss  had  taken  from  the  Count  of 
Romont,  and  he  took  three  or  four  towns  belonging  to 
Monsieur  de  Chateau-Guyon,  which  the  Swiss  had  seized 
upon  but  defended  very  ill.  From  thence  he  advanced  to 
besiege  a place  called  Granson  (which  also  belonged  to 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


479 


Monsieur  de  Chateau-Guyon),  into  which  they  had  thrown 
seven  or  eight  hundred  of  their  best  troops;  and  because  it 
was  near  to  them,  they  had  resolved  to  defend  it  to  the  last 
extremity.  The  duke’s  army  was  mightily  increased,  for  he 
daily  received  considerable  reenforcements  out  of  Lombardy 
and  Savoy ; for  he  employed  strangers  rather  than  his  own 
subjects,  of  whom  he  might  have  formed  a sufficient  army 
that  would  have  been  more  faithful  and  valiant.  . . . 

He  had  a fine  train  of  artillery,  and  he  lived  in  great 
pomp  and  magnificence  in  the  camp,  to  show  his  grandeur 
and  riches  to  the  Italian  and  German  ambassadors  who  were 
sent  to  him ; and  he  had  all  his  valuable  jewels,  plate,  and 
rich  furniture  with  him  : besides  he  had  great  designs  upon 
the  duchy  of  Milan,  where  he  expected  to  find  a consider- 
able party  of  sympathizers. 

It  was  not  many  days  after  the  duke’s  investing  Granson 
before  the  garrison,  being  terrified  with  his  continual  batter- 
ing it  with  cannon,  surrendered  at  discretion,  and  were  all 
put  to  the  sword.  The  Swiss  were  assembled,  but  they  were 
not  very  numerous,  as  several  of  them  have  told  me  (for  that 
country  produced  not  so  many  soldiers  as  was  imagined,  and 
still  fewer  than  at  present,  because  of  late  many  of  them 
have  left  their  husbandry  and  followed  the  wars).  . . . 

The  duke  of  Burgundy,  contrary  to  the  advice  .of  his 
officers,  resolved  to  advance  and  meet  the  enemy  at  the  foot 
of  the  mountains,  to  his  great  disadvantage ; for  he  was 
already  posted  in  a place  much  more  proper  for  an  engage- 
ment, being  fortified  on  one  side  with  his  artillery  and  on 
the  other  by  a lake,  so  that  to  all  appearance  there  was  no 
fear  of  his  being  injured  by  the  enemy.  He  had  detached 
a hundred  of  his  archers  to  secure  a certain  pass  at  the 
entrance  of  the  mountains,  and  was  advancing  forward  him- 
self, when  the  Swiss  attacked  him,  while  the  greatest  part 
of  his  army  was  still  in  the  plain. 

The  foremost  troops  designed  to  fall  back ; but  the  infan- 
try that  were  behind,  supposing  they  were  running  away, 
retreated  toward  their  camp,  and  some  of  them  behaved 
themselves  handsomely  enough ; but,  in  the  end,  when  they 


480 


Readings  in  European  History 


arrived  in  their  camp,  they  wanted  courage  to  make  a stand 
and  defend  themselves,  and  they  all  fled,  and  the  Swiss 
possessed  themselves  of  their  camp,  in  which  were  all  their 
artillery  and  a vast  number  of  tents  and  pavilions,  besides  a 
great  deal  of  valuable  plunder,  for  they  saved  nothing  but 
their  lives. 

The  duke  lost  all  his  finest  rings,  but  of  men,  not  above 
seven  men-at-arms ; the  rest  fled,  and  the  duke  with  them. 
It  may  more  properly  be  said  of  him,  “that  he  lost  his 
honor  and  his  wealth  in  one  day,^’  than  it  was  of  King 
John  of  France,  who,  after  a brave  defense,  was  taken 
prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Poitiers. 

This  was  the  first  misfortune  that  ever  happened  to  the 
duke  of  Burgundy  in  his  whole  life,  for  in  the  rest  of  his 
enterprises  he  always  acquired  either  honor  or  advantage. 
But  what  a mighty  loss  did  he  sustain  that  day  by  his  per- 
verseness and  scorn  of  good  advice!  How  greatly  did  his 
family  suffer  1 In  what  a miserable  condition  it  is  at  present, 
and  how  like  to  continue  so  1 How  many  great  princes  and 
states  became  his  enemies,  and  openly  declared  against  him, 
who  but  the  day  before  the  battle  were  his  friends,  or  at 
least  pretended  to  be  so ! 

And  what  was  the  cause  of  this  war.^  A miserable  cart- 
load of  sheepskins  that  the  count  of  Romont  had  taken 
from  a Swiss  in  his  passage  through  his  estates.  If  God 
Almighty  had  not  forsaken  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  it  is 
scarce  conceivable  that  he  would  have  exposed  himself  to 
such  great  dangers  upon  so  small  and  trivial  an  occasion ; 
especially  considering  the  offers  the  Swiss  had  made  him,  and 
that  his  conquest  of  such  enemies  would  yield  him  neither 
profit  nor  honor  ; for  at  that  time  the  Swiss  were  not  in  such 
esteem  as  now,  and  no  people  in  the  world  could  be  poorer. 
A gentleman  who  had  been  one  of  their  first  ambassadors 
to  the  duke,  of  Burgundy  told  me  that  one  of  his  chief  argu- 
ments to  dissuade  the  duke  from  attacking  them  was  that 
there  was  nothing  for  him  to  gain  from  them;  for  their 
country  was  barren  and  poor,  and  he  believed  that,  if  all 
his  countrymen  were  taken  prisoners,  all  the  money  they 


The  Hundred  Years'  War  481 

could  raise  for  their  ransom  would  not  buy  spurs  and 
bridles  for  the  duke’s  army. 

The  poor  Swiss  were  mightily  enriched  by  the  plunder  of 
the  duke’s  camp.  At  first  they  did  not  understand  the  value 
of  the  treasure  they  were  masters  of,  especially  the  common 
soldiers.  One  of  the  richest  and  most  magnificent  tents  in 
the  world  was  cut  into  pieces.  There  were  some  of  them 
that  sold  quantities  of  dishes  and  plates  of  silver  for  about 
two  sous  of  our  money,  supposing  they  had  been  pewter. 

His  great  diamond  (perhaps  the  largest  and  finest  jewel 
in  Christendom),  with  a large  pearl  fixed  to  it,  was  taken 
up  by  a Swiss,  put  up  again  into  the  case,  thrown  under  a 
wagon,  taken  up  again  by  the  same  soldier,  and  after  all 
offered  to  a priest  for  a florin,  who  bought  it  and  sent  it  to 
the  magistrates  of  that  country,  who  returned  him  three 
francs  as  a sufficient  reward.  They  took  also  three  very 
rich  jewels,  called  the  Three  Brothers,  another  large  ruby 
called  La  Hatte,  and  another  called  the  Ball  of  Flanders, 
which  were  the  fairest  and  richest  in  the  world ; besides  a 
prodigious  quantity  of  other  goods,  which  has  since  taught 
them  what  fine  things  may  be  purchased  for  money;  inas- 
much as  their  victories,  the  esteem  the  king  had  of  their 
service  afterwards,  and  the  presents  he  made  them,  have 
enriched  them  prodigiously. 

VI.  Louis  XI  of  France 

Small  hopes  and  comfort  ought  poor  and  inferior  people 
to  have  in  this  world,  considering  what  so  great  a king  suf- 
fered and  underwent,  and  how  he  was  at  last  forced  to  leave 
all,  and  could  not,  with  all  his  cate  and  diligence,  protract 
his  life  one  single  hour.  I knew  him,  and  was  entertained 
in  his  service  in  the  flower  of  his  age  and  at  the  height  of 
his  prosperity,  yet  I never  saw  him  free  from  labor  and  care. 

Of  all  diversions  he  loved  hunting  and  hawking  in  their 
seasons,  but  his  chief  delight  was  in  dogs.  ...  In  hunt- 
ing, his  eagerness  and  pain  were  equal  to  his  pleasure,  for 
his  chase  was  the  stag,  which  he  always  ran  down.  He 


How  the 
poor  Swiss 
mountaineers 
misunder- 
stood the 
treasure  that 
fell  into 
their  hands. 


204.  Char- 
acter and 
troublous 
death  of 
Louis  XI. 
(From  the 
Memoires  of 
Commines.) 

The  king’s 
laborious 
interest  in 
the  chase. 


482 


Readings  in  European  History 


Trouble  over 
Roussillon. 


rose  very  early  in  the  morning,  rode  sometimes  a great  dis- 
tance, and  would  not  leave  his  sport,  let  the  weather  be 
never  so  bad.  And  when  he  came  home  at  night  he  was 
often  very  weary  and  generally  in  a violent  passion  with 
some  of  his  courtiers  or  huntsmen ; for  hunting  is  a sport 
not  always  to  be  managed  according  to  the  master\s  direc- 
tion ; yet,  in  the  opinion  of  most  people,  he  understood  it 
as  well  as  any  prince  of  his  time.  He  was  continually  at 
these  sports,  lodging  in  the  country  villages  to  which  his 
recreations  led  him,  till  he  was  interrupted  by  business ; for 
during  the  most  part  of  the  summer  there  was  constantly 
war  between  him  and  Charles,  duke  of  Burgundy,  while  in 
the  winter  they  made  truces. 

He  was  also  involved  in  some  trouble  about  the  county  of 
Roussillon,  with  John,  king  of  Arragon,  father  of  Peter  of 
Castile,  who  at  present  is  king  of  Spain.  For  though  both 
of  them  were  poor,  and  already  at  variance  with  their  sub- 
jects in  Barcelona  and  elsewhere,  and  though  the  son  had 
nothing  but  the  expectation  of  succeeding  to  the  throne  of 
Don  Henry  of  Castile,  his  wife’s  brother  (which  fell  to  him 
afterwards),  yet  they  made  considerable  resistance;  for  that 
province  being  entirely  devoted  to  their  interest,  and  they 
being  universally  beloved  by  the  people,  they  gave  our  king 
abundance  of  trouble,  and  the  war  lasted  till  his  death,  and 
many  brave  men  lost  their  lives  in  it,  and  his  treasury  was 
exhausted  by  it.  So  that  he  had  but  a little  time  during  the 
whole  year  to  spend  in  pleasure,  and  even  then  the  fatigues 
he  underwent  were  excessive. 

When  his  body  was  at  rest  his  mind  was  at  work,  for  he 
had  affairs  in  several  places  at  once,  and  would  concern 
himself  as  much  in  those  of  his  neighbors  as  in  his  own, 
putting  officers  of  his  own  over  all  the  great  families,  and 
endeavoring  to  divide  their  authority  as  much  as  possible. 
When  he  was  at  war  he  labored  for  a peace  or  a truce,  and 
when  he  had  obtained  it  he  was  impatient  for  war  again. 
He  troubled  himself  with  many  trifles  in  his  government 
which  he  had  better  have  let  alone ; but  it  was  his  temper, 
and  he  could  not  help  it.  Besides,  he  had  a prodigious 


The  Hundred  Years'  War  483 

memory,  and  he  forgot  nothing,  but  knew  everybody,  as  well 
in  other  countries  as  in  his  own.  . . . 

I am  of  opinion  that  if  all  the  days  of  his  life  were  com- 
puted in  which  his  joys  and  pleasures  outweighed  his  pain 
and  trouble,  they  would  be  found  so  few,  that  there  would 
be  twenty  mournful  ones  to  one  pleasant.  He  lived  about 
sixty-one  years,  yet  he  always  fancied  he  should  never  out- 
live sixty,  giving  this  for  a reason,  that  for  a long  time  no 
king  of  France  had  lived  beyond  that  age. 

His  last  illness  continued  from  Monday  to  Saturday  night. 
Upon  which  account  I will  now  make  comparison  between 
the  evils  and  sorrows  which  he  brought  upon  others  and 
those  which  he  suffered  in  his  own  person : for  I hope  his 
torments  here  on  earth  have  translated  him  into  paradise 
and  will  be  a great  part  of  his  purgatory.  And  if,  in  respect 
of  their  greatness  and  duration,  his  sufferings  were  inferior 
to  those  he  had  brought  upon  other  people,  yet,  if  you  con- 
sider the  grandeur  and  dignity  of  his  office,  and  that  he  had 
never  before  suffered  anything  in  his  own  person,  but  had 
been  obeyed  by  all  people,  as  if  all  Europe  had  been  created 
for  no  other  end  but  to  serve  and  be  commanded  by  him, 
you  will  find  that  that  little  which  he  endured  was  so  con- 
trary to  his  nature  and  custom  that  it  was  more  grievous  for 
him  to  bear.  . . . 

The  king  had  ordered  several  cruel  prisons  to  be  made : 
some  were  cages  of  iron,  and  some  of  wood,  but  all  were 
covered  with  iron  plates  both  within  and  without,  with  terri- 
ble locks,  about  eight  feet  wide  and  seven  high.  The  first 
contriver  of  them  was  the  bishop  of  Verdun,  who  was 
immediately  put  in  the  first  of  them  that  was  made,  where 
he  continued  fourteen  years.  Many  bitter  curses  he  has 
had  since  for  his  invention,  and  some  from  me  as  I lay  in 
one  of  them  eight  months  together  in  the  minority  of  our 
present  king.  He  also  ordered  heavy  and  terrible  fetters 
to  be  made  in  Germany,  and  particularly  a certain  ring  for 
the  feet,  which  was  extremely  hard  to  be  opened,  and  fitted 
like  an  iron  collar,  with  a thick  weighty  chain,  and  a great 
globe  of  iron  at  the  end  of  it,  most  unreasonably  heavy, 


Apprehen- 
sions and 
precautions 
of  the  dying 
Lx)uis. 


Louis  XPs 
ideas  of 
prison 
reform. 


484 


Readmgs  in  European  History  . 


which  contrivances  were  called  the  king’s  nets.  However,  I 
have  seen  many  eminent  and  deserving  persons  in  these 
prisons,  with  these  nets  about  their  legs,  who  afterwards 
came  forth  with  great  joy  and  honor,  and  received  great 
rewards  from  the  king. 

This  by  way  of  digression.  But  to  return  to  my  principal 
design.  As  in  his  time  this  barbarous  variety  of  prisons 
was  invented,  so  before  he  died  he  himself  was  in  greater 
torment  and  more  terrible  apprehension  than  those  whom 
he  had  imprisoned ; which  I look  upon  as  a great  mercy 
toward  him,  and  as  part  of  his  purgatory.  And  I have  men- 
tioned it  here  to  show  that  there  is  no  person,  of  what 
station  or  dignity  soever,  but  suffers  some  time  or  other, 
either  publicly  or  privately,  especially  if  he  has  caused  other 
people  to  suffer. 

The  king,  toward  the  latter  end  of  his  days,  caused  his 
castle  of  Plessis-les-Tours  to  be  encompassed  with  great  bars 
of  iron  in  the  form  of  thick  grating,  and  at  the  four  corners 
of  the  house  four  sparrow  nests  of  iron,  strong,  massy,  and 
thick,  were  built.  The  grates  were  without  the  wall,  on  the 
farther  side  of  the  ditch,  and  sank  to  the  bottom  of  it.  Sev- 
eral spikes  of  iron  were  fastened  into  the  wall,  set  as  thick 
by  one  another  as  was  possible,  and  each  furnished  with 
three  or  four  points.  He  likewise  placed  ten  bowmen  in 
the  ditches,  to  shoot  at  any  man  that  durst  approach  the 
castle  before  the  opening  of  the  gates ; and  he  ordered  that 
they  should  lie  in  the  ditches,  but  retire  to  the  sparrow 
nests  upon  occasion. 

He  was  sensible  enough  that  this  fortification  was  too 
weak  to  keep  out  an  army  or  any  great  body  of  men,  but  he 
had  no  fear  of  such  an  attack ; his  great  apprehension  was 
that  some  of  the  nobility  of  his  kingdom,  having  intelligence 
within,  might  attempt  to  make  themselves  masters  of  the 
castle  by  night  and,  having  possessed  themselves  of  it, 
partly  by  favor  and  partly  by  force,  might  deprive  him  of 
the  regal  authority,  and  take  upon  themselves  the  adminis- 
tration of  public  affairs,  upon  pretense  that  he  was  incapable 
of  business  and  no  longer  fit  to  govern. 


The  Hundred  Years'  War 


485 


The  gate  of  the  castle  was  never  opened,  nor  the  draw- 
bridge let  down,  before  eight  o’clock  in  the  morning,  at  which 
time  the  officers  were  let  in,  and  the  captains  ordered  their 
guards  to  their  several  posts,  with  pickets  of  archers  in  the 
middle  of  the  court,  as  in  a town  upon  the  frontiers  that 
is  closely  guarded  : nor  was  any  person  admitted  to  enter 
except  by  the  wicket,  and  with  the  king’s  knowledge,  unless 
it  were  the  steward  of  his  household  and  such  persons  as 
were  not  admitted  into  the  royal  presence. 

Is  it  possible  then  to  keep  a prince  (with  any  regard  to 
his  quality)  in  a closer  prison  than  he  kept  himself?  The 
cages  which  were  made  for  other  people  were  about  eight 
feet  square ; and  he  (though  so  great  a monarch)  had  but  a 
small  court  of  the  castle  to  walk  in,  and  seldom  made  use  of 
that,  but  generally  kept  himself  in  the  gallery,  out  of  which 
he  went  into  the  chambers  on  his  way  to  mass,  but  never 
passed  through  the  court.  Who  can  deny  that  he  was  a 
sufferer  as  well  as  his  neighbors,  considering  how  he  was 
locked  up  and  guarded,  afraid  of  his  own  children  and  rela- 
tions, and  changing  every  day  those  very  servants  whom  he 
had  brought  up  and  advanced ; and  though  they  owed  all 
their  preferment  to  him,  yet  he  durst  not  trust  any  of  them., 
but  shut  himself  up  in  those  strange  chains  and  enclosures. 
If  the  place  where  he  confined  himself  was  larger  than  a 
common  prison,  he  also  was  much  greater  than  common 
prisoners. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

Conquest  of  Wales  : Green,  Short  History,  pp.  161-169.  A.  Refer 

Scottish  Wars  : Cheyney,  Short  History  of  England,  pp.  220-226.  ences. 
France  during  the  Hundred  Years^  War : Adams,  Growth  of  the 
French  Nation,  Chapter  IX,  pp.  T08-135;  Lodge,  Chapter  IV,  pp. 

66-97. 

Black  Death  and  Peasants^  Rebellion : Cheyney,  Industrial  and 
Economic  History,  pp.  96-134;  Short  History,  pp.  243-250;  Statutes 
of  Laborers,  in  Translations  and  Reprmts,  Vol.  II,  No.  5. 

Constitutional  Progress  in  England : Adams,  Civilization,  pp. 

347-363- 

Wars  of  the  Roses  : Green,  Chapter  VI,  sect.  2. 


486 


Readings  in  European  History 


B.  Addi~ 
tional  read- 
ing in 
English. 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Tudor  Despotism:  Green,  Chapter  VI,  opening  of  sect.  3,  on  the 
“ New  Monarchy.”  Cheyney,  Short  History^  pp.  278-284. 

Breaking  up  of  the  Feudal  System:  Cheyney,  Industrial  and 
Economic  History^  pp.  136-161. 

Joan  of  Arc:  Green,  pp.  274-281.  Official  report  of  her  trial: 
Colby,  pp.  113-117. 

Louis  XI  and  Charles  the  Bold : Adams,  Growth  of  the  French 
Nation^  pp.  136-143;  Lodge,  Chapter  XVI,  pp.  349-393* 


The  following  are  the  best  special  treatments  of  English  history  in 
the  fourteenth  and  fifteenth  centuries  : 

Trevelyan,  England  in  the  Age  of  Wycliffe^  1899. 

Longman,  The  Life  and  Times  of  Edward  Ilf  1869.  Still  the  best 
work  for  the  period. 

Gasquet,  The  Great  Pestileitce,  1^48-1^4^,  1893. 

Ramsay,  Lancaster  and  York^  iggg-148^^  2 vols.,  1892. 

Wylie,  History  of  England  under  Henry  IV,  4 vols.,  1884-1898. 
Very  detailed  and  exhaustive. 

England  under  the  Tudors,  Vol.  I. 

Lowell,  Joan  of  Arc. 

Green,  Mrs.  J.  R.,  Tow7t  Life  in  England  in  the  Fifteenth  Century, 
2 vols. 

Kirk,  Charles  the  Bold.  Rather  antiquated  and  rhetorical  but 
based  upon  careful  research. 

The  Chronicles  of  Froissart,  edited  by  Macaulay  (Globe  edition), 
carefully  condensed  into  one  volume. 

The  Chronicles  of  Commines,  2 vols.  (Bohn  Library). 

The  Paston  Letters,  edited  by  Gairdner,  1875.  These  “ are  the  first 
instance  in  England  of  a family  correspondence,  and  throw  great  light 
on  the  social  history  of  the  time”  (Green). 

Frazer,  English  History  illustrated  from  the  Original  Sources, 
igoj-isgg.  This  contains  a great  variety  of  extracts. 

Compare  excellent  bibliographies  given  by  Andrews,  History  oj 
England,  pp.  196-197  and  229-230,  and  Cheyney,  Short  History, 
pp.  262-263  and  276-277. 


Histoire  de  France,  edited  by  Lavisse,  Vol.  Ill,  Part  II,  on  Philip 
the  Fair  and  Boniface  VIII. 

CoviLLE  contributes  Vol.  IV,  Part  I,  of  the  Histoire  de  France,  on 
the  period  of  the  Hundred  Years’  War.  Excellent. 


The  Hundred  Years’  War 


487 


Denifle,  the  well-known  archivist  of  the  Vatican,  has  issued  a 
remarkable  volume  of  material  and  written  a history  of  the  horrors  of 
the  war  to  1380  to  accompany  it, — La  Desolation  des  eglises,  monas- 
ter es  et  hopitanx  en  France y Vol.  I and  Vol.  II,  Parts  I-II,  1899.  (See 
extracts  given  above,  pp.  474  j'y.) 

PiCOT,  Histoire  des  Etats  generauxy  6 vols.,  1889.  Short  and  good 
account  in  VioLLEi,  .Llistotre  des  t7isttttitions  polttK^nes  de  la  France^ 

Vol.  Ill,  pp.  177  sqq. 

COSNEAU,  Les  Gr abides  Traites  de  la  Guerre  de  Cent  A 71s y in  Collectio7t 
de  textes  (see  above,  p.  220).  In  the  same  convenient  collection  will  be 
found  An7tales  de  Ga7td  (1296-1310),  Chronique  artesie7i7te  (1295-1304), 
and  Textes  relatifs  a V histoire  du  Parlement  h igidy  edited  by  Langlois. 

Beaucourt,  Histoire  de  Charles  VI ly  6 vols.,  1881-1891.  The 
chief  authority  for  this  period. 

Of  the  narrative  sources  the  most  conspicuous  are : 

Walsingham,  Historia  Anglicanay  1272-1422,  2 vols.,  in  the  Rolls 
Series.  Written  by  a monk  of  St.  Albans. 

The  vivacious  but  diffuse  and  somewhat  inaccurate  Chro7iicles  of  Froissart's 
Froissart  were  first  written  in  1373,  and  up  to  the  battle  of  Crecy  the  Chro7iicles 
author  depends  chiefly  on  Jean  le  Bel,  whose  work,  Les  Vrays 
Chroniquesy  was  published  by  PoLAiN  in  1863.  Froissart  rewrote  his 
history  later,  when  he  loved  the  English  less,  and  even  undertook  a third 
edition,  which  was  interrupted  by  his  death.  Kervyn  de  Lettehove 
has  issued  an  edition  of  the  Chronicles  in  20  volumes,  with  admirable 
notes  and  apparatus.  There  is  a newer  edition  edited  by  Luce,  issued 
by  the  Societe  de  Phistoire  de  France,  in  ii  volumes,  1867-1899. 

CoMMiNES,  MemoireSy  edited  by  Mandrot  in  the  Collection  de  textes y 
2 vols.,  1901-1903.  (Translated  in  the  Bohn  Library,  2 vols.) 

Other  works  will  be  found  mentioned  in  Gross,  Sources  of  English 
History y and  in  Loserth,  Geschichte  des  spdteren  MittelalterSy  pp.  324  sqq.y 
530  sq.y  539,  541  sq.y  and  553  sq.y  which  also  gives  abundant  material  for 
France. 


CHAPTER  XXI 


205.  The 
bull  Clericis 
Laicos  issued 
by  Boni- 
face VIII 
(1296)  deny- 
ing the 
right  of  the 
state  to  tax 
the  clergy. 


THE  POPES  AND  THE  COUNCILS 

I.  Question  whether  the  Civil  Government  might 
TAX  THE  Vast  Possessions  of  the  Church 

A struggle  between  the  papacy  and  the  temporal  rulers 
over  the  proportion  of  the  vast  income  of  the  Church 
which  each  should  enjoy  could  hardly  be  avoided.  When 
Philip  the  Fair  of  France  and  Edward  I of  England 
applied  to  the  clergy  for  a part  of  the  revenue  necessary 
to  meet  the  expenses  of  the  state,  Boniface  VIII,  who 
believed  in  claiming  the  most  exalted  prerogatives  for 
the  papacy,^  met  them  with  the  following  emphatic  and 
unconditional  denial  of  the  right  of  the  civil  power  to 
take  any  part  of  the  ecclesiastical  property  or  revenue. 
But  two  years  later  he  consented  to  make  certain  excep- 
tions, admitting  the  propriety  of  the  dons  gratuits\  or 
free  gifts,  on  the  part  of  the  clergy  to  the  king,  and 
even  of  exceptional  exactions  which,  in  cases  of  urgent 
necessity,  might  be  collected  by  the  king  without  waiting 
for  the  papal  sanction. 

Bishop  Boniface,  servant  of  the  servants  of  God,  in  per- 
petual record  of  this  matter.  Antiquity  shows  that  the  laity 
have  always  been  exceeding  hostile  to  the  clergy  ; and  this  the 
experience  of  the  present  time  clearly  demonstrates,  since, 
not  content  with  their  limitations,  the  laity  strive  for  forbid- 
den things  and  give  free  reign  to  the  pursuit  of  illicit  gain. 

1 See  above,  pp.  346  sqq.^  for  bull  Unam  Sanctam,  which  he  issued 
in  1202. 

488 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


489 


They  do  not  prudently  observe  that  all  control  over  the 
clergy,  as  well  as  over  all  ecclesiastical  persons  and  their 
possessions,  is  denied  them,  but  impose  heavy  burdens 
upon  the  prelates  of  the  churches,  upon  the  churches  them- 
selves, and  upon  ecclesiastical  persons  both  regular  and 
secular,  exacting  tallages  and  other  contributions  from  them. 
From  such  persons  they  require  and  extort  the  payment  of 
a half,  a tenth,  a twentieth,  or  some  other  quota  of  their 
property  or  income,  and  strive  in  many  other  ways  to  sub- 
ject the  churchmen  to  slavery  and  bring  them  under  their 
control. 

And  (with  grief  do  we  declare  it)  certain  prelates  of  the 
churches  and  ecclesiastical  persons,  fearing  where  they 
ought  not  to  fear,  and  seeking  a temporary  peace,  dreading 
to  offend  a temporal  more  than  the  eternal  majesty,  do, 
without  having  received  the  permission  or  sanction  of  the 
apostolic  see,  acquiesce  in  such  abuses,  not  so  much  from 
recklessness  as  from  want  of  foresight.  tWe,  therefore,  de- 
siring to  check  these  iniquitous  practices,  by  the  counsel  of 
our  brothers,  do,  of  our  apostolic  authority,  decree  that  all 
prelates  and  ecclesiastical  persons,  whether  monastic  or 
secular,  whatever  their  order,  condition,  or  status,  who  shall 
pay,  or  promise  or  agree  to  pay,  to  laymen,  any  contribu- 
tions or  tallages,  tenths,  twentieths,  or  hundredths  of  their 
own  or  of  their  churches’  revenues  or  possessions,  or  shall 
pay  any  sum,  portion,  or  part  of  their  revenues  or  goods,  or 
of  their  estimated  or  actual  value,  in  the  form  of  an  aid, 
loan,  subvention,  subsidy,  or  gift,  or  upon  any  other  pre- 
tense or  fiction  whatsoever,  without  authority  of  this  same 
apostolic  see:  — likewise  emperors,  kings  and  princes,  dukes, 
counts,  barons,  podesta,  captains,  officers,  rectors,  whatever 
their  title,  of  cities,  castles,  or  other  places,  wherever  situated, 
or  any  other  persons,  whatever  their  rank,  condition,  or  status, 
who  shall  impose,  exact,  or  receive  such  payments,  or  who 
shall  presume  to  lay  hands  upon,  seize,  or  occupy  the  pos- 
sessions of  churches  or  of  ecclesiastical  persons  deposited 
in  the  sacred  edifices,  or  who  shall  order  such  to  be  seized 
or  occupied,  or  shall  receive  such  things  as  shall  be  seized 


490  Readings  in  European  History 

or  occupied,  — likewise  all  who  shall  consciously  lend  aid, 
counsel,  or  support  in  such  undertakings,  either  publicly  or 
privately,  — shall,  by  the  very  act,  incur  the  sentence  of  ex- 
communication  ; corporations,  moreover,  which  shall  show 
themselves  guilty  in  these  matters,  we  place  under  the 
interdict. 

We  strictly  command  all  prelates  and  ecclesiastical  per- 
sons above  mentioned,  in  virtue  of  their  obedience,  and 
under  penalty  of  deposition,  that  they  shall  not  hereafter 
acquiesce  in  any  such  demands,  without  the  express  permis- 
sion of  the  aforesaid  chair.  Nor  shall  they  pay  anything 
under  pretext  of  any  obligation,  promise,  or  declaration 
made  in  the  past,  or  which  may  be  made  before  this  notice, 
prohibition,  or  order  shall  be  brought  to  their  attention. 
Nor  shall  the  above-mentioned  laymen  in  any  way  receive 
any  such  payments.  And  if  the  former  pay,  or  the  latter 
receive  anything,  they  shall  incur,  by  the  act  itself,  the 
sentence  of  excommunication.  No  one,  moreover,  shall  be 
freed  from  the  above-mentioned  sentences  of  excommuni- 
cation or  of  the  interdict,  except  in  the  article  of  death, 
without  the  authority  and  special  permission  of  the  apos- 
tolic see,  since  it  is  our  intention  to  make  no  kind  of  com- 
promise with  so  horrible  an  abuse  of  the  secular  power; 
and  this  notwithstanding  any  privileges,  whatever  their 
tenor,  form,  or  wording,  conceded  to  emperors,  kings,  or 
other  persons  above  mentioned,  for  we  will  that  such  con- 
cessions as  are  in  conflict  with  the  preceding  prohibitions 
shall  avail  no  individual  person  or  persons.  Let  no  man 
at  all,  therefore,  violate  the  page  of  this  our  decree,  pro- 
hibition, or  order,  or  with  rash  assumption  contravene  it. 
Whoever  shall  presume  to  attempt  this,  let  him  know  that 
he  shall  incur  the  indignation  of  omnipotent  God  and  of 
the  blessed  Peter  and  Paul,  his  apostles. 

Given  at  Rome,  at  St.  Peter’s,  on  the  sixth  day  before  the 
Kalends  of  March,  in  the  second  year  of  our  pontificate. 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


491 


II.  Marsiglio  of  Padua  and  his  “ Defender  of 
Peace  ’’ 

The  earliest  uncompromising  attack  upon  the  tempo- 
ral power  of  the  pope  and  the  clergy  is  that  of  Marsiglio 
of  Padua.  Marsiglio  was  born  in  1270  at  Padua  and 
probably  took  the  ordinary  course  of  study  in  the  uni- 
versity there.  He  then  led  a wandering  life  until  he 
became  rector  of  the  University  of  Paris  in  1312.  The 
struggle  which  had  begun  between  Louis  of  Bavaria,  an 
aspirant  for  the  imperial  crown,  and  his  opponent.  Pope 
John  XXII  (1316-1334),  aroused  Marsiglio’s  interest  in 
the  great  problem  of  the  relations  between  the  civil  and 
ecclesiastical  powers.  In  1324  he  planned  out,  with 
a co-worker,  the  Defender  of  Peace  {Defensor  Pads), 
which  has  quite  properly  been  called  ‘‘  the  greatest  and 
most  original  political  treatise  of  the  Middle  Ages.’'  In 
1328  he  accompanied  Louis  of  Bavaria  to  Italy  and 
became  the  papal  vicar  of  an  antipope  whom  the  emperor 
had  set  up  in  place  of  his  enemy,  John  XXII.  Louis, 
however,  utterly  failed  to  establish  himself  in  Italy.  We 
know  nothing  about  Marsiglio’s  later  life.  He  probably 
died  not  long  after  1 336.  His  book  is  far  more  important 
than  the  little  that  we  know  of  his  career. 

Only  peace  can  furnish  the  necessary  conditions  for 
progress,  for  peace  is  the  mother  of  all  the  higher  arts.  The 
evils  of  discord  and  strife  have  nearly  all  been  described 
by  Aristotle  ; but  one  great  and  important  cause  of  trouble 
naturally  escaped  him,  — a potent,  hidden  influence  which 
interferes  with  the  welfare  not  only  of  the  empire  but  of  all 
the  governments  of  Europe.  [Marsiglio  cleverly  refrains 
from  revealing  this  modern  cause  of  discord  until  he  has 
described  the  proper  nature  and  organization  of  the  state.] 


206.  Brief 
summary  of 
Marsiglio 
of  Padua’s 
Defender  of 
Peace. 


492 


Readings  in  European  History 


Popular 

sovereignty. 


Unfounded 
claims  made 
by  the  pope 
and  clergy 
the  chief 
obstacle  to 
peace. 


Churchmen 
= Christian 
believers. 


The  power  of  making  the  laws  should  belong  to  the  whole 
body  of  citizens,  for  there  is  no  lawgiver  among  men  superior 
to  the  people  themselves.  The  argument  that  there  are  an 
infinite  number  of  fools  in  the  world  may  be  met  by  pointing 
out  that  “ foolish  ’’  is  a relative  term,  and  that  the  people 
know  their  own  needs  best  and  will  not  legislate  against 
their  own  interests.  Any  particular  class  of  people  is,  how- 
ever, likely  to  be  self-seeking,  as  is  shown  by  the  decrees  of 
the  popes  and  the  clergy,  where  the  self-interest  of  the  law- 
maker is  only  too  apparent. 

The  actual  administration  must,  nevertheless,  be  in  the 
hands  of  a single  person  or  group  of  persons.^  Perhaps  a 
king  is  the  best  head  for  the  state,  but  the  monarch  should 
be  elected  and  not  hold  his  office  hereditarily,  and  should  be 
deposed  if  he  exceed  his  powers.^ 

[At  the  end  of  Part  I the  time  comes  to  take  up  the 
chief  cause  of  trouble  which  has  grown  up  since  Aristotle’s 
time, — namely,  the  papacy  and  the  clergy.]  The  bishops 
of  Rome  have  extended  their  jurisdiction  not  only  over  the 
clergy  but,  since  the  Donation  of  Constantine,  over  secular 
rulers  as  well.  This  is  illustrated  by  the  acts  of  the  popes 
of  the  time  (including  the  famous  bull  Unam  Sanctam)  and 
of  the  existing  bishop  of  Rome,  John  XXII,  who  claims, 
both  in  Italy  and  Germany,  to  have  supreme  jurisdiction  over 
the  emperor  and  over  the  lesser  princes  and  communities, 
even  in  purely  temporal  and  feudal  matters. 

In  its  original  meaning  the  church  ” meant  all  believers 
in  Christ,  — all  those  for  whom  he  shed  his  blood.  “ Church- 
men ” (viri  ecclesiastici)  then  include  all  the  faithful,  whether 
they  be  priests  or  not.  The  assumed  supremacy  of  the 
bishop  of  Rome  is  without  foundation.  Even  if  Peter  was 
ever  in  Rome,  — which  is  doubtful,  — there  is  no  reason  to 
suppose  that  he  handed  down  any  exceptional  power  to  the 
succeeding  bishops. 

1 All  this  is  strikingly  similar  to  the  teachings  of  Rousseau  in  his 
Social  Contract.  See  History  of  Western  Europe,  § 214. 

2 Rather  singularly  Marsiglio  appears  to  have  no  enthusiasm  for  a 
universal  monarchy  or  empire. 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


493 


The  third  part  of  the  Defensor  Pads  contains  a brief 
summary  of  the  main  arguments  of  the  book.  It  is  pos- 
sible that  this  resume  was  not  prepared  by  Marsiglio 
himself,  but  it  furnishes  a clear  analysis  of  the  whole 
treatise.  It  opens  as  follows  : 

In  our  preceding  pages  we  have  found  that  civil  discord 
and  dissension  in  the  various  kingdoms  and  communities  is 
due,  above  all,  to  a cause  which,  unless  it  be  obviated,  will 
continue  to  be  a source  of  future  calamity,  — namely,  the 
claims,  aspirations,  and  enterprises  of  the  Roman  bishop 
and  of  his  band  of  ecclesiastics,  bent  upon  gaining  secular 
power  and  superfluous  worldly  possessions.  The  bishop  of 
Rome  is  wont  to  support  his  claim  to  supreme  authority 
over  others  by  the  assertion  that  the  plenitude  of  power  was 
delegated  to  him  by  Christ  through  the  person  of  St.  Peter, 
as  we  showed  at  the  end  of  Part  I,  and  in  several  chapters 
of  Part  II.  But  in  reality  no  princely  authority,  nor  any 
coercive  jurisdiction  in  this  world  — to  say  nothing  of  supre7ne 
authority  — belongs  to  him  or  to  any  other  bishop,  priest,  or 
clerk,  whether  jointly  or  severally.  This  we  have  proved  by 
sound  human  arguments  in  Part  I,  chapters  xii,  xiii,  and  xv. 
We  have,  in  Part  II,  chapters  vi  and  vii,  further  supported 
our  conclusions  by  the  testimony  of  eternal  truth  and  by  the 
discussions  of  the  saints  and  learned  men  who  have  inter- 
preted this  truth. 

Then  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  chapters  we  established 
from  the  Scriptures  and  by  sound  reasoning  what  was  the 
character  and  extent  of  the  legitimate  authority  of  the  priests 
and  bishops.  We  demonstrated  that  the  plenitude  of  power 
to  which  the  clergy,  especially  the  Roman  bishop,  lays  claim 
belongs  neither  to  the  clergy  as  a whole  nor  to  any  of  its 
members.  In  this  way  the  foundations  of  the  bishop  of 
Rome’s  malign  assumptions  would  seem  to  be  completely 
undermined. 

Now,  in  order  that  this  plague  which  has  scattered  the 
seeds  of  discord  and  strife  in  kingdoms  and  communities. 


Marsiglio’s 
own  sum- 
mary of  his 
work. 


494  Readings  in  European  History 

nor  has  ceased  to  provoke  dissension,  may  be  the  more 
speedily  checked  and  prevented  from  further  increase,  we 
add  a third  and  last  part  to  the  preceding  two.  This  is 
nothing  more  than  a collection  of  the  clear  and  inevitable 
deductions  from  the  statements  and  demonstrations  given 
above.  If  these  conclusions  be  duly  attended  to  and  acted 
upon  this  plague  and  its  sophistical  source  will  be  easily 
abolished,  now  and  hereafter,  from  the  various  kingdoms 
and  other  states. 

Of  Marsiglio’s  conclusions  the  most  interesting  are  the 
following : 

It  is  necessary  to  accept  as  true  and  essential  to  salvation 
only  the  holy  and  canonical  Scriptures,  together  with  their 
clear  implications  as  interpreted  by  a general  council  of  the 
faithful.  This  is  assuredly  true  and  may  be  assumed. 

Doubtful  points  in  the  Christian  belief  are  to  be  deter- 
mined by  a general  council,  — in  no  case  by  a single  person, 
whoever  he  may  be. 

No  one,  according  to  the  gospel,  may  be  forced  to  observe 
the  divine  law  by  a temporal  penalty  or  any  punishment  of 
this  world. 

The  human  lawgiver  can  only  be  the  whole  body  of  citi- 
zens or  a majority  of  them. 

No  one  may  be  compelled  by  temporal  penalties  to  obey 
the  decretals  or  ordinances  of  the  bishops  of  Rome,  or  of 
any  other  bishop,  unless  the  decrees  are  issued  with  the 
sanction  of  the  human  lawgiver  [namely,  the  people]. 

No  bishop  or  priest,  as  such,  has  any  coercive  authority  or 
jurisdiction  over  any  clerk  or  layman,  even  over  a heretic. 

No  bishop  or  priest,  or  assembly  of  bishops  or  priests, 
may  excommunicate  any  person,  or  interdict  the  perform- 
ance of  divine  services,  except  with  the  authority  of  the 
lawgiver  [namely,  the  people]. 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


495 


All  bishops  have  equal  authority  immediately  from  Christ, 
nor,  according  to  divine  law,  can  it  be  shown  that  any  one 
of  them  is  superior  to,  or  subordinate  to,  another,  either  in 
divine  or  temporal  matters. 

With  the  consent  of  the  human  legislator,  other  bishops 
may,  together  or  separately,  excommunicate  the  Roman 
bishop  and  exercise  other  forms  of  authority  over  him. 

The  determination  of  the  number  of  churches  and  of 
priests,  deacons,  and  other  officials  necessary  to  administer 
them,  belongs  to  the  rulers  who  shall  conform  to  the  laws  of 
the  faithful  people. 

The  temporal  possessions  of  the  Church,  except  such  as 
are  necessary  for  the  support  of  the  priests  and  other  minis- 
ters of  the  gospel  and  for  the  maintenance  of  divine  services 
and  the  relief  of  the  helpless  poor,  may  properly,  and  accord- 
ing to  divine  law,  be  devoted,  in  whole  or  in  part,  by  the 
human  law,  to  public  needs  and  the  public  defense. 

Marsiglio’s  modern  independence  of  thought  and 
methods  of  criticism  may  be  illustrated  by  the  following 
passage,  in  which  he  questions  a universally  accepted 
belief  of  the  Middle  Ages. 

Since,  then,  it  is  evident  from  the  Scriptures  that  Paul 
spent  two  years  in  Rome,  there  received  all  the  gentiles  who 
were  converted,  and  preached  there,  it  is  clear  that  he  was  in 
a special  sense  bishop  of  Rome,  since  he  fulfilled  the  duties 
of  pastor  there,  having  his  authority  immediately  from  Christ 
through  revelation  and,  by  the  consent  of  the  other  apostles, 
through  election. 

As  for  St.  Peter,  on  the  other  hand,  I maintain  that  it  can- 
not be  proved  by  Holy  Scripture  that  he  was  bishop  of  Rome, 
or,  what  is  more,  that  he  ever  was  in  Rome.  It  is  true  that, 
according  to  a certain  popular  ecclesiastical  legend  of  the 
saints,  St.  Peter  reached  Rome  before  St.  Paul  preached  the 
word  there,  and  was  later  arrested  ; moreover  it  is  related  that 
St.  Paul,  on  his  arrival  at  Rome,  engaged  with  St.  Peter  in 


Marsiglio’s 
discussion 
of  Peter’s 
presence  in 
Rome. 


496 


Readings  in  European  History 


Improba- 
bility of  the 
current 
tradition 
of  Peter’s 
episcopate. 


many  conflicts  with  Simon  Magus,  and  at  the  same  time 
stoutly  withstood  emperors  and  their  ministers  in  the  cause 
of  the  faith.  Finally,  according  to  the  same  story,  both  were 
decapitated  at  the  same  time  for  confessing  Christ,  and  slept 
in  the  Lord,  thus  consecrating  the  Roman  Church  in  Christ. 

It  is  most  astonishing,  however,  that  neither  St.  Luke, 
who  wrote  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles,  nor  St.  Paul,  makes 
any  mention  of  St.  Peter.  Moreover  the  last  chapter  of 
Acts  makes  it  very  probable  that  St.  Peter  had  not  arrived 
in  Rome  before  them.  P"or  when  Paul  addressed  the  Jews 
upon  his  arrival,  in  explaining  the  reason  for  his  coming  to 
Rome,  he  said,  among  other  things,  “ But  when  the  Jews 
spake  against  it  [his  liberation]  I was  constrained  to  appeal 
unto  Caesar.’’  And  they  said  unto  him,  We  neither  received 
letters  out  of  Jerusalem  concerning  thee,  neither  any  of  the 
brethren  that  came  shewed  or  spake  any  harm  of  thee. 
But  we  desire  to  hear  of  thee  what  thou  thinkest : for  as 
concerning  this  sect  [of  the  Christians]  we  know  that 
every  where  it  is  spoken  against.” 

I would  that  any  one  anxious  for  the  truth,  and  not  bent 
upon  mere  discussion,  should  tell  me  if  it  be  probable  that 
St.  Peter  had  preceded  Paul  in  Rome  and  yet  had  made  no 
proclamation  of  Christ’s  faith,  which  the  Jews,  in  speaking 
to  Paul,  call  a ‘‘sect.”  Moreover  would  not  Paul,  in  reprov- 
ing them  for  their  incredulity,  have  spoken  of  Peter  had  he 
been  there  preaching,  and  have  called  as  a witness  one  who, 
according  to  the  third  chapter  of  Acts,  beheld  Christ’s  resur- 
rection Then,  from  what  has  been  said,  who  could  suppose 
that  Paul  could  spend  two  years  in  Rome  and  still  have  no 
intercourse  or  communication  with  St.  Peter  ? And  if  he 
had,  why  did  the  author  of  Acts  make  absolutely  no  men- 
tion of  the  fact?  In  other  less  important  towns,  when  Paul 
came  upon  Peter  he  makes  mention  of  him  and  associated 
with  him,  for  example,  in  Corinth  (i  Cor.  iii),  and  in 
Antioch  (Gal.  ii),  and  so  in  other  places.  Why  does  he  say 
nothing  of  Peter  if  he  found  him  in  Rome,  the  most  cele- 
brated of  all  cities,  where,  according  to  the  story  mentioned 
above,  Peter  was  conspicuous  as  bishop  ? 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


497 


Such  a state  of  affairs  is  well-nigh  incredible,  so  that  the 
story  or  legend  ought  not  to  be  regarded  as  probable  in 
reference  to  the  matter  in  hand,  and  should  be  reckoned  as 
apocryphal.  We  must,  however,  following  Holy  Scripture, 
hold  that  St.  Paul  was  bishop  of  Rome,  and  if  any  one  else 
was  there  with  him,  Paul  was  nevertheless  in  charge,  and  in 
a special  sense  bishop  of  Rome,  as  is  shown  by  the  reasons 
adduced.  Peter  would  seem  to  have  been  bishop  of  Antioch, 
as  appears  in  the  second  chapter  of  Galatians.  I do  not 
deny  that  Peter  was  ever  in  Rome,  but  hold  it  as  probable 
that  he  did  not  precede  Paul,  but  rather  the  contrary. 


III.  Wycliffe’s  Attack  upon  the  Pope,  Clergy,  Monks, 
AND  THE  Roman  Catholic  Teachings 

Wycliffe  wrote  many  treatises,  pamphlets,  and  ser- 
mons, in  both  Latin  and  English.  In  his  sermons,  which 
are  generally  very  brief,  he  often  refers  to  the  evil  life 
and  what  he  regarded  as  the  perverse  teachings  of  the 
pope  and  clergy,  especially  of  the  mendicant  friars,  most 
of  whom  seemed  to  him  to  be  the  servants  of  Antichrist. 
The  following  extracts  illustrate  his  spirit : ^ 

[We  should  put  on  the  armor  of  Christ,  for  Antichrist 
has  turned]  hise  clerkes  to  coveitise  and  worldli  love,  and 
so  blindid  the  peple  and  derkid  the  lawe  of  Crist,  that  hise 
servantis  ben  thikke,  and  fewe  ben  on  Cristis  side.  And 
algatis  [=  always]  thei  dispisen  that  men  shulden  knowe 
Cristis  liif,  for  bi  his  liif  and  his  loore  shulde  help  rise  on 
his  side,  and  prestis  shulden  shame  of  her  lyves,  and  special! 
thes  highe  prestis,  for  thei  reversen  Crist  bothe  in  word 
and  dede. 

And  herfore  oo  greet  Bishop  of  Engelond,  as  men  seien, 
is  yvel  paied  [=  pleased]  that  Goddis  lawe  is  writun  in 

1 It  seemed  a pity  to  modernize  the  ancient  spelling;  it,  of  course, 
somewhat  impedes  the  inexperienced  reader,  but  does  not  prevent  his 
coming  at  the  full  sense  of  the  passages. 


Marsiglio 
claims  that 
Paul  was 
apparently 
the  first 
bishop  of 
Rome. 


207.  Wyc- 
liffe on  the 
evil  state 
of  the 
clergy. 


The  opposi- 
tion of  the 
Primate  of 
England  to 
the  translat- 
ing of  the 
Scriptures 
into  English. 


Three  chief 
enemies  of 
Christ’s  law, 
namely,  the 
pope  and 
cardinals, 
bad  bishops 
and  rulers, 
and  the 
mendicant 
friars. 


The  pride 
and  arro- 
gance of  the 
clergy. 


The  pope 
and  prelates 
are  given 
over  to 
avarice. 


498  Readings  in  European  History 

Englis,  to  lewide  men  [=  laymen] ; and  he  pursueth  a preest, 
for  that  he  writith  to  men  this  Englishe,  and  somonith  him 
and  traveilith  him,  that  it  is  hard  to  him  to  rowte.  And  thus 
he  pursueth  another  preest  by  the  helpe  of  Phariseis,  for  he 
prechide  Cristis  gospel  freeli  withouten  fablis. 

O men  that  ben  on  Cristis  half,  helpe  ye  now  agens  Anti- 
crist ! for  the  perilous  tyme  is  comen  that  Crist  and  Poul 
telden  bifore.  Butt  00  confort  is  of  knygttis,  that  thei 
savoren  myche  the  gospel  and  han  wide  to  rede  in  Englishe 
the  gospel  of  Cristis  liif.  For  aftirward,  if  God  wole,  this 
lordship  shal  be  taken  from  preestis  ; and  so  the  staaff  that 
makith  hem  hardi  agens  Crist  and  his  lawe.  For  three  sectis 
figten  here,  agens  Cristene  mennis  secte.  The  firste  is  the 
pope  and  cardinals,  bi  fals  lawe  that  thei  han  made ; the 
secounde  is  emperours  [and]  bishopis,  whiche  dispisen  Cristis 
lawe ; the  thridde  is  thes  Pharisees  possessioners  and  beg- 
geris.  Alle  thes  three,  Goddis  enemyes,  traveilen  in  ypoc- 
risie,  and  in  worldli  coveitise,  and  idilnesse  in  Goddis  lawe. 
Crist  helpe  his  Chirche  from  these  fendis,  for  thei  figten 
perilously. 

In  another  sermon  Wycliffe  speaks  of  the  pride  and 
arrogance  of  the  clergy. 

And  Crist  sitting,  clepide  [=  called]  thes  twelve,  and 
seide,  yif  ony  of  you  wole  be  the  firste,  he  shal  be  the  laste 
of  alle  and  servant  of  alle,  for  he  must  be  moost  meke  of 
alle  other.’’  And  Crist  take  a child,  and  putte  him  in  the 
middil  of  hem ; the  which  child  whanne  Crist  hadde  biclippid, 
he  seide  thus  to  hem,  “ Who  ever  takith  oon  of  thes  children 
in  my  name  resseyveth  me,  and  whoever  resseyveth  me,  res- 
seyveth  not  me,  but  my  fadir.”  And,  for  this  lore  is  profit- 
able to  governaile  of  holy  Chirche,  therfore  seith  Crist,  as 
he  seith  ofte,  He  that  hath  eeris  to  heere,  heere  he.” 

And  in  this  point  synnen  specialy  gretteste  of  the  Chirche, 
for  thei  suen  not  Crist  heere  but  Anticrist  and  the  world. 
Loke  the  pope  first  and  his  cardinalis,  where  thei  taken  no 
worldli  worship,  but  ben  the  laste,  moost  servisable,  and 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


499 


* moost  meke  of  alle  othir.  More  foul  pride  and  coveitise  is 
in  no  Lord  of  the  world.  Go  we  to  bishopis  binethe  thes, 
and  riche  abbotis,  fadirs  in  coventis,  and  thes  axen  worldly 
worshipis,  and  bi  this  mai  men  knowe  hem.  Yif  thou  wil 
wite  which  of  thes  is  more,  loke  which  takith  more  worldly 
worship. 

And  yif  thou  go  doun  to  freris,  that  ben  beggeris,  and 
shulden  be  mekerste,  more  worship  of  their  bretheren  takith 
no  man  in  this  world,  as  bi  kneling  and  kissyng  of  feet ; 
take  thou  the  ministre  of  ffreris  and  other  service  at  mete 
and  bedde,  more  than  ony  bishop  doith.  And  so  Cristis 
reule  in  thes  preestis  is  more  reversid  than  in  worldli  lordis. 
And  sith  thei  professen  and  seien  this  gospel  bothe  in  word 
and  in  oth,  it  is  open  that  thes  false  ypocritis  disseyve  the 
peple,  and  harmen  the  Chirche. 

But  on  this  men  douten  ofte  how  that  thes  shriftes  [=  con- 
fession] camen  in.  For  Goddis  lawe  spekith  not  but  of 
schrift  maad  to  God,  and  of  general  shrifte  to  men,  and  to 
stire  hem  to  leve  ther  synne ; and  thes  shriftes  ben  ofte  betere 
for  this  than  thes  newe  rownyngis.  Here  men  seien,  yif 
thei  dursten,  that  noo  shrifte  that  now  is  usid  is  good  to 
man,  but  in  as  myche  as  it  lettith  man  to  synne.  And  so  yif 
prestis  prechiden  faste  as  Crist  hath  ordeyned  hem  to  preche, 
it  semeth  that  this  were  ynow,  with  general  confessioun.  And 
so,  al  if  it  do  good,  netheles  it  doith  myche  harm,  for  con- 
fessores  han  her  menes  to  spuyle  the  peple  by  symonye,  and 
to  foyle  hem  many  weies  by  coveitise  and  lecherie. 

Thes  ben  to  rude  heretikes,  that  seien  thei  eten  Crist 
bodili,  and  seien  thei  parten  ech  membre  of  him,  — nekke, 
bac,  heed,  and  foot.  And  alle  siche  heresies  springen,  for 
thei  when  not  what  this  oost  [=  host]  is.  This  oost  is 
breed  [=  bread]  in  his  kynde,  as  ben  other  oostes  unsacrid, 
and  sacramentaliche  Goddis  bodi;  for  Crist  seith  so,  that  mai 
not  lye.  And  so,  yif  this  sacrament  be  foulid  in  that  it  is 
breed  or  wyn,  it  may  not  thus  be  defoulid  in  thingis  which  it 
figurith.  And  so  a man  brekith  not  Goddis  bodi,  ne  drynkith 
his  blood  with  his  mouth,  alyif  he  ete  and  drynke  the  breed 


Arrogance  of 
the  friars. 


208.  Wyc- 

liffe  on 

auricular 

confession 

and  tran- 

substantia- 

tion. 


Denial  of 

transubstan* 

tiation. 


500 


Readings  in  European  History 


and  the  wiin  that  is  thes  ; for  thei  ben  not  thes  in  kynde.  . . . 
And  thus  a mous  etith  not  Cristis  bodi  alyif  he  ete  this 
sacrament ; for  the  mous  failith  goostli  wiit,  to  chewe  in  him 
this  bileve. 


209.  State- 
ment of  the 
views  of 
Wycliffe’s 
followers. 


Contrast 
between  the 
life  led  by 
the  pope  and 
Christ’s  life. 


Shortly  after  Wycliffe’s  death  his  followers  drew  up  a 
reply  to  the  charges  brought  against  the  ‘^pore  Cristen 
men.”  The  first  charge  is  discussed  as  follows : 

Furste,  that  this  pope  Urban  tho  sixte  beres  not  strength 
of  Seint  Petur  in  erthe,  but  thai  affermen  hym  to  be  tho  son 
of  Anticriste,  and  that  no  verrey  pope  was  sith  tho  tyme  of 
Silvester  [I]  pope. 

Here  Cristen  men  seyne  pleynly,  that  whatever  pope  or 
other  preste,  in  maner  of  lyvynge  or  techynge  or  lawis-mak- 
ynge,  contrarius  Crist,  is  verrey  Anticrist,  adversary  of  Jesus 
Crist,  and  of  his  apostlis,  ande  of  alle  Cristen  pepul.  See 
inwardely,  alle  ye  Cristen  pepul,  tho  meke  life  of  Jesus 
Crist,  pore  and  symple  to  the  worlde,  and  ful  of  brennynge 
charite,  and  puttynge  hym  selfe  to  penaunce  and  travayle 
in  prechynge  and  prayinge,  and  willeful  [=  voluntary]  sched- 
ynge  of  his  precious  blode,  for  to  make  pes  and  charite  and 
for  to  save  mennes  soules.  Ande  sees  ye  tho  open  lyif  of 
popes,  how  proude  thai  bene,  that  Cristen  kyngus  schal 
kysse  ther  fete,  and  with  ther  fote  thai  schal  kroune  tho 
emperoure,  ther  lorde  and  founder,  ande  that  emperours, 
barfot,  leden  openly,  as  men  sayne,  ther  bridelis,  and  that 
all  men  that  schal  with  hem  speke  schul  kisse  ther  fete,  and 
calle  hem  moste  holy  faderis,  and  moste  blessid  and  moste 
mercyful  and  gracius.  And  loke  whether  this  be  contrarie 
to  Cristis  mekenes,  that  weysche  his  disciplis  feete,  and 
coome  not  for  to  be  served  but  to  serve  other  men,  and  to 
gif  hys  lyife  for  redempcioun  of  mony.  And  he  coome  not 
to  seche  his  owne  glorie  by  manhed,  but  in  alle  thingus  to 
do  tho  wille  of  his  Fadir  of  heven. 

Tho  secunde  tyme.  See  ye  Cristen  peple,  tho  willeful 
poverte  of  Jesus  Crist,  how  he  hade  nougt  by  worldly  lord- 
schipe  one  howse  where  he  mygt  reste  his  heved,  but  lyved 

s' 


The  Popes  and  the  Conncils  501 

by  temporale  almes  of  Mary  Mawdeleyne  ande  other  holy 
wymmen,  as  tho  gospel  sais.  Ande  see  ye  wisely,  whether 
oure  popis,  makyng  stronge  palayces  with  pore  mennes  lyve- 
lodis,  with  al  ther  glorie  of  richesses  and  jewelis,  acordem 
with  this  porenes  of  Criste. 

Tho  thrid  tyme,  See,  yee  Cristen  pepul,  tho  charitabul 
lyif  of  Crist,  ande  like  whether  oure  popis  contrarien  hym. 
Where  he  was  moste  bisye  in  spirituale  occupacione,  these 
popis  bene  most  bisy  in  delynge  of  beneficis  to  him  that 
moste  muck  brynggen  or  worldly  favour.  Where  Criste 
willefully  gafe  tribute  to  tho  emperoure,  these  popis  robben 
cristes  rewenes  by  the  furste  frutes  of  mony  thowsande 
poundis,  by  manyschynge  of  suspendyng  and  enterdytynge 
of  londis. 

Where  Criste  mekely  travelid  with  grete  penaunce  upon 
his  fete  for  to  preche  tho  gospel,  these  popes,  more  then 
emperoures,  resten  in  palaycis  chargid  with  pretious  in  ther 
feete  and  in  al  ther  stynkynge  carione,  ande  prechen  not 
tho  gospel  to  Cristen  men,  but  crien  ever  aftur  glorye  and 
riches,  and  make  newe  lawes  for  to  magnify  ther  worldly 
state,  that  Crist  and  his  apostlis  durste  never  do. 

Where  Crist  gafe  his  precious  blode  and  lyif  for  to  make 
pes  and  charite,  these  popis  maken  ande  mayntenys  werre 
thoroweout  Cristendame,  for  to  hold  ther  worldly  state, 
moste  contrarie  ageyne  Crist  and  his  apostlis,  ande  herto 
spenden  tho  almes  of  kyngis,  and  oppressen  Cristen  rewenes 
by  newe  subsidies. 

And,  that  is  werst,  thai  senden  indulgencis,  foundid  as 
thai  faynen  on  Cristis  charite  and  his  dethe,  to  sle  alle  men 
contrarie  to  theire  lustis.  Certis  this  semes  contrarious  to 
Crist  and  his  lovers.  Seynt  Robert  Grosthede^  sais  that 
this  court  is  cause,  welle,  and  begynnynge  of  destruccione 
of  Cristendame,  and  loser  of  al  tho  worlde.  Ande  trewly, 
if  thai  be  thus  contrary  to  Crist  in  lyvynge  and  techyng,  as 
ther  open  dedis  and  tho  world  crien,  thai  ben  cursid  here- 
tikis,  manquellars  bodily  and  gostly,  Anticrist,  and  Sathanas 


1 Bishop  of  Lincoln  (d.  1253),  an  ardent  advocate  of  reform. 


502 


Readings  in  European  History 


transfigurid  into  aungelis  [of]  ligt.  Ande,  as  this  worthi 
clerk  Grosthede  proves,  ande  certis  no  man  is  verrey  pope 
but  in  als  myche  as  he  sewis  Crist ; and  in  so  myche  Cristen 
men  wole  do  aftur  hym,  ande  no  more,  for  alle  bulles  and 
censuris,  for  no  creature  of  God. 


IV.  The  Sojourn  of  the  Popes  at  Avignon.  The 
Origin  of  the  Great  Schism 

The  residence  of  the  popes  at  Avignon  (1316-1377) 
did  much  to  undermine  their  prestige.  Avignon  was 
so  near  France  that  the  English  and  Germans  sus- 
pected that  the  French  king  really  directed  the  papal 
policy.  Besides,  the  pope  maintained  a very  luxurious 
court,  and  an  ever-increasing  burden  of  taxation  was 
necessary  to  maintain  the  splendor  which  Petrarch,  long 
a resident  of  the  city,  describes  in  the  letter  given  below. 
Petrarch’s  criticism  is  especially  noteworthy,  for,  in  the 
first  place,  he  had  ample  opportunity  for  forming  his 
opinions  from  personal  observation  ; in  the  second  place, 
he  was  an  ardent  adherent  of  the  papacy  and  a devout 
member  of  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  — unlike  Mar- 
siglio  and  Wycliffe,  who  were  openly  heretical  in  their 
denial  of  some  of  the  fundamental  teachings  of  the 
mediaeval  Church.  This  letter  is  undated,  but  was  writ- 
ten probably  between  1340  and  1353,  when  he  left  the 
detested  Avignon  forever,  and  removed  to  Italy. 


210.  A 

letter  of 
Petrarch^s 
describing 
the  papal 
court  at 
Avignon. 


...  Now  I am  living  in  France,  in  the  Babylon  of  the 
West.  The  sun  in  its  travels  sees  nothing  more  hideous 
than  this  place  on  the  shores  of  the  wild  Rhone,  which  sug- 
gests the  hellish  streams  of  Cocytus  and  Acheron.  Here 
reign  the  successors  of  the  poor  fishermen  of  Galilee  ; they 
have  strangely  forgotten  their  origin.  I am  astounded,  as 


The  Popes  and  the  Conncils 


503 


I recall  their  predecessors,  to  see  these  men  loaded  with 
gold  and  clad  in  purple,  boasting  of  the  spoils  of  princes 
and  nations ; to  see  luxurious  palaces  and  heights  crowned 
with  fortifications,  instead  of  a boat  turned  downwards  for 
shelter. 

We  no  longer  find  the  simple  nets  which  were  once  used 
to  gain  a frugal  sustenance  from  the  lake  of  Galilee,  and 
with  which,  having  labored  all  night  and  caught  nothing, 
they  took,  at  daybreak,  a multitude  of  fishes,  in  the  name 
of  Jesus.  One  is  stupefied  nowadays  to  hear  the  lying 
tongues,  and  to  see  worthless  parchments  turned  by  a leaden 
seal  into  nets  which  are  used,  in  Christ’s  name,  but  by  the 
arts  of  Belial,  to  catch  hordes  of  unwary  Christians.  These 
fish,  too,  are  dressed  and  laid  on  the  burning  coals  of  anxiety 
before  they  fill  the  insatiable  maw  of  their  captors. 

Instead  of  holy  solitude  we  find  a criminal  host  and 
crowds  of  the  most  infamous  satellites ; instead  of  sober- 
ness, licentious  banquets ; instead  of  pious  pilgrimages, 
preternatural  and  foul  sloth  ; instead  of  the  bare  feet  of  the 
apostles,  the  snowy  coursers  of  brigands  fly  past  us,  the 
horses  decked  in  gold  and  fed  on  gold,  soon  to  be  shod  with 
gold,  if  the  Lord  does  not  check  this  slavish  luxury.  In 
short,  we  seem  to  be  among  the  kings  of  the  Persians  or 
Parthians,  before  whom  we  must  fall  down  and  worship, 
and  who  cannot  be  approached  except  presents  be  offered. 
O ye  unkempt  and  emaciated  old  men,  is  it  for  this  you 
labored  ? Is  it  for  this  that  you  have  sown  the  field  of  the 
Lord  and  watered  it  with  your  holy  blood  ? But  let  us 
leave  the  subject. 

Commiserate  the  cruel  fate  which  holds  your  friend  here. 
He  may  merit  punishment,  but  certainly  not  one  like  this. 
Here  I am,  at  a more  advanced  age,  back  in  the  haunts  of 
my  childhood,  dragged  again  by  fate  among  the  disagree- 
able surroundings  of  my  early  days,  when  I thought  I was 
freed  from  them.  I have  been  so  depressed  and  overcome 
that  the  heaviness  of  my  soul  has  passed  into  bodily  afflic- 
tions, so  that  I am  really  ill  and  can  only  give  voice  to  sighs 
and  groans.  Although  many  things  offer  themselves  which 


211.  The 
beginning  of 
schism  in 
holy  Church. 
(From 
Froissart’s 
Chronicles.) 


How 

Gregory  XI 
resolved  to 
return  from 
Avignon  to 
Rome. 


504  Readings  m Europea^i  History 

I wanted  to  communicate  to  you,  as  both  my  stomachs^  are 
troubling  me  you  need  look  for  nothing  agreeable  from  me 
to-day.  Sweet  water  cannot  come  from  a bitter  source. 
Nature  has  ordered  that  the  sighs  of  an  oppressed  heart 
shall  be  distasteful,  and  the  words  of  an  injured  soul  harsh. 

Froissart,  in  his  famous  Chronicles^  gives  the  following 
account  of  Pope  Gregory  XFs  return  to  Rome  and  of 
the  opening  of  the  Great  Schism  due  to  the  election 
of  Clement  VIP 

Ye  have  heard  herebefore  how  Pope  Gregory,  the  eleventh 
of  that  name,  was  in  the  city  of  Avignon.  And  when  he  saw 
that  he  could  find  no  manner  of  peace  to  be  had  between 
the  kings  of  England  and  France,  wherewith  he  was  in  great 
displeasure,  for  he  had  greatly  travailed  thereabout  and  had 
made  his  cardinals  to  do  the  same,  then  he  advised  himself 
and  had  a devotion  to  go  and  revisit  Rome  and  the  see  apos- 
tolic, the  which  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul  had  edified.  He  had 
made  promise  before  that,  if  ever  he  came  to  the  degree 
to  be  pope,  he  would  never  keep  his  see  but  there  where 
St.  Peter  kept  his  and  ordained  it. 

This  pope  was  a man  of  feeble  complexion  and  sickly, 
and  endured  much  pain,  more  than  any  other.  And  he 
thus  being  in  Avignon  was  sore  let  with  the  business  of 
France,  and  so  sore  travailed  with  the  king  and  his  brethren 
that  with  much  pain  he  had  any  leisure  to  take  heed  any- 
thing to  himself  or  to  his  Church.  Then  he  said  to  himself 
that  he  would  go  farther  off  from  them  to  be  more  at  rest, 
. . . and  then  he  said  to  his  cardinals,  ‘‘  Sirs,  make  you 
ready,  for  I will  go  to  Rome.’’ 

Of  that  motion  his  cardinals  were  sore  abashed  and  dis- 
pleased, for  they  loved  not  the  Romans,  and  so  they  would 
fain  have  turned  his  purpose,  but  they  could  not.  And  when 
the  French  king  heard  thereof  he  was  sore  displeased,  for 
he  thought  that  he  had  the  pope  nearer  at  hand  there  than 

1 Perhaps  a pun  on  the  Latin  stomachus,  which  means  ill  humor  as 
well  as  stomach. 


The  Popes  and  the  Conncils 


505 


at  any  other  place.  Then  the  king  wrote  incontinent  to  his 
brother,  the  duke  of  Anjou,  who  was  at  Toulouse,  signifying 
him  that  after  he  had  received  his  letter  he  should  go  to 
Avignon  to  the  pope  and  break  his  voyage  to  Rome,  if  it 
were  possible.  The  duke  did  as  the  king  commanded  him, 
and  so  came  to  Avignon,  where  the  cardinals  received  him 
with  great  joy,  and  so  he  was  lodged  in  the  pope^s  palace, 
the  ofter  thereby  to  speak  with  the  pope. 

Ye  may  know  well  that  he  spoke  with  the  pope  and 
showed  him  divers  reasons  to  have  broken  his  purpose ; 
but  the  pope  would  in  no  wise  consent  thereto  nor  take 
any  heed  of  any  business  on  this  side  of  the  mountains. 
. . . When  the  duke  saw  that  he  could  not  come  to  his 
intent  for  no  reason  nor  fair  words  that  he  could  show,  he 
took  leave  of  the  pope,  and  said  at  his  parting,  ‘‘  Holy  father, 
ye  go  into  a country  among  such  people  where  ye  be  but 
little  beloved,  and  ye  will  leave  the  fountain  of  faith  and  the 
realm  where  holy  Church  hath  most  faith  and  excellence  of 
all  the  world.  And,  sir,  by  your  deed  the  Church  may  fall 
into  great  tribulation.  For  if  ye  die  there,  the  which  is 
right  likely,  and  so  say  the  physicians,  then  the  Romans, 
who  be  malicious  and  traitors,  shall  be  lords  and  masters  of 
all  the  cardinals  and  shall  make  a pope  at  their  own  will.’^ 

Howbeit,  for  all  these  words  and  many  others,  the  pope 
never  rested  till  he  was  on  his  way.  . . . The  Romans  were 
right  joyful  of  his  coming,  and  all  the  chief  men  of  Rome 
mounted  on  their  horses  and  so  brought  him  into  Rome 
with  great  triumph  and  lodged  him  in  St.  Peter’s  palace. 
And  ofttimes  he  visited  a church  called  Our  Lady  the  Great 
[Santa  Maria  Maggiore]  within  Rome,  wherein  he  had  great 
pleasure  and  did  make  therein  many  costly  works.  And 
within  a while  after  his  coming  to  Rome  he  died  and  was 
buried  in  the  said  church,  and  there  his  obsequy  was  made, 
as  to  a pope  appertained.^ 


How  the 
king  of 
France 
sought  to 
dissuade  the 
pope. 


1 Here  Froissart  inserts  a fabulous  story  of  the  election  of  a pope 
one  hundred  years  of  age,  who  straightway  died,  worn  out  by  the  cele- 
bration which  the  enthusiastic  Romans  prepared  in  his  honor.  His 
account  of  the  election  of  Urban  VI  and  Clement  VII,  given  below,  is, 


5o6 


Readings  in  European  History 


Of  the  orgu- 
lous words 
that  the 
Romans  said 
at  the  elec- 
tion of  a 
new  pope. 


[When  the  cardinals  had  entered  the  conclave]  the 
Romans  assembled  themselves  before  the  conclave  and  made 
semblance  to  break  it  up  and  slay  them  all  if  they  did  not 
choose  a pope  according  to  their  minds,  and  cried  to  the 
cardinals  and  said,  “ Sirs,  advise  you  well.  If  ye  deliver  us 
a Roman  pope,  we  be  content;  else  we  will  make  your  heads 
redder  than  your  hats  be.’^  Such  words  and  menaces  greatly 
abashed  the  cardinals,  for  they  would  rather  a died  con- 
fessors than  martyrs.  Then  to  bring  themselves  out  of  that 
danger  and  peril  they  made  a pope.  But  he  was  none  of  the 
college  of  cardinals:  he  was  the  archbishop  of  Bari,  a great 
clerk,  who  greatly  had  travailed  for  the  wealth  of  holy  Church. 

With  this  promotion  to  the  papality  the  Romans  were 
appeased,  for  the  cardinal  of  Genoa  put  out  his  head  at  a 
window  of  the  conclave  and  said  on  high  to  the  people  of 
Rome,  ‘‘  Sirs,  appease  you,  for  you  have  a Roman  pope,  and 
that  is  Bartholomew  des  Aigles,  archbishop  of  Bari.’’  The 
people  answered  all  with  one  voice,  ‘‘  Then  we  be  content.” 
The  same  archbishop  was  not  then  at  Rome ; I think  he 
was  in  Naples.  Then  he  was  incontinent  sent  for,  of  the 
which  tidings  he  was  right  glad;  and  so  came  to  Rome.  And 
at  his  coming  there  was  a great  feast  made  to  him,  and  so 
he  had  all  the  rights  that  pertained  to  the  papality  and  was 
called  Urban,  the  sixth  of  that  name. 

The  Romans  had  great  joy.  His  creation  was  signified 
to  all  the  churches  of  Christendom,  and  also  to  emperors, 
kings,  dukes,  and  earls,  and  the  cardinals  sent  word  to  all 
their  friends  that  he  was  chosen  by  a good  and  true  election. 
Howbeit  some  of  them  repented  them  after  that  they  had 
spoken  so  largely  of  the  matter.^  . . . 


however,  essentially  correct,  except  that,  with  a view  to  justifying  the 
desertion  of  Urban  by  the  cardinals,  he  exaggerates  the  disorder  which 
attended  his  election  and  which  formed  the  only  possible  excuse  for  a 
new  election. 

^ There  appears  to  be  no  doubt  that  Urban  was  admitted  by  all  at 
the  time  to  have  been  regularly  elected,  and  that  the  plea  that  the  cardi- 
nals had  been  intimidated  by  the  Roman  populace  was  trumped  up 
later,  when  Urban  had  made  himself  hated  by  his  rudeness  and  austerity. 


7'he  Popes  and  the  Councils 


507 


The  intention  of  divers  of  the  cardinals  was  that  when 
they  might  see  a better  hour  and  time  they  would  return 
again  to  their  election,  because  this  pope  was  not  profitable 
for  them,  nor  also  for  the  Church,  for  he  was  a furnish  man 
and  melancholious,  so  that  when  he  saw  himself  in  prosperity 
and  in  puissance  of  the  papality,  and  that  divers  Christian 
kings  were  joined  to  him  and  wrote  to  him  and  did  put 
them  under  his  obedience,  he  waxed  proud  and  headstrong, 
and  would  have  taken  from  the  cardinals  divers  of  their 
rights  and  old  customs,  the  which  greatly  displeased  them. 
x\nd  so  they  spake  together  and  imagined  how  he  was  not 
well  worthy  to  govern  the  world  ; wherefore  they  purposed 
to  choose  another  pope,  sage  and  discreet,  by  whom  the 
Church  should  be  well  governed.  . . . 

[Accordingly  when  they  left  Rome  for  the  summer]  all  of 
one  accord  assembled  together  and  their  voices  rested  on  Sir 
Robert  of  Geneva,  son  to  the  earl  of  Geneva.  He  was  first 
bishop  of  Therouanne  and  later  of  Cambrai,  and  was  called 
cardinal  of  Geneva.  At  his  election  were  most  of  the  car- 
dinals, and  he  was  called  Clement  [VII].  . . . 

And  when  the  French  king  who  as  then  reigned  was  cer- 
tified thereof,  he  had  great  marvel,  and  sent  for  his  brother 
and  for  all  the  nobles  and  prelates  of  his  realm  and  for  the 
rector  and  master  doctors  of  the  university  of  Paris,  to  know 
of  them  which  election,  whether  the  first  or  the  second,  he 
should  hold  unto.^  This  matter  was  not  shortly  determined, 
for  divers  clerks  varied,  but  finally  all  the  prelates  of  France 
inclined  to  Clement,  and  so  did  the  king’s  brethren  and  the 
most  part  of  the  university  of  Paris ; and  so  the  king  was 
informed  by  all  the  great  clerks  of  his  realm;  and  so  he 
obeyed  the  pope  Clement  and  held  him  for  the  true  pope, 
and  made  a special  commandment  throughout  his  realm 
that  every  man  should  take  and  repute  Clement  for  pope 
and  that  every  man  should  obey  him  as  God  on  earth.  The 
king  of  Spain  was  of  the  same  opinion  and  so  was  the  earl 
of  Savoy,  the  duke  of  Milan,  and  the  queen  of  Naples. 

The  believing  thus  of  the  French  king  upon  Clement 
greatly  strengthened  his  cause,  for  the  realm  of  France  was 


The  cardinals 
desert  Urban 
and  choose  a 
new  pope, 
Clement  VII. 


Decisive 
action  of  the 
French  king 
in  declaring 
for  Clement. 


5o8 


Readings  in  European  History 


reputed  to  be  the  chief  fountain  of  belief  of  the  Christian 
faith,  because  of  the  noble  churches  and  prelacies  that  be 
therein.  . . . The  Christian  realms  were  in  variation  and  the 
churches  in  great  difference  because  of  the  popes.  Urban 
had  the  greater  part,  but  to  speak  of  the  most  profitable 
revenues  and  plain  obedience,  Clement  had  it.  And  so 
Clement,  by  consent  of  the  cardinals,  sent  to  Avignon  to 
make  ready  the  palace  there  for  him,  for  his  intent  was  to  go 
thither  as  soon  as  he  might. 


The  disorders  of  the  Great  Schism  offered  little  oppor- 
tunity for  improvement  in  the  Church,  so  that  during 
the  generation  preceding  the  opening  of  the  Council  of 
Constance  the  complaints  are  as  loud  as  ever  that  the 
popes,  whether  those  at  Rome  or  their  rivals  at  Avignon, 
are  hopelessly  corrupt.  In  a work  on  The  Downfall  of 
the  Churchy  a cleric  connected  with  the  court  of  the 
popes  at  Avignon  writes  as  follows  : 


212.  Nicho- 
las Claman- 
ges  on  the 
three  vices 
which  have 
corrupted 
the  Church. 


After  the  great  increase  of  worldly  goods,  the  virtues  of 
our  ancestors  being  quite  neglected,  boundless  avarice  and 
blind  ambition  invaded  the  hearts  of  the  churchmen.  As  a 
result  they  were  carried  away  by  the  glory  of  their  position 
and  the  extent  of  their  power,  and  soon  gave  way  to  the 
degrading  effects  of  luxury.  Three  most  exacting  and 
troublesome  masters  had  now  to  be  satisfied.  Luxury  de- 
mands sundry  gratifications, — wine,  sleep,  banquets,  music, 
debasing  sports,  courtesans,  and  the  like.  Display  requires 
fine  houses,  castles,  towers,  palaces,  rich  and  varied  furni- 
ture, expensive  clothes,  horses,  servants,  and  the  pomp  of 
luxury.  Lastly  is  Ai’arice,  which  carefully  brings  together 
vast  treasures  to  supply  the  demands  of  the  above-mentioned 
vices  or.  if  these  are  otherwise  provided  for,  to  gratify  the 
eye  by  the  vain  contemplation  of  the  coins  themselves. 

So  insatiable  are  these  lords,  and  so  imperious  are  their 
demands,  that  the  Golden  Age  of  Saturn,  which  we  hear  of 
in  stories,  should  it  now  return,  would  hardly  suffice  to  meet 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils  509 

the  requirements.  Since  it  is  impossible,  however  rich  the 
bishop  and  ample  his  revenue,  to  satisfy  these  rapacious 
harpies  with  that  alone,  he  must  cast  about  for  other  sources 
of  income. 

For  carrying  on  these  exactions  and  gathering  the  gains 
into  the  camera,  or  Charybdis,  as  we  may  better  call  it,  the 
popes  appoint  their  collectors  in  every  province,  — those, 
namely,  whom  they  know  to  be  most  skillful  in  extracting 
money,  owing  to  peculiar  energy,  diligence,  or  harshness  of 
temper,  those,  in  short,  who  will  neither  spare  nor  except  but 
would  squeeze  gold  from  a stone.  To  these  the  popes  grant, 
moreover,  the  power  of  anathematizing  any  one,  even  prelates, 
and  of  expelling  from  the  communion  of  the  faithful  every 
one  who  does  not,  within  a fixed  period,  satisfy  their  de- 
mands for  money.  What  ills  these  collectors  have  caused, 
and  the  extent  to  which  poor  churches  and  people  have  been 
oppressed,  are  questions  best  omitted,  as  we  could  never 
hope  to  do  the  matter  justice.  From  this  source  come  the 
laments  of  the  unhappy  ministers  of  the  Church,  which  reach 
our  ears,  as  they  faint  under  the  insupportable  yoke,  — yea, 
perish  of  hunger.  Hence  come  suspensions  from  divine 
service,  interdicts  from  entering  a church,  and  anathemas, 
a thousandfold  intensified  in  severity. 

Such  things  were  resorted  to  in  the  rarest  instances  by  the 
fathers,  and  then  only  for  the  most  horrible  of  crimes  ; for 
by  these  penalties  a man  is  separated  from  the  companion- 
ship of  the  faithful  and  turned  over  to  Satan.  But  nowa- 
days these  inflictions  are  so  fallen  in  esteem  that  they  are 
used  for  the  lightest  offense,  often  for  no  offense  at  all,  so 
that  they  no  longer  bring  terror  but  are  objects  of  contempt. 

To  the  same  cause  is  to  be  ascribed  the  ruin  of  numerous 
churches  and  monasteries  and  the  leveling  to  the  ground,  in 
so  many  places,  of  sacred  edifices,  while  the  money  which 
was  formerly  used  for  their  restoration  is  exhausted  in  pay- 
ing these  taxes.  But  it  even  happens,  as  some  well  know, 
that  holy  relics  in  not  a few  churches  — crosses,  chalices, 
feretories,  and  other  precious  articles  — go  to  make  up  this 
tribute. 


Papal  col- 
lectors and 
the  ills  they 
bring  with 
them. 


Readings  in  European  History 


213.  How 
corruption 
spread  from 
the  prelates 
to  the  lower 
clergy. 
(From  Diet- 
rich  Vrie.) 


Sio 

Who  does  not  know  how  many  abbots  and  other  prelates, 
when  they  come  to  die,  are,  if  they  prove  obnoxious  to  the 
papal  camera  on  account  of  their  poverty,  refused  a dignified 
funeral,  and  even  denied  burial,  except  perchance  in  some 
field  or  garden,  or  other  profane  spot,  where  they  are  secretly 
disposed  of.  Priests,  as  we  all  can  see,  are  forced,  by  reason 
of  their  scanty  means  of  support,  to  desert  their  parishes 
and  their  benefices  and,  in  their  hunger,  seek  bread  where 
they  may,  performing  profane  services  for  laymen.  Some 
rich  and  hitherto  prosperous  churches  have,  indeed,  been 
able  to  support  this  burden,  but  all  are  now  exhausted  and 
can  no  longer  bear  to  be  cheated  of  their  revenue. 

A German  writer  of  the  early  fifteenth  century  in  his 
History  of  the  Council  of  Constance  shows  the  inevitable 
manner  in  which  the  corruption  spread  from  the  prelates 
downward  to  the  simple  priests,  who  were  tempted  to 
indemnify  themselves  for  the  outlay  they  had  been  obliged 
to  make  in  obtaining  their  offices. 

The  supreme  pontiffs,  as  I know,  are  elected  through 
avarice  and  simony,  and  likewise  the  other  bishops  are 
ordained  for  gold.  These  in  turn  will  not  ordain  those  below 
them  — the  priests,  deacons,  subdeacons,  and  acolytes  — 
except  a strict  agreement  be  first  drawn  up.  Of  the  mammon 
of  unrighteousness  the  bishops,  the  real  rulers,  and  the 
chapters  each  receives  a part. 

The  once  accepted  maxim,  “ Freely  give,  for  freely  ye  have 
received,’’  is  now  most  vilely  perverted:  ‘‘  Freely  I have  not 
received,  nor  will  I freely  give,  for  I bought  my  bishopric 
for  a great  price  and  must  indemnify  myself  impiously  for 
my  untoward  outlay.  I will  not  ordain  you  as  a priest 
except  for  money.  I purchased  the  sacrament  of  ordination 
when  I became  a bishop,  and  I propose  to  sell  you  the  same 
sign  and  seal  of  ordination.  By  beseeching  and  for  gold  I 
obtained  my  office,  and  for  beseeching  and  for  gold  do  I sell 
you  your  place.  Refuse  the  amount  I demand  and  you 
shall  not  become  a priest.” 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils 


Sii 


V.  The  Council  of  Constance 

The  two  most  interesting  acts,  historically,  passed  by 
the  Council  of  Constance  were  the  decree  SacrosanctOy 
in  which  it  declared  that  as  a general  council  of  Chris- 
tendom it  had  the  right  to  reform  even  the  papacy  ; and, 
secondly,  the  decree  FreqnenSy  which  provided  that  gen- 
eral councils  should  thereafter  be  assembled  regularly 
and  so  form  a sort  of  parliament  which,  with  the  pope, 
should  govern  the  Church. 

In  the  name  of  the  Holy  and  Indivisible  Trinity ^ of  the  Father^ 

Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  Amen, 

This  holy  synod  of  Constance,  constituting  a general  coun- 
cil for  the  extirpation  of  the  present  schism  and  the  union 
and  reformation  of  the  Church  of  God  in  head  and  members, 
legitimately  assembled  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  to  the  praise  of 
omnipotent  God,  in  order  that  it  may  the  more  easily,  safely, 
effectively,  and  freely  bring  about  the  union  and  reformation 
of  the  Church  of  God,  hereby  determines,  decrees,  ordains, 
and  declares  what  follows : 

It  first  declares  that  this  same  council,  legitimately  as- 
sembled in  the  Holy  Ghost,  forming  a general  council  and 
representing  the  Catholic  Church  militant,  has  its  power 
immediately  from  Christ,  and  every  one,  whatever  his  posi- 
tion or  rank,  even  if  it  be  the  papal  dignity  itself,  is  bound 
to  obey  it  in  all  those  things  which  pertain  to  the  faith,  to 
the  healing  of  the  schism,  and  to  the  general  reformation 
of  the  Church  of  God  in  head  and  members. 

It  further  declares  that  any  one,  whatever  his  position, 
station,  or  rank,  even  if  it  be  the  papal,  who  shall  contuma- 
ciously refuse  to  obey  the  mandates,  decrees,  ordinances,  or 
instructions  which  have  been,  or  shall  be,  issued  by  this  holy 
council,  or  by  any  other  general  council  legitimately  sum- 
moned, which  concern,  or  in  any  way  relate  to,  the  above- 
mentioned  objects,  shall,  unless  he  repudiate  his  conduct,  be 


214.  The 
decree  Sacro^ 
sancta 
passed  by 
the  Council 
of  Con- 
stance 
(April  6, 

1415)- 


215.  The 
decree 
Frequens 
passed  by 
the  Council  of 
Constance 
(October, 
1417). 


512  Readings  in  European  History 

subjected  to  condign  penance  and  be  suitably  punished,  hav 
ing  recourse,  if  necessary,  to  the  resources  of  the  law.  . . 

A frequent  celebration  of  general  councils  is  an  especial 
means  for  cultivating  the  field  of  the  Lord  and  effecting  the 
destruction  of  briers,  thorns,  and  thistles,  to  wit,  heresies, 
errors,  and  schism,  and  of  bringing  forth  a most  abundant 
harvest.  The  neglect  to  summon  these  fosters  and  develops 
all  these  evils,  as  may  be  plainly  seen  from  a recollection  of 
the  past  and  a consideration  of  existing  conditions.  There- 
fore, by  a perpetual  edict,  we  sanction,  decree,  establish,  and 
ordain  that  general  councils  shall  be  celebrated  in  the  fol- 
lowing manner,  so  that  the  next  one  shall  follow  the  close 
of  this  present  council  at  the  end  of  five  years.  The  second 
shall  follow  the  close  of  that,  at  the  end  of  seven  years,  and 
councils  shall  thereafter  be  celebrated  every  ten  years  in 
such  places  as  the  pope  shall  be  required  to  designate  and 
assign,  with  the  consent  and  approbation  of  the  council,  one 
month  before  the  close  of  the  council  in  question,  or  which, 
in  his  absence,  the  council  itseff  shall  designate.  Thus,  with 
a certain  continuity,  a council  will  always  be  either  in  ses- 
sioivoT-be  expected  at  the  expiration  of  a definite  time. 

This  term  may,  however,  be  shortened  on  account  of 
emergencies,  by  the  supreme  pontiff,  with  the  counsel  of 
his  brethren,  the  cardinals  of  the  holy  Roipan  Church,  but 
it  may  not  be  hereafter  lengthened.  The  place,  moreover, 
designated  for  the  future  council  may  not  be  altered  without 
evident  necessity.  If,  however,  some  complication  shall 
arise,  in  view  of  which  such  a change  shall  seem  necessary, 
as,  for  example,  a state  of  siege,  a war,  a pest,  or  other 
obstacles,  it  shall  be  permissible  for  the  supreme  pontiff, 
with  the  consent  and  subscription  of  his  said  brethren,  or 
two  thirds  of  them,  to  select  another  appropriate  place  near 
the  first,  which  must  be  within  the  same  country,  unless  such 

1 The  rest  of  the  decree  relates  specifically  to  John  XXIII,  who 
had  fled  from  Constance.  The  council  claims  that  John  enjoyed  full 
liberty  at  Constance,  and  orders  that  he  shall  not  induce  the  cardinals 
and  members  of  his  curia  to  desert  the  council  and  follow  him. 


The  Popes  and  the  Councils  513 

obstacles,  or  similar  ones,  shall  exist  throughout  the  whole 
nation.  In  that  case,  the  council  may  be  summoned  to  some 
appropriate  neighboring  place,  within  the  bounds  of  another 
nation.  To  this  the  prelates,  and  others,  who  are  wont  to  be 
summoned  to  a council,  must  betake  themselves  as  if  that 
place  “had  been  designated  from  the  first.  Such  change  of 
place,  or  shortening  of  the  period,  the  supreme  pontiff  is 
required  legitimately  and  solemnly  to  publish  and  announce 
one  year  before  the  expiration  of  the  term  fixed,  that  the 
said  persons  may  be  able  to  come  together,  for  the  celebra- 
tion of  the  council,  within  the  term  specified.  . . 

The  council  found  itself  unable  to  remedy  the  abuses 
unaided,  so  it  drew  up  the  following  list  of  evils  which 
the  new  pope  was  to  be  required  to  abolish,  in  coopera- 
tion with  the  deputies  chosen  by  the  council.  This  list 
indicates  what  were  considered  the  worst  defects  of  the 
existing  system. 

The  holy  council  of  Constance  decrees  and  ordains  that 
the  supreme  pontiff  who  shall  next,  by  the  grace  of  God, 
assume  oifice,  shall,  in  conjunction  with  this  holy  council, 
or  with  the  deputies  of  the  several  nations,’^  ^ reform  the 
Church,  before  the  council  dissolves,  in  head  and  members, 
as  well  as  the  Roman  curia,  in  accordance  with  justice  and 
the  proper  organization  of  the  Church,  in  all  the  respects 
enumerated  below,  and  which  are  submitted  by  the  “ nations 
as  requiring  reform : 

The  number,  character,  and  nationality  of  the  lords  car- 
dinals, 

* The  reservations  [of  benefices]  made  by  the  apostolic 
see.  __ 

1 The  succeeding  paragraphs  relate  to  various  means  for  avoiding 
future  schism,  and  provide  an  oath  to  be  taken  by  the  pope  on  his 
election. 

2 The  council  had  organized  itself,  like  the  universities  of  the  times, 
according  to  nations,  which  served  the  purpose  of  committees. 


216.  List  of 
abuses 
drawn  up  by 
the  Council 
of  Constance 
just  before 
its  close 
(October, 
1417). 


514  Readings  in  European  History 

The  annates,  both  the  servitia  communia  and  the  servitia 
minuta} 

The  collation  to  benefices  and  expectative  favors.^ 

What  cases  are  to  be  brought  before  the  Roman  curia  and 
what  not. 

Appeals  to  the  Roman  curia. 

The  functions  of  the  [papal]  chancery  and  penitentiary. 

Exemptions  and  incorporations  made  during  the  schism. 

Benefices  in  commendam. 

Confirmation  of  elections. 

Income  during  vacancies. 

The  non-alienation  of  the  possessions  of  the  Roman  church 
or  other  churches. 

For  what  reasons  and  in  what  manner  a pope  shall  be 
corrected  or  deposed. 

The  extirpation  of  heresy. 

Dispensations. 

The  means  of  support  of  pope  and  cardinals. 

Indulgences. 

Tenths. 

When  the  above-mentioned  deputies  shall  have  been 
appointed  by  the  ‘‘  nations,’’  it  shall  be  free  to  the  others, 
with  the  permission  of  the  pope,  to  return  home. 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

A.  Refers  The  Papacy  in  the  Fourteenth  and  Fifteenth  Centuries : Adams, 

ences.  Civilization,  Chapter  XVI,  pp.  392-415;  Lodge,  pp.  196-201 ; Walker, 

Reformation,  Chapter  I. 

Wycliffe  : Green,  Short  History,  pp.  235-244.  Documents  in  Trans- 
lations and  Reprints,  Vol.  II,  No.  5.  For  treatment  of  the  Lollards,  see 
Lee,  pp.  209-223. 

Council  of  Constance  : Lodge,  pp.  206-221. 

1 The  annates,  or  payment  to  the  pope  of  a half,  more  or  less,  of  the 
first  year’s  revenue  from  benefices  to  which  he  appointed,  was  divided 
in  such  a way  that  the  pope  and  cardinals  received  the  so-called  servitia 
communia,  while  the  balance,  the  so-called  servitia  minuta,  fell  to  the 
lower  officials  of  the  papal  chancery. 

2 Benefices  promised  by  the  pope  while  the  incumbent  still  lived. 


The  Popes  and  the  Conncils  515 

Creighton,  History  of  the  Papacy  from  the  Schism  to  the  Sack  of 
Rome^  6 vols.  The  first  volume  of  this  great  work  is  far  the  best 
account  in  English  of  the  Great  Schism,  and  of  the  Council  of  Constance, 
with  a good  review  of  Wycliffe’s  doctrines. 

Pastor,  History  of  the  Popes,  Vol.  I.  Gives  a brief  but  excellent 
review  of  the  effects  of  the  Great  Schism  and  of  the  results  of  the 
council  from  the  standpoint  of  a learned  Catholic. 

Poole,  Illustrations  of  Mediceval  Thought.  Has  good  chapters  on 
Marsiglio  of  Padua  and  Wycliffe. 

Van  Dyke,  The  Age  of  Renascence.  A sketch  of  the  papacy 
(1377-1527). 

Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  XVIII. 

Lea,  History  of  the  Inquisition,  Vol.  II,  Chapter  VII.  Deals  with  the 
trial  of  Huss. 


Histoire  de  France,  Vol.  Ill,  Part  II,  for  Philip  the  Fair  and  Boniface. 

Valois,  La  France  et  le  grand  Schisme  d' Occident,  4 vols.,  Paris, 
1896-1902.  Not  confined  narrowly  to  France  and  constituting  the 
most  important  treatment  of  the  subject,  with  references  to  the  sources. 

Gayet,  Le  grand  Schisme  d' Occident,  2 vols.,  Paris,  1898.  Not  so 
good  as  the  preceding,  but  gives  some  important  sources. 

Theodericus  de  Nyem,  De  Scismate  libri  tres,  edited  by  Erler, 
Leipzig,  1890.  Written  by  one  who  was  associated  with  the  Roman 
pope  Urban  VI,  and  the  only  source  readily  obtainable  in  a modern 
edition.  It  closes  with  1410. 

SciVN KB,  Johannes  Gerson,  1858.  The  best  life  of  Gerson,  one  of  the 
most  interesting  men  of  the  time. 

For  the  Council  of  Constance  the  chief  collection  of  sources,  pam- 
phlets of  the  time,  proceedings  and  decrees  of  the  council,  is  VoN  der 
Hardt,  Magnum  oecumenicum  Constantiensis  Concilium,  six  large  vol- 
umes, 1700. 

Finke,  Acta^  Concilii  Constantiensis,  Vol.  I,  1896.  The  first  volume 
of  a new  critical  collection  of  the  sources ; it  contains  documents  relat- 
ing to  the  antecedents  of  the  assembly. 

Hubler,  Die  Konstanzer  Reformation,  1867.  An  excellent  little 
guide  to  the  material. 

Haller,  Papstthum  und  Kirchenreforme,  vier  Kapitel  zur  Geschichte 
des  ausgehenden  Mittelalters,  Vol.  I,  Berlin,  1903. 

Loserth,  Geschichte  des  spdteren  Mittelalters,  1903.  Gives  a brief  but 
critical  account  of  the  events,  and  remarkable  bibliographies  for  the 
schism  and  the  councils : see  especially  pp.  400  sqq.  and  462  sqq. 


D.  Addi- 
tional read- 
ing in 
English. 


C.  Mate- 
rials for 
advanced 
study. 


CHAPTER  XXII 


THE  ITALIAN  CITIES  AND  THE  RENAISSANCE 


I.  The  Italian  Despots 


217.  Machia-  No  one  better  understood  the  Italian  despot  and  the 
advice  to  peculiarities  of  his  position  than  did  Machia velli.  The 

despots.  following  passages  are  from  The  Prince^  his  little  hand- 

book  for  despots. 

Unreliable 
character  of 
the  con- 
dottiere 
and  their 
mercenary 
troops. 


That  prince  who  founds  the  duration  of  his  government 
upon  his  mercenary  forces  will  never  be  .firm  or  secure ; 
for  they  are  divided,  ambitious,  undisciplined,  unfaithful ; 
insolent  to  their  friends,  abject  to  their  enemies,  without 
fear  of  God  or  faith  to  men ; Ab  the  ruin  of  that  person  who 
trusts  to  them  is  no  longer^^rotracted  than  the  attempt  is 
deferred.  In  time  of  peace  they  plunder  you,  in  time  of  war 
they  desert  you  ; and  the  reason  is  because  it  is  not  love  nor 
any  principle  of  honor  that  keeps  them  in  the  field,  but  only 
/their  pay,  and  that  is  not  a consideration  strong  enough  to 
^prevail  with  them  to  die  for  you.  Whilst  you  have  no  s^- 
vice  to  employ  them  in,  they  are  excellent  soldiers ; but  t^ll 
them  of  an  engagement  and  they  will  either  disband  before, 
or  run  away  during  the  battle.  ... 

The  great  officers  of  these  mercenaries  [i.e.  the  condofiiere'] 
, are  either  men  of  great  courage,  or  otherwise  ; if  the  first,  you 
can  never  be  safe,  for  they  always  aspire  to  make  themselves 
great,  either  by  supplanting  you  who  are  their  master,  or  by 
oppressing  other  people  whom  you  desire  to  have  protected. 
On  the  other  hand,  if  the  commanders  be  not  courageous, 
you  are  still  ruined.  If  it  should  be  urged  that  all  generals 
will  do  the  same,  whether  mercenaries  or  others,  I would 
answer,  that  all  war  is  managed  either  by  a prince  or  a 

516 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance  517 


republic.  Tbe  prince  ought  to  go  in  person,  and  perform^/ 
the  office  of  general  himself ; the  republic  should  depute 
some  one  of  her  choice  citizens,  who  may  be  changed  if  he 
carries  himself  ill ; if  he  behaves  himself  well  he  may  be 
continued,  but  so  straitened  and  circumscribed  by  his  com- 
mission that  he  may  not  transgress.  . . . 

Of  the  danger  of  mercenary  forces  we  have  an  ancient 
example  in  the  Carthaginians,  who,  after  the  end  of  their  first 
war  with  the  Romans,  had  like  to  have  been  ruined  and  over- 
run by  their  own  mercenaries,  though  their  own  citizens  com- 
manded them.  [In  modern  times]  upon  the  death  of  Duke 
Filippo,^  the  Milanese  employed  Francesco  Sforza  against  Example  of 
the  Venetians,  and  Francesco,  having  worsted  the  enemy  at  Sforza  mak- 

Ax  ......  1 r • 1 1 • 1 1 1 himself 

Caravaggio,  joined  himself  with  them,  with  design  to  have  master  of 
mastered  his  masters.  Francesco’s  father  was  formerly  in  Milan, 
the  service  of  Joan,  queen  of  Naples,  and  on  a sudden 
marched  away  from  her  with  his  army  and  left  her  utterly 
destitute,  so  that  she  was  constrained  to  throw  herself  under 
the  protection  of  the  king  of  Aragon. 

Though  both  the  Venetians  and  Florentines  have  lately 
enlarged  their  dominion  by  employing  these  forces,  and  their 
generals  have  rather  advanced  than  enslaved  them,  I answer 
that  the  Florentines  may  impute  it  to  their  good  fortune,  be- 
cause, of  such  of  their  generals  as  they  might  rationally  have 
feared,  some  had  no  victories  to  encourage  them,  others  were 
obstructed,  and  others  turned  their  ambition  another  way. 

It  now  remains  for  us  to  see  in  what  manner  a^^^nnce  On  such 
ought  to  comport  himself  with  his  subjects  and  friends  ; and 
because  many  have  written  of  this  subject  before,  it  may  princes 
perhaps  seem  arrogant  in  me  to  do  so,  especially  considering 
that  in  my  discourse  I shall  deviate  from  the  opinion  of  other 
men.  But  my  intention  being  to  write  for  the  benefit  and 
advantage  of  him  who  understands,  I thought  it  more  con- 
venient to  respect  the  essential  verity  than  the  imagination 
of  the  thing  (and  many  have  framed  imaginary  common- 
wealths and  governments  to  themselves  which  never  were 

1 The  last  of  the  Visconti. 


Si8 


Readings  in  European  History 


seen  nor  had  any  real  existence),  since  the  present  manner 
of  living  is  so  different  from  the  way  that  ought  to  be  taken, 
that  he  who  neglects  what  is  done  to  follow  what  ought  to  be 
^/done  will  sooner  learn  how  to  ruin  than  how  to  preserve  him- 
self ; for  a tender  man,  and  one  that  desires  to  be  honest  in 
everything,  must  needs  run  k great  hazard  among  so  many 
of  a contrary  principle.  Wherefore  it  is  necessary  for  a 
prince  who  wishes  to  subsist,uo  harden  himself,  and  learn  to 
be  good  or  otherwise  according  to  the  exigence  of  his  affairs. 

Laying  aside,  therefore,  all  Waginary  notions  of  a prince, 
and  discoursing  of  nothing  bi|t|what  is  actually  true,  I say 
^at  all  men  when  they  are  spoi^n  of,  and  especially  princes, 
who  are  in  a higher  and  more  eminent  station,  are  remarkable 
for  some  quality  or  other  that  rn^es  them  either  honorable 
or  contemptible.  Hence  it  is  th^some  are  counted  liberal, 
others  miserable ; . . . some  milnificent,  others  rapacious ; 
some  cruel,  others  merciful ; some  faithless,  others  precise ; 
one  poor-spirited  and  effeminate, ^ another  fierce  and  ambi- 
tious ; one  courteous,  another  haughty ; one  modest,  another 
impure;  one  sincerey,  another  cunning ; one  rugged  and 
morose,  another  accessible  arid  easy;  one  grave,  another 
giddy;  one  devout,  another  an  atheist. 

No  man,  I am  sure,  will  deny  but  that  it  would  be  an 
admirable  thing  and  highly  to  be  commended  to  have  a 
prince  endowed  with  all  tike  good  qualities  aforesaid;  but 
because  it  is  impossible  to  have,  much  less  to  exercise,  them 
all  by  reason  of  the  frailty  arid  grossness  of  our  nature,  it  is. 
convenient  that  he  be  so  well  instructed  as  to  know  how  to 
avoid  the  scandal  of  those  vices  which  may  deprive  him 
of  his  state,  and  be  very  cautious  of  the  rest,  though  their 
consequence  be  not  so  pernicious,  so  that  where  they  are 
unavoidable  he  need  trouble  himself  the  less. 

/ He  is  not  to  concern  himself  if  lie  incur  the  infamy  of 
those  vices  without  which  his  dominion  cannot  be  preserved  ; 
for  if  we  consider  things  impartially,  we  shall  find  some  things 
are  virtuous  in  appearance,  and  yet,  if  pursued,  would  bring 
certain  destruction,  while  others  are  seemingly  bad,  which,  if 
followed  by  a prince,  procure  his  peace  and  security. 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


abused.  Caesar  Borgia  was  counted  cruel,  yet  that  cruelty\ 


reduced  Romagna,  united  k,  settled  it  in  peace,  and  rendered 
it  faithful ; so  that  if  well  considered  he  will  appear  much 
more  merciful  than  the  Florentines,  who,  rather  than  be 
thought  cruel,  suffered  Pistoja  to  be  destroyed.  A prince, 
therefore,  is  not  to  regard  the  scandal  of  being  cruel,  if 
thereby  he  keeps  his  subjects  in  their  allegiance  and  united, 
seeing  that  by  some  few  examples  of  justice  you  may  be  more 
merciful  than  they  who,  by  an  universal  exercise  of  pity,  per- 
mit several  disorders  to  follow,  which  occasion  rapine  and 
murder;  and  the  reason  is,  because  that  exorbitant  mercy 
has  an  ill  effect  upon  the  whole  body  of  the  people,  whereas 
particular  executions  extend  only  to  particular  persons. 

But  among  all  princes  a new  prince  has  the  hardest  task 
to  avoid  the  scandal  of  being  cruel,  by  reason  of  the  newness 
of  his  government,  and  the  dangers  which  attend  it.  . . . 
Nevertheless,  he  is  not  to  be  too  credulous  of  reports,  too 
hasty  in  his  motions,  nor  create  fears  and  jealousies  of  him- 
self, but  so  to  temper  his  administration  with  prudence 
and  humanity  that  neither  too  much  confidence  may  make 
him  careless,  nor  too  much  diffidence  intolerable.  ^ 


And  from  hence  arises  a new  question.  Whether  it  be 
better  to  be  beloved  than  feared,  or  feared  than  beloved  ? 
It  is  answered,  both  would  be  convenient,  but  because  that 
is  hard  to  attain,  it  is  better  and  more  secure,  if  one  must 
be  wanting,  toj^e  feared  ratb^nthan  beloved  ; for,  in  general, 
men  are  ungratefulTmconstant,  hypocritical,  fearful  of  danger, 
and  covetous  of  gain.  Whilst  they  receive  any  benefit  by 
you,  and  the  danger  is  at  a distance,  they  are  absolutely 
yours ; their  blood,  their  estates,  their  lives,  and  their  children, 
as  I said  before,  are  all  at  your  service.  But  when  mischief 


is  at  hand,  and  you  have  present 


make  no  scruple  to  revolt ; and  that  prince  who  leaves  him- 
self naked  of  other  preparations,  and  relies  wholly  upon 
their  professions,  is  sure  to  be  ruined ; for  amity  contracted 


218.  Dante 
and  the 
great  writ- 
ers of  Greece 
and  Rome. 
(From  the 
Divine 
Comedy.) 


Readings  in  European  History 


rice,  and  not  by  the  greatness  and  generosity  of  the 
may  seem  a good  pennyworth,  yet  when  you  have 
occasion  to  make  use  of  it,  you  will  find  it  of  no  account. 

Moreover,  men  do  with  less  remorse  offend  against  those 
who  desire  to  be  beloved  than  against  those  who  are  ambi- 
tious of  being  feared,  and  the  reason  is  because  love  is  fas- 
tened only  by  a ligament  of  obligation,  which  the  ill-nature 
of  mankind  breaks  u^n  every  occasion  that  is  presented 
to  his  profit;  but  fearNdepends  upon  an  apprehension  of 
punishment,  which  is  ne^r  to  be  dispelled. 

Yet  a prince  is  to  inspir^ear  in  such  sort  that,  if  he  gains 
not  his  subjects’  love,  he  rnW  eschew  their  hatred;  for  to 
be  feared  and  not  hated  are  compatible  enough,  and  he  may 
be  always  in  that  condition  if  ^e  offers  no  violence  to  their 
estates,  nor  attempts  anything  i^on  the  honor  of  their  wives, 
and  also,  when  he  has  occasion  tatake  away  any  man’s  life, 
if  he  takes  his  time  when  the  cause  is  manifest,  and  he  has 
good  matter  for  his  justification.^  But  above  all  things  he  is 
to  have  a care  of  intrenching  upon  their  estates,  for  men  do 
sooner  forgetjhe  death  of  their  f^ther^th^  the  loss  of  their 
gatrimojiy ; besides,  occasions  o^onfiscatidiTne^r  fail,  and 
heYEat  once  gives  way  to  tEat  humor  of  rapine  shall  never 
want  temptation  to  ruin  his^ighbor.  But,  on  the  contrary, 
provocations  to  -bloodshed  arY  more  rare,  and  do  sooner 
evaporate  ; but  when  a prince  is  at  the  head  of  his  army, 
and  has  a multitude  of  soldier^do  govern,  then  it  is  abso- 
lutely necessary  not  to  value  the  epithet  of  cruel,  for  without 
that  no  army  can  be  kept  in  unity,  i^or  in  the  disposition  for 
any  great  act.  \ 


II.  Humanism 

yDante  was  not  a humanist  in  the  later  sense  of  the 
term,  but  he  clearly  appreciated  the  distinction  and 
worth  of  the  ancient  writers.  The  following  passage 
from  the  Divine  Comedy  is  his  poetic  conception  of  the 
fate  of  the  famous  pagans  who  lived  worthily;  ^ He  is 


The  Italimi  Cities  and  the  Renaissance  521 

passing  through  limbo,  the  uppermost  region  of  hell, 
with  Virgil  for  his  guide.  As  they  proceed  he  sees 
a fire  that  conquered  a hemisphere  of  darkness.^ 

We  were  still  a little  distant  from  it,  yet  not  so  far  that 
I could  not  partially  discern  that  honorable  folk  possessed 
that  place.  ‘‘  O thou  that  honorest  both  science  and  art, 
these,  who  are  they,  that  have  such  honor  that  from  the 
condition  of  the  others  it  sets  them  apart  And  he  to  me, 
“ The  honorable  fame  of  them  which  resounds  above  in  thy 
life  wins  grace  in  heaven  that  so  advances  them.’^  At  this 
a voice  was  heard  by  me,  ‘‘  Honor  the  loftiest  Poet ! his 
shade  returns  that  was  departed.’’  When  the  voice  had 
ceased  and  was  quiet,  I saw  four  great  shades  coming  to 
us  : they  had  a sem'blance  neither  sad  nor  glad.  The  good 
Master  [Virgil]  began  to  say,  “ Look  at  him  with  that  sword 
in  hand  who  cometh  before  the  three,  even  as  lord.  He  is 
Homer,  the  sovereign  poet ; the  next  who  comes  is  Horace, 
the  satirist;  Ovid  is  the  third,  and  the  last  is  Lucan.  Since 
each  shares  with  me  the  name  that  the  solitary  voice  sounded, 
they  do  me  honor,  and  in  that  do  well.” 

Thus  I saw  assembled  the  fair  school  of  that  Lord  of  the 
loftiest  song  which  above  the  others  as  an  eagle  flies.  After 
they  had  discoursed  somewhat  together,  they  turned  to  me 
with  sign  of  salutation ; and  my  Master  smiled  thereat. 
And  far  more  of  honor  yet  they  did  me,  for  they  made  me 
of  their  band,  so  that  I was  the  sixth  amid  so  much  wit. 
Thus  we  went  on  as  far  as  the  light,  speaking  things  con- 
cerning which  silence  is  becoming,  even  as  was  speech  there 
where  I was. 

We  came  to  the  foot  of  a noble  castle,  seven  times  circled 
by  high  walls,  defended  roundabout  by  a fair  streamlet. 
This  we  passed  as  if  hard  ground ; through  seven  gates  I 
entered  with  these  sages  ; we  came  to  a meadow  of  fresh 
verdure.  People  were  there  with  eyes  slow  and  grave,  of 
great  authc^^^Y  their  looks ; they  spake  seldom  and  with 

1 j 'orow  Professor  Norton\s  prose  version  here. 


522 


Readings  in  European  History 


219.  Banters 
defense  of 
Italian.  , 
(From  the  [ 
Conuito.) 


soft  voices.  Thus  we  drew  apart,  on  one  side,  into  a place 
open,  luminous,  and  high,  so  that  they  all  could  be  seen. 
There  opposite  upon  the  green  enamel  were  shown  to  me 
the  great  spirits,  whom  to  have  seen  I inwardly  exalt 
myself. 

' I saw  Electra  with  many  companions,  among  whom  I 
knew  Hector  and  ^neas,  Caesar  in  armor,  with  his  ger- 
falcon eyes;  I saw  Camilla  and  Penthesilea  on  the  other 
side,  and  I saw  the  King  Latinus,  who  was  seated  with 
Lavinia,  his  daughter.  I saw  that  Brutus  who  drove  out 
Tarquin  ; Lucretia,  Julia,  Marcia,  and  Cornelia;  and  alone, 
apart,  I saw  the  Saladin.  When  I raised  my  brow  a little 
more,  I saw  the  Master  of  those  who  know,  seated  amid 
the  philosophic  family;  all  regard  him,  all  do  him  honor. 
Here  I saw  both  Socrates  and  Plato,  who  before  the  others 
stand  nearest  to  him;  Democritus,  who  ascribes  the  world 
to  chance;  Diogenes,  Anaxagoras,  and  Thales,  Empedocles, 
Heraclitus,  and  Zeno ; and  I saw  the  good  collector  of  the 
qualities,  Dioscorides,  I mean ; and  I saw  Orpheus,  Tully, 
and  Linus,  and  moral  Seneca,  Euclid  the  geometer,  and 
Ptolemy,  Hippocrates,  Avicenna,  Galen,  and  Averroes, 
who  made  the  great  comment.  I cannot  report  of  all  in 
full,  because  the  long  theme  so  drives  me  that  many  times 
speech  comes  short  of  fact. 

Dante,  however,  was  a sturdy  defender  of  Italian  against 
tliose  who  despised  their  mother  tongue  and  gave  pref- 
^erence  to  other  languages.  In  explaining  why  he 
employed  Italian  in  writing  his  Banquet  {Convito)  he 
bursts  forth  : 

To  the  perpetual  shame  and  abasement  of  the  evil  men  of 
Italy  who  commend  the  mother  tongue  of  other  nations 
and  depreciate  their  own,  I say  that  their  action  proceeds 
from  five  abominable  causes:  the  first  is  blindness  of  dis- 
cretion ; the  second,  mischievous  self-justification  ufie  third, 
greed  of  vainglory ; the  fou^^^  an  invention  of  envy ; the 
fifth  and  last,  littleness  of  soul,  that  is,  cowadice.  And 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance  523 

each  one  of  these  grave  faults  has  a great  following,  for  few 
are  those  who  are  free  from  them.  . . . 

There  are  many  who  would  rather  be  thought  masters 
than  be  such  ; and  to  avoid  the  opposite  — that  is,  to  be 
held  not  to  be  such  — they  always  cast  blame  on  the  material 
they  work  on,  or  upon  the  instrument ; as  the  clumsy  smith 
blames  the  iron  given  to  him,  and  the  bad  harpist  blames  the 
harp,  thinking  to  cast  the  blame  of  the  bad  blade  and  of 
the  bad  music  upon  the  iron  and  upon  the  harp,  and  to  lift 
it  from  themselves.  Thus  there  are  some,  — and  not  a few, 
— who  desire  that  men  may  hold  them  to  be  orators  ; and  to 
excuse  themselves  for  not  speaking,  or  for  speaking  badly, 
they  accuse  or  throw  blame  on  the  material,  that  is,  their  own 
mother  tongue,  and  praise  that  of  other  lands,  which  they 
are  not  required  to  employ.  And  he  who  wishes  to  see 
wherefore  this  iron  is  to  be  blamed,  let  him  look  at  the  work 
which  good  artificers  make  of  it,  and  he  will  understand  the 
malice  of  those  who,  in  casting  blame  upon  it,  think  thereby 
to  excuse  themselves.  Against  such  as  these  Cicero  ex- 
claims in  the  beginning  of  his  book,  which  he  names  De 
Finibus^  because  in  his  time  they  blamed  the  Roman  Latin 
and  praised  the  Greek  grammar.  And  thus  I say,  for  like 
reasons,  that  these  men  vilify  the  Italian  tongue,  and  glorify 
that  of  Provence.  . . . 

There  are  many  who,  by  describing  certain  things  in  some 
other  language,  and  by  praising  that  language,  deem  them- 
selves to  be  more  worthy  of  admiration  than  if  they  described 
them  in  their  own.  And  undoubtedly  to  learn  well  a foreign 
tpngue  is  deserving  of  some  praise  for  intellect ; but  it  is 
a blamable  thing  to  applaud  that  language  beyond  truth,  to 
glorify  oneself  for  such  an  acquisition.  . . . Wherefore  many, 
on  account  of  this  baseness  of  soul,  depreciate  their  native 
tongue,  and  applaud  that  of  others  ; and  such  as  these  are 
the  abominable  wicked  men  of  Italy  who  hold  this  precious 
mother  tongue  in  vile  contempt,  which  if  it  be  vile  in  any 
case  is  so  only  inasmuch  as  it  sounds  in  the  evil  mouth  of 
these  adulterers,  under  whose  guidance  go  those  blind  men 
of  whom  I spoke  in  the  first  argument. 


220.  Banters 
sad  life. 
(From  the 
Conuito.) 


221.  Pe- 
trarch’s de- 
scription of 
himself. 
(From  his 
Letter  to  Pos- 
terity.) 


524  Readings  in  European  History 

Dante  excuses  himself  for  a certain  obscurity  which 
he  has  introduced  into  his  Banquet^  with  the  hope  of 
giving  it  some  dignity  in  the  eyes  of  the  many  Italians 
who  had  seen  him  during  his  wanderings,  and  perhaps 
had  formed  a low  estimate  of  him. 

Alas  ! would  that  it  might  have  pleased  the  Dispenser  of 
the  Universe  that  the  cause  of  my  excuse  might  never  have 
been,  that  others  might  neither  have  sinned  against  me,  nor 
I have  suffered  punishment  unjustly ; the  punishment,  I 
say,  of  exile  and  poverty  1 Since  it  was  the  pleasure  of  the 
citizens  of  the  most  beautiful  and  the  most  famous  daughter 
of  Rome,  Florence,  to  cast  me^  out  from  her  most  sweet 
bosom  (wherein  I was  born  and  nourished  even  to  the 
height  of  my  life,  and  in  which,  with  her  good  will,  I desire 
with  all  my  heart  to  repose  my  weary  soul,  and  to  end  the 
time  which  is  given  to  me),  I have  gone  through  almost  all 
the  land  in  which  this  language  lives  — a pilgrim,  almost 
a mendicant  — showing  forth  against  my  will  the  wound 
of  Fortune,  with  which  the  ruined  man  is  often  unjustly 
reproached. 

Truly  I have  been  a ship  without  a sail  and  without  a 
rudder,  borne  to  divers  ports  and  lands  and  shores  by  the 
dry  wind  which  blows  from  grievous  poverty ; and  I have 
appeared  vile  in  the  eyes  of  many,  who  perhaps  through  some 
report  may  have  imaged  me  in  other  form.  In  the  sight  of 
whom  not  only  my  person  became  vile,  but  my  work  was  held 
to  be  of  less  value,  both  that  already  done  and  that  which 
remained  still  to  do. 

Petrarch  well  knew  how  to  describe  himself  and  his 
aspirations.  He  writes  thus  to  posterity: 

Greeting.  — It  is  possible  that  some  word  of  me  may 
have  come  to  you,  though  even  this  is  doubtful,  since  an 
insignificant  and  obscure  name  will  scarcely  penetrate  far 
in  either  time  or  space.  If,  however,  you  should  have 
heard  of  me,  you  may  desire  to  know  what  manner  of  man 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


525 


I was,  or  what  was  the  outcome  of  my  labors,  especially 
those  of  which  some  description  or,  at  any  rate,  the  bare 
titles  may  have  reached  you. 

To  begin  with  myself,  then  : the  utterances ' of  men  con-  v 
cerning  me  will  differ  widely,  since  in  passing  judgment  ) 
almost  every  one  is  influenced  not  so  much  by  truth  as  by  ' 
preference,  and  good  and  evil  report  alike  know  no  bounds. 

I was,  in  truth,  a poor  mortal  like  yourself,  neither  very 
exalted  in  my  origin,  nor,  on  the  other  hand,  of  the  most 
humble  birth,  but  belonging,  as  Augustus  Caesar  says  of 
himself,  to  an  ancient  family.  As  to  my  disposition,  I was 
not  naturally  perverse  or  wanting  in  modesty,  however  the 
contagion  of  evil  associations  may  have  corrupted  me. 

My  youth  was  gone  before  I realized  it ; I was  carried 
away  by  the  strength  of  manhood ; but  a riper  age  brought 
me  to  my  senses  and  taught  me  by  experience  the  truth  I 
had  long  before  read  in  books,  that  youth  and  pleasure  are 
vanity,  — nay,  that  the  Author  of  all  ages  and  times  permits 
us  miserable  mortals,  puffed  up  with  emptiness,  thus  to 
wander  about,  until  finally,  coming  to  a tardy  consciousness 
of  our  sins,  we  shall  learn  to  know  ourselves. 

In  my  prime  I was  blessed  with  a quick  and  active  body, 
although  not  exceptionally  strong ; and  while  I do  not  lay 
claim  to  remarkable  personal  beauty,  I was  comely  enough 
in  my  best  days.  I was  possessed  of  a clear  complexion, 
between  light  and  dark,  lively  eyes,  and  for  long  years  a 
keen  vision,  which  however  deserted  me,  contrary  to  my 
hopes,  after  I reached  my  sixtieth  birthday,  and  forced  me, 
to  my  great  annoyance,  to  resort  to  glasses.  Although  I 
had  previously  enjoyed  perfect  health,  old  age  brought  with 
it  the  usual  array  of  discomforts. 

My  parents  were  honorable  folk,  Florentine  in  their  origin, 
of  medium  fortune,  or,  I may  as  well  admit  it,  in  a condition 
verging  upon  poverty.  They  had  been  expelled  from  their 
native  city,  and  consequently  I was  born  in  exile,  at  Arezzo, 
in  the  year  1304  of  this  latter  age,  which  begins  with  Christ’s 
birth,  July  the  20th,  on  a Monday,  at  dawn.  ...  In  my 
familiar  associations  with  kings  and  princes,  and  in  my 


222.  Pe- 
trarch *s 
reputation 
as  a literary 
critic. 

(From  a let- 
ter of  his.) 


526  Readings  in  European  History 

friendship  with  noble  personages,  my  good  fortune  has  been 
such  as  to  excite  envy.  But  it  is  the  cruel  fate  of  those  who 
are  growing  old  that  they  can  commonly  only  weep  for 
friends  who  have  passed  away.  The  greatest  kings  of  this 
age  have  loved  and  courted  me.  They  may  know  why ; I 
certainly  do  not.  With  some  of  them  I was  on  such  terms 
that  they  seemed  in  a certain  sense  my  guests  rather  than 
I theirs  ; their  lofty  position  in  no  way  embarrassing  me, 
but,  on  the  contrary,  bringing  with  it  many  advantages.  I 
fled,  however,  from  many  of  those  to  whom  1 was  greatly 
attached ; and  such  was  my  innate  longing  for  liberty,  that 
I studiously  avoided  those  whose  very  name  seemed  incom- 
patible with  the  freedom  that  I loved. 

I possessed  a well-balanced  rather  than  a keen  intellect,  — 
one  prone  to  all  kinds  of  good  and  wholesome  study,  but 
especially  inclined  to  moral  philosophy  and  the  art  of  poetry. 
The  latter,  indeed,  I neglected  as  time  went  on,  and  took 
delight  in  sacred  literature.  Finding  in  that  a hidden  sweet- 
ness which  I had  once  esteemed  but  lightly,  I came  to  regard 
the  works  of  the  poets  as  only  amenities. 

Among  the  many  subjects  which  interested  me,  I dwelt 
especially  upon  antiquity,  for  our  own  age  has  always  repelled 
me,  so  that,  had  it  not  been  for  the  love  of  those  dear  to  me, 
I should  have  preferred  to  have  been  born  in  any  other  period 
than  our  own.  In  order  to  forget  my  own  time,  I have  con- 
stantly striven  to  place  myself  in  spirit  in  other  ages,  and  con- 
sequently I delighted  in  history.  The  conflicting  statements 
troubled  me,  but  when  in  doubt  I accepted  what  appeared 
most  probable,  or  yielded  to  the  authority  of  the  writer. 

In  one  of  the  most  sprightly  of  his  letters,  Petrarch 
confesses  that  he  is  afflicted  with  a mania  for  writing, 
a disease  which,  perhaps  through  his  example,  has  spread 
so  widely  that  every  one  is  writing  verses  and  talking 
of  the  muses. 

It  is  after  all  but  a poor  consolation  to  have  companions 
in  misery.  I should  prefer  to  be  ill  by  myself.  Now  I am 


JC. 

The 


ies  and  the  Renaissance 


527 


Solved  in  other’s  ill  fortune  as  well  as  in  my  own,  and  am 
givjdly  given  time  to  take  breath.  For  every  day  letters 
o-nd  poems  from  every  corner  of  our  land  come  showering 
down  upon  my  devoted  head.  Nor  does  this  satisfy  my 
foreign  friends.  I am  overwhelmed  by  floods  of  missives, 
no  longer  from  France  alone,  but  from  Greece,  from  Ger- 
many, from  England.  I am  unable  to  judge  even  my  own 
work,  and  yet  I am  called  upon  to  be  the  universal  critic  of 
others. 

Were  I to  answer  the  requests  in  detail,  I should  be  the 
busiest  of  mortals.  If  I condemn  the  composition,  I am 
a jealous  carper  at  the  good  work  of  others ; if  I say  a 
good  word  for  the  thing,  it  is  attributed  to  a mendacious 
desire  to  be  agreeable ; if  I keep  silence  altogether,  it  is 
because  I am  a rude,  pert  fellow.  They  are  afraid,  I infer, 
that  my  disease  will  not  make  way  with  me  promptly  enough. 
Between  their  goading  and  my  own  madness  I shall  doubtless 
gratify  their  wishes. 

But  all  this  would  be  nothing  if,  incredible  as  it  may 
seem,  this  subtle  poison  had  not  just  now  begun  to  show 
its  effects  in  the  Roman  curia  itself  [at  Avignon].  What  do 
you  think  the  lawyers  and  doctors  are  up  to?  Justinian  and 
^sculapius  have  palled  upon  them.  The  sick  and  the  liti- 
gious cry  in  vain  for  their  help,  for  they  are  deafened  by  the 
thunder  of  Homer’s  and  Virgil’s  names,  and  wander  oblivi- 
ous in  the  woody  valleys  of  Cirrha,  by  the  purling  waters  of 
the  Aonian  fountain.  But  it  is  hardly  necessary  to  speak  of 
/ these  lesser  prodigies.  Even  carpenters,  fullers,  and  plow- 
men leave  the  implements  of  their  calling  to  talk  of  Apollo 
and  the  Muses.  I cannot  say  how  far  the  plague,  which 
lately  was  confined  to  a few,  has  now  spread. 

Petrarch's  enthusiasm  for  the  classical  authors,  espe- 
ci.ally  Cicero,  whom  he  admired  most  ardently,  is  shown 
in  the  following  letter. 

Your  copy  of  Cicero  has  been  in  my  possession  four  years 
and  more.  There  is  a good  reason,  though,  for  so  long  a delay ; 


223.  Pe- 
trarch copies 
a work  of 
Cicero^s. 
(From  one  of 
his  letters.) 


\ 

528 


Readings  in  Euro^ 


namely,  the  great  scarcity  of  copyists  who  understand  sten 
work.  It  is  a state  of  affairs  that  has  resulted  in  an  incivho 
ible  loss  to  scholarship.  Books  that  by  their  nature  are^^: 
little  hard  to  understand  are  no  longer  multiplied^  and  have 
ceased  to  be  generally  intelligible,  and  so  have  sunk  into 
utter  neglect,  and  in  the  end  have  perished.  This  age  of 
ours  consequently  has  let  fall,  bit  by  bit,  some  of  the  richest 
and  sweetest  fruits  that  the  tree  of  knowledge  has  yielded ; 
has  thrown  away  the  results  of  the  vigils  and  labors  of  the 
most  illustrious  men  of  genius,  — things  of  more  value,  I am 
almost  tempted  to  say,  than  anything  else  in  the  whole 
world.  . . . 

But  I must  return  to  your  Cicero.  I could  not  do  without 
it,  and  the  incompetence  of  the  copyists  would  not  let  me 
possess  it.  What  was  left  for  me  but  to  rely  upon  my  own 
resources,  and  press  these  weary  fingers  and  this  worn  and 
ragged  pen  into  the  service  ? The  plan  that  I followed  was 
this.  I want  you  to  know  it,  in  case  you  should  ever  have 
to  grapple  with  a similar  task.  Not  a single  word  did  I 
read  except  as  I wrote.  But  how  is  that,  I hear  some  one 
say;  did  you  write  without  knowing  what  it  was  that  you 
were  writing  ? Ah  ! but  from  the  very  first  it  was  enough 
for  me  to  know  that  it  was  a work  of  Tullius,  and  an 
extremely  rare  one  too.  And  then  as  soon  as  I was  fairly 
started,  I found  at  fevery  step  so  much  sweetness  and  charm, 
and  felt  so  strong  a desire  to  advance,  that  the  only  diffi- 
culty which  I experienced  in  reading  and  writing  at  th^ 
same  time  came  from  the  fact  that  my  pen  could  not  cover' 
the  ground  so  rapidly  as  I wanted  it  to,  whereas  my  expec- 
tation had  been  rather  that  it  would  outstrip  my  eyes,  and 
that  my  ardor  for  writing  would  be  chilled  by  the  slowness 
of  my  reading. 

So  the  pen  held  back  the  eye,  and  the  eye  drove  on  the 
pen,  and  I covered  page  after  page,  delighting  in  my  task, 
and  committing  many  and  many  a passage  to  memory  as  I 
wrote.  For  just  in  proportion  as  the  writing  is  slower  than 
the  reading  does  the  passage  make  a deep  impression  and 
cling  to  the  mind. 


f 

The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


J 

529 


Vespasiano,  a Florentine  bookseller  who  died  in  1498, 
gives  us  some  very  interesting  accounts  of  his  distin- 
guished patrons  in  his  Lives  of  Illnstrious  Men. 

Owing  to  the  jubilee  of  1450  a great  quantity  of  money 
came  in  by  this  means  to  the  apostolic  see,  and  with  this 
the  pope  commenced  building  in  many  places,  and  sent  for 
Greek  and  Latin  books,  wherever  he  was  able  to  find  them, 
without  regard  to  price.  He  gathered  together  a large  band 
of  writers,  the  best  that  he  could  fmd,  and  kept  them  in  con- 
stant employment.  He  also  summoned  a number  of  learned 
men,  both  for  the  purpose  of  composing  new  works  and  of 
translating  such  existing  works  as  were  not  already  translated, 
giving  them  most  abundant  provision  for  their  needs  mean- 
while ; and  when  the  works  were  translated  and  brought  to 
him,  he  gave  them  large  sums  of  money,  in  order  that  they 
should  do  more  willingly  that  which  they  undertook  to  do. 

He  made  great  provision  for  the  needs  of  leariji^d  men. 
He  gathered  together  great  numbers  of  books  upon  every 
subject,  both  Greek  and  Latin,  to  the  number  of  five  thou- 
sand volumes.  So  at  his  death  it  was  found  by  inventory 
that  never  since  the  time  of  Ptolemy  had  half  that  number 
of  books  of  every  kind  been  brought  together.  All  books 
he  caused  to  be  copied,  without  regard  to  what  it  cost 
him,  and  there  were  few  places  where  his  Holiness  had  not 
copiers  at  work.  When  he  could  not  procure  a book  for 
himself  in  any  way,  he  had  it  copied. 

After  he  had  assembled  at  Rome,  as  I said  above,  many 
learned  men  at  large  salaries,  he  wrote  to  Florence  to  Messer 
GiannozzS^Manetti,  that  he  should  come  to  Rome  to  trans- 
late  and  oompose  for  him.  And  when  Manetti  left  Florence 
and  came  to  Rome,  the  pope,  as  was  his  custom,  received  him 
with  honor,  and  assigned  to  him,  in  addition  to  his  income 
as  secretary,  six  hundred  ducats,  urging  him  to  attempt  the 
translation  of  the  books  of  the  Bible  and  of  Aristotle,  and  to 
complete  the  book  already  commenced  by  him.  Contra  Judceos 
et  gentes;  a wonderful  work,  if  it  had  been  completed,  but  he 
carried  it  only  to  the  tenth  book.  Moreover  he  translated 


224.  Found- 
ing of  the 
Vatican 
Library  by 
Nicholas  V. 
(From  Ves- 
pasiano’s 
Lwes  of  Illus- 
trious Men.) 


530 


Readings  in  European  History 


the  New  Testament,  and  the  Psalter,  . . . with  five  apologet- 
ical  books  in  defense  of  this  Psalter,  showing  that  in  the 
Holy  Scriptures  there  is  not  one  syllable  that  does  not 
contain  the  greatest  of  mysteries. 

It  was  Pope  Nicholas’  intention  to  found  a library  in 
St.  Peter’s,  for  the  general  use  of  the  whole  Roman  curia, 
which  would  have  been  an  admirable  thing  indeed,  if  he  had 
been  able  to  carry  it  out,  but  death  prevented  his  bringing 
it  to  completion.  He  illumined  the  Holy  Scriptures  through 
innumerable  books,  which  he  caused  to  be  translated ; and 
in  the  same  way  with  the  works  of  the  pagans,  including  cer- 
tain works  upon  grammar,  of  use  in  learning  Latin,  — the 
Orthography  of  Messer  Giovanni  Tortelle,  who  was  of  his 
Holiness’  household  and  worked  upon  the  library,  a worthy 
book  and  useful  to  grammarians ; the  Iliad  of  Homer ; 
Strabo’s  De  situ  orbis  he  caused  to  be  translated  by  Guerrino, 
and  gave  him  five  hundred  florins  for  each  part,  — that  is 
to  say,  Asia,  Africa,  and  Europe  ; that  was  in  all  fifteen  hun- 
dred florins.  Herodotus  and  Thucydides  he  had  translated 
by  Lorenzo  Valla,  and  rewarded  him  liberally  for  his  trouble  ; 
Zenophon  and  Diodorus,  by  Messer  Poggio ; Polybius,  by 
Nicolo  Perotto,  whom,  when  he  handed  it  to  him,  he  gave 
five  hundred  brand-new  papal  ducats  in  a purse,  and  said  to 
him  that  it  was  not  what  he  deserved,  but  that  in  time  he 
would  take  care  to  satisfy  him. 


225.  How 
Cosimo, 
father  of 
Lorenzo  de’ 
Medici, 
founded 
a library. 
(From 
Vespasiano  ) 


When  Cosimo  had  finished  the  monastery  [near  Florence] 
and  a good  part  of  the  church,  he  fell  to  thinking  how  he 
should  have  the  place  peopled  with  honest  men  of  letters ; 
and  in  this  way  it  occurred  to  him  to  found  a fine  library ; 
and  one  day  when  I happened  to  be  present  in  his  chamber, 
he  said  to  me,  ‘‘  In  what  way  would  you  furnish  this  library.?  ” 
I replied  that  as  for  buying  the  books  it  would  be  impossible, 
for  they  were  not  to  be  had.  Then  he  said,  “ How  is  it 
possible  then  to  furnish  it  ? ” I told  him  that  it  would  be 
necessary  to  have  the  books  copied.  He  asked  in  reply  if  I 
would  be  willing  to  undertake  the  task.  I answered  him, 
that  I was  willing.  He  told  me  to  commence  my  work  and 


The  It’ilian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


531 


he  would  leave  everything  to  me ; and  as  for  the  money 
that  would  be  necessary,  he  would  refer  the  matter  to  Con 
Archangel,  then  prior  of  the  monastery,  who  would  draw 
bills  upon  thr  bank,  which  should  be  paid. 

The  library  was  commenced  at  once,  for  it  was  his  pleasure 
that  it  should  be  done  with  the  utmost  possible  celerity ; and 
as  I did  not  lack  for  money,  I collected  in  a short  time  forty- 
five  writers,  and  finished  two  hundred  volumes  in  twenty-two 
months ; in  which  work  we  made  use  of  an  excellent  list, 
that  of  the  library  of  Pope  Nicholas,  which  he  had  given 
to  Cosimo ; in  the  form  of  a catalogue  made  out  with  his 
own  hands  . . . and  all  the  other  works  necessary  to  a 
library,  of  which  no  one  was  wanting.  And  since  there  were 
not  copies  of  all  these  works  in  Florence,  we  sent  to  Milan, 
to  Bologna,  and  to  other  places,  wherever  they  might  be 
found.  Cosimo  lived  to  see  the  library  wholly  completed, 
and  the  cataloguing  and  the  arranging  of  the  books;  in  all 
of  which  he  took  great  pleasure,  and  the  work  went 
as  was  his  custom,  with  great  promptness. 

III.  The  Artists  of  the  Renaissance 


One  of  the  most  instructive  and  diverting  of  the  Benvenuto 
sources  for  the  Renaissance  period  is  The  Life  of  Ben- 
venuto  Cellini  written  by  Himself — in  Florence,  as  he  'written  by 
tells  us,  in  the  fifty-eighth  year  of  his  age  (1558). 

Cellini  vras  the  most  famous  goldsmith  of  his  time,  or 
perhaps  of  any  time  ; but  he  worked  also  in  every  kind 
of  metal  and  produced,  among  other  things,  one  famous 
piece  of  sculpture  in  bronze,  — the  Perseus  and  Medusay 
which  still  adorns  the  piazza^in  Florence,  for  which  it 
was  made,  at  the  order  of  Duke  Cosimo  de  Medici. 

Cellini  was  employed  by,  and  came  into  close  personal 
relations  with,  most  of  the  princes  of  his  time  in  Italy, 
and  also  in  France,  where  he  lived  for  some  time  under 


Vasari’s  char- 
acterization 
of  Cellini. 


226.  Cellini 
and  the  art- 
loving  pope 
Clement  VII. 
(Condensed.) 


Serious 
interest  in 
even  small 
works  of  art. 


532  Readings  in  European  Hisiory 

the  patronage  of  Francis  I.  He  came  of  a good  Floren- 
tine family,  and  exhibits  in  a marked  degree  most  of  the 
characteristic  virtues  and  vices  of  the  age.  There  is, 
indeed,  hardly  a phase  of  the  many-sided  life  of  the 
Renaissance  period  which  is  not  illustrated  in  his  auto- 
biography, 

Vasari  closes  his  Life  of  Cellini  as  follows  : ‘‘Though 
I might  here  enlarge  on  the  productions  of  Benvenuto, 
who  has  always  showed  himself  a man  of  great  spirit 
and  vivacity,  bold,  active,  enterprising,  and  formidable 
to  his  enemies,  — a man,  in  short,  who  knew  as  well  how 
to  speak  to  princes  as  to  exert  himself  in  his  art,  — I 
shall  add  nothing  further,  since  he  has  written  an  account 
of  his  life  and  works,  and  a treatise  on  goldsmiths' 
work,  as  well  as  on  casting  statues  and  many  other  sub- 
jects, with  more  art  and  eloquence  than  it  is  possible 
for  me  to  imitate." 

[Cellini  had  been  engaged  to  reset  some  jewels  for  Pope 
Clement  VII.]  Since  that  was  not,  however,  a work  in  which 
I could  gain  great  reputation,  the  pope  was  resolved,  he  said, 
to  employ  me  in  an  undertaking  of  the  last  importance,  in 
which  I should  have  opportunity  of  displaying  my  abilities. 
“The  work  I have  in  mind,’’  he  added,  “is  the  button  for  the 
pontifical  cope,  which  is  made  round  and  in  the  form  of  a 
trencher  and  as  big  as  a small  trencher ; in  this  I would  have 
God  the  Father  represented  in  half  relievo,  and  in  the  midst 
of  it  I would  have  the  edge  of  the  large  diamond  set,  with 
many  other  jewels  of  the  greatest  value.  Go  then  and  draw  a 
fine  design  of  it.”  Thereupon  he  caused  all  his  jewels  to  be 
shown  me,  and  I left  him,  highly  pleased  with  my  success. 

[Several  of  Cellini’s  rivals,  hearing  of  this  undertaking, 
had  a number  of  other  designs  made,  which  were  submitted 
to  the  pope  at  the  same  time  as  his.]  It  so  fell  out  that  all 
those  who  had  drawn  those  designs  had  laid  the  fine  large 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the^  Renaissance 


533 


and  beautiful  diamond  in  the  middle  of  the  breast  of  God 
the  Father.  The  pope,  who  was  a person  of  great  genius, 
having  noticed  this  blunder,  would  proceed  no  farther  in 
examining  their  performances.  After  he  had  examined 
about  ten,  he  threw  the  rest  upon  the  ground  and  desired 
me  to  give  him  my  model,  that  he  might  see  whether  I had 
committed  the  same  mistake.  Thereupon  I came  forward 
and  opened  a little  round  box,  when  instantly  there  seemed 
to  flash  from  it  a luster  which  dazzled  the  pope  himself,  and 
he  cried  out  with  a loud  voice,  ‘‘  Benvenuto,  had  you  been 
my  very  self,  you  could  not  have  designed  this  with  greater 
propriety.”  Then  calling  to  Trojano,  his  gentleman  of  the 
bedchamber,  he  ordered  him  to  fetch  five  hundred  ducats. 

Whilst  they  were  bringing  the  money,  he  examined  more 
minutely  the  ingenious  artifice  by  which  I had  placed  that 
fine  diamond  and  God  the  Father  in  a proper  position.  I 
had  laid  the  diamond  exactly  in  the  middle  of  the  work, 
and  over  it  I represented  God  the  Father  sitting  in  a sort  of 
free,  easy  attitude,  which  suited  admirably  well  with  the  rest 
of  the  piece,  and  did  not  in  the  least  crowd  the  diamond ; 
his  right  hand  was  lifted  up,  giving  his  blessing.  Undei:  the 
diamond  I had  drawn  three  little  boys,  who  supported  it 
with  their  arms  raised  aloft.  Round  it  was  a number  of 
figures  of  boys  placed  amongst  other  glittering  jewels.  The 
remainder  of  God  the  Father  was  covered  with  a cloak  which 
wantoned  in  the  wind,  from  whence  issued  several  figures  of 
boys,  with  other  striking  ornaments,  most  beautiful  to  behold. 

[While  Cellini  was  engaged  on  this  work  and  other  orders 
for  the  pope,  his  brother  was  killed  in  a street  brawl  between 
some  soldiers  and  young  gallants,  such  as  occurred  almost 
daily  on  any  provocation,  or  none.]  Meanwhile  I exerted 
my  utmost  efforts  to  finish  the  work  in  gold  which  I was 
employed  in  by  Pope  Clement ; still  thinking  day  and  night 
of  the  musketeer  that  shot  my  brother.  Perceiving  that 
my  solicitude  and  anxious  desire  of  revenge  deprived  me 
both  of  sleep  and  appetite,  which  threw  me  into  a lingering 
disorder,  and  not  caring  to  have  recourse  to  any  treacherous 


Cellini’s  full 
appreciation 
of  his 
own  skill. 


Toleration 
of  man- 
slaughter. 


534 


Readings  in  European  History 


or  dishonorable  means,  one  evening  1 prepared  to  put  an 
end  to  my  disquietude. 

Just  after  sunset,  as  this  musketeer  stood  at  his  door 
with  his  sword  in  his  hand,  when  he  had  done  supper,  I 
with  great  address  came  close  up  to  him  with  a long  dagger 
and  gave  him  a violent  back-handed  stroke  which  I had 
aimed  at  his  neck ; that  instant  he  turned  about,  and  the 
blow  falling  directly  upon  his  left  shoulder,  broke  the  whole 
bone  of  it ; upon  which  he  dropped  his  sword,  quite  over- 
come by  the  pain,  and  took  to  his  heels.  I pursued  and  in 
four  steps  came  up  with  him,  when,  raising  the  dagger  over 
his  head  which  he  lowered  down,  I hit  exactly  upon  his 
collar  bone  and  the  middle  of  the  neck ; the  weapon  pene- 
trated so  deep  into  both  that  though  I made  a great  effort 
to  recover  it  again,  I found  it  impossible ; for  at  this  same 
instant  there  issued  out  of  a neighboring  house  four  soldiers, 
with  their  swords  drawn,  so  that  I was  obliged  to  draw  mine 
also  in  my  own  defense. 

[He  takes  refuge  with  his  protector,  Duke  Alexander  of 
Medici,  in  whose  palace  he  stays  under  cover  for  eight  days. 
At  the  end  of  that  time  the  pope  sends  for  him,  the  messenger 
saying  that  the  pope]  knew  all  that  had  happened,  that  his 
Holiness  was  very  much  my  friend,  and  desired  me  to  go 
on  with  my  business  without  giving  myself  any  uneasiness. 
When  I came  into  the  presence  of  the  pontiff,  he  frowned 
on  me  very  much,  and  with  angry  looks  seemed  to  reprimand 
me ; but,  upon  viewing  my  performance,  his  countenance 
grew  serene  and  he  praised  me  highly,  telling  me  that  I had 
done  a great  deal  in  a short  time ; then  looking  attentively 
at  me,  he  said,  Now  that  you  have  recovered  your  health, 
Benvenuto,  take  care  of  yourself.’’  I understood  his  mean- 
ing, and  told  him  that  I should  not  neglect  his  advice. 

Giorgio  Vasari  (15 12-1574),  a painter  of  some  ability 
himself  and  an  enthusiastic  admirer  of  the  great  artists 
of  Italy,  among  whom  he  considered  his  friend  and  con- 
temporary, Michael  Angelo,  the  greatest,  wrote  a long 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Re7iaissance  535 


series  of  charming  biographies  of  painters,  sculptors,  and 
architects,  which  forms  the  chief  source  for’the  lives  of 
the  Italian  artists  from  Giotto  to  Titian. 


The  richest  gifts  are  occasionally  seen  to  be  showered,  as 
by  celestial  influence,  upon  certain  human  beings;  nay,  they 
sometimes  supernaturally  and  marvelously  congregate  in  a 
single  person,  — beauty,  grac"^  and  talent  being  united  in 
such  a manner  that  to  whatever  the  man  thus  favored  may 
turn  himself,  his  every  action  is  so  divine  as  to  leave  all 
other  men  far  behind  him.  This  would  seem  manifestly  to 
prove  that  he  has  been  specially  endowed  by  the  hand  of 
God  himself,  and  has  not  obtained  his  preeminence  through 
human  teaching  or  the  powers  of  man. 

This  was  perceived  and  acknowledged  by  all  men  in  the 
case  of  Leonardo  da  Vinci,  in  whom  (to  say  nothing  of  his 
beauty  of  person,  which  yet  was  such  that  it  has  never  been 
sufficiently  extolled)  there  was  a grace  beyond  expression, 
which  was  manifest  without  thought  or  effort  in  every  act 
and  deed,  and  who  had  besides  so  rare  a gift  of  talent  and 
ability  that  to  whatever  subject  he  turned  his  attention,  no 
matter  how  difficult,  he  presently  made  himself  absolute 
master  of  it. 

In  him  extraordinary  power  was  combined  with  remark- 
able facility,  a mind  of  regal  boldness  and  magnanimous 
daring.  His  gifts  were  such  that  the  celebrity  of  his  name 
was  spread  abroad,  and  he  was  held  in  the  highest  estima- 
tion not  only  in  his  own  time  but  also,  and  even  to  a greater 
degree,  after  his  death,  — nay,  he  has  continued,  and  will 
continue,  to  be  held  in  the  highest  esteem  by  all  succeeding 
generations. 

Truly  remarkable,  indeed,  and  divinely  endowed  was 
Leonardo  da  Vinci.  He  was  the  son  of  Ser  Piero  da  Vinci. 
He  would  without  doubt  have  made  great  progress  in  learn- 
ing and  knowledge  of  the  sciences  had  he  not  been  so  ver- 
satile and  changeful.  The  instability  of  his  character  led 
him  to  undertake  many  things  which  having  commenced 
he  afterwards  abandoned.  In  arithmetic,  for  example,  he 


227.  Re- 
markable 
versatility 
of  Leonardo 
da  Vinci. 
(From 
Vasari’s 
Lines  of  the 
Painters.) 


536 


Readings  in  European  History 


228.  Kindly 
disposition 
of  Raphael. 
(From 

Vasari^s  Lwes 
of  the 
Painters.) 


made  such  rapid  progress  in  the  short  time  that  he  gave  his 
attention  to  it,  that  he  often  confounded  the  master  who  was 
teaching  him  by  the  perpetual  doubts  that  he  started  and  by 
the  difficult  questions  that  he  proposed. 

He  also  commenced  the  study  of  music,  and  resolved  to 
acquire  the  art  of  playing  the  lute,  when,  being  by  nature 
of  an  exalted  imagination  and  full  of  the  most  graceful 
vivacity,  he  sang  to  the  instrument  most  divinely,  improvis- 
ing at  once  both  the  verse  and  the  music. 

[Verocchio,  an  esteemed  artist  of  the  period,  upon  see- 
ing some  of  the  drawings  which  Leonardo  had  made,  gladly 
agreed  to  take  him  into  his  shop.]  Thither  the  boy  resorted! 
with  the  utmost  readiness,  and  not  only  gave  his  attention! 
to  one  branch  of  art  but  to  all  those  of  which  design  makes 
a portion.  Endowed  with  such  admirable  intelligence  and 
being  also  an  excellent  geometrician,  Leonardo  not  only 
worked  in  sculpture  but  in  architecture ; likewise  he  pre- 
pared various  designs  for  ground  plans  and  the  construction 
of  entire  buildings.  He  too  it  was  who,  while  only  a youth, 
first  suggested  the  formation  of  a canal  from  Pisa  to  Flor- 
ence by  means  of  certain  changes  to  be  effected  in  the  river 
Arno.  Leonardo  likewise  made  designs  for  mills,  fulling 
machines,  and  other  engines  which  were  run  by  water.  But 
as  he  had  resolved  to  make  painting  his  profession,  he  gave 
the  greater  part  of  his  time  to  drawing  from  nature. 

Vasari  writes  thus  of  Raphael's  premature  death  and 
of  his  kindly  disposition  toward  his  fellow-artists. 

When  this  noble  artist  died,  well  might  Painting  have 
departed  also,  for  when  he  closed  his  eyes  she  too  was 
left,  as  it  were,  blind.  . . . To  him  of  a truth  it  is  that  we 
owe  the  possession  of  invention,  coloring,  and  execution, 
brought  alike  and  together  to  that  perfection  for  which  few 
could  have  dared  to  hope  ; nor  has  any  man  ever  aspired  to 
surpass  him. 

And  in  addition  to  the  benefits  which  this  great  master 
conferred  on  art,  being  as  he  was  its  best  friend,  we  have 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance  537 

the  further  obligation  to  him  of  having  taught  us  by  his  life 
in  what  manner  we  should  comport  ourselves  toward  great 
men,  as  well  as  toward  those  of  lesser  degree,  and  even 
toward  the  lowest ; nay,  there  was  among  his  many  extraor- 
dinary gifts  one  of  such  value  and  importance  that  I can 
never  sufficiently  admire  it  and  always  think  thereof  with 
astonishment. 

This  was  the  power  accorded  to  him  by  heaven,  of  bring- 
ing aH  who  approached  his  presence  into  harmony,  an  effect 
inconceivably  surprising  in  our  calling,  and  contrary  to  the 
nature  of  our  artists.  Yet  all,  I do  not  say  of  the  inferior 
grades  only,  but  even  those  who  lay  claim  to  be  great  per- 
sonages (and  of  this  humor  our  art  produces  immense  num- 
bers) became  as  of  one  mind,  once  they  began  to  labor  in 
the  society  of  Raphael,  continuing  in  such  unity  and  con- 
cord that  all  harsh  feelings  and  evil  dispositions  became 
subdued  and  disappeared  at  the  sight  of  him  ; every  vile  and 
base  thought  departing  from  the  mind  before  his  influence. 

Such  harmony  prevailed  at  no  other  time  than  his  own. 
And  this  happened  because  all  were  surpassed  by  him  in 
friendly  courtesy  as  well  as  in  art ; all  confessed  the  influ- 
ence of  his  sweet  and  gracious  nature,  which  was  so  replete 
with  excellence  and  so  perfect  in  all  the  charities,  that  not 
only  was  he  honored  by  men  but  even  by  the  very  animals, 
who  would  constantly  follow  his  steps  and  always  loved 
him, 

Several  of  Michael  Angelo’s  greatest  works  were  un- 
dertaken at  the  order  of  Pope  Julius  II  (d.  1512),  who 
had  the  highest  appreciation  of  his  genius.  But  the 
independence  of  the  artist  and  the  irascible  temper 
of  the  pontiff  occasioned  numerous  quarrels  between 
them,  which  invariably  resulted  in  fresh  favors  from  the 
pope.  After  one  of  these  reconciliations,  which  took 
place  in  Bologna,  Julius  had  ordered  a bronze  statue  of 
himself  to  be  placed  over  one  of  the  city  gates. 


229.  Michael 
Angelo  and 
the  popes. 
His  charac- 
ter and 
ideals. 

(From 
Vasari^s 
Lives  of  the 
Painters.) 


538 


Readings  in  European  History 


Relations 
of  Michael 
Angelo 
with  Pope 
Julius  11. 


The  Benti- 
vogli  destroy 
the  statue  of 
the  pope. 


The  pope’s 
impatience 
to  see  the 
frescoes  in 
the  Sistine 
Chapel  com- 
pleted. 


The  statue  was  finished  in  the  clay  model  before  Pope 
Julius  left  Bologna  for  Rome,  and  his  Holiness  went  to  see 
it,  but,  the  right  hand  being  raised  in  an  attitude  of  much 
dignity,  and  the  pontiff  not  knowing  what  was  to  be  placed 
in  the  left,  inquired  whether  he  were  anathematizing  the  peo- 
ple or  giving  them  his  benediction  ; Michael  Angelo  replied 
that  he  was  admonishing  the  Bolognese  to  behave  them- 
selves discreetly,  and  asked  his  Holiness  to  decide  whether 
it  were  not  well  to  put  a book  in  the  left  hand.  “.Put  a 
sword  into  it,”  replied  Pope  Julius,  “for  of  letters  I know 
but  little.”  The  pontiff  left  a thousand  crowns  in  the  bank 
of  Messer  Antonmaria  da  Lignano  for  the  purpose  of  com- 
pleting the  figure,  and  after  Michael  Angelo  had  labored  at 
it  for  sixteen  months  it  was  placed  over  the  door  of  San 
Petronio. 

The  work  was  eventually  destroyed  by  the  Bentivogli,^ 
and  the  bronze  was  sold  to  the  Duke  Alfonzo  of  Ferrara, 
who  made  a piece  of  artillery,  called  the  Julia,  of  the  frag- 
ments ; the  head  only  was  preserved,  and  this  is  now  in  the 
Duke’s  Guardaroba. 

[The  pope  was  very  anxious  to  see  the  decoration  of  the 
Sistine  Chapel  completed,  and  constantly  inquired  when  it 
would  be  finished.]  On  one  occasion,  therefore,  Michael 
Angelo  replied,  “ It  will  be  finished  when  I shall  have  done 
all  that  I believe  is  required  to  satisfy  Art.”  “And  we  com- 
mand,” rejoined  the  pontiff,  “ that  you  satisfy  our  wish  to 
have  it  done  quickly,”  adding  that  if  it  were  not  at  once 
completed,  he  would  have  Michael  Angelo  thrown  headlong 
from  the  scaffolding.  Hearing  this,  our  artist,  who  feared 
the  fury  of  the  pope,  anff  with  good  cause,  without  taking 
time  to  add  what  was  wanting,  took  down  the  remainder 
of  the  scaffolding,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  whole  city, 
on  All  Saints’  day,  when  Pope  Julius  went  into  that  chapel 
to  sing  mass.  But  Michael  Angelo  had  much  desired  to 

1 The  chief  family  of  Bologna,  who  practically  ruled  the  town, 
although  it  was  nominally  a republic  and  lay  within  the  papal  domin- 
ions. 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


539 


retouch  some  portions  of  the  work  a secco^  as  had  been  done 
by  the  older  masters  who  had  painted  the  stories  on  the 
walls.  He  would  also  have  gladly  added  a little  ultramarine 
to  the  draperies  and  gilded  other  parts,  to  the  end  that  the 
whole  might  have  a richer  and  more  striking  effect. 

The  pope,  too,  hearing  that  these  things  were  still  want- 
ing, and  finding  that  all  who  beheld  the  chapel  praised  it 
highly,  would  now  fain  have  had  the  additions  made  ; but 
as  Michael  Angelo  thought  reconstructing  the  scaffold  too 
long  an  affair,  the  pictures  remained  as  they  were,  although 
the  pope,  who  often  saw  Michael  Angelo,  would  sometimes 
say,  ‘‘Let  the  chapel  be  enriched  with  bright  colors  and 
gold  ; it  looks  poor.’’  When  Michael  Angelo  would  reply 
familiarly,  “Holy  Father,  the  men  of  those  days  did  not 
adorn  themselves  with  gold  ; those  who  are  painted  here 
less  than  any,  for  they  were  none  too  rich ; besides  which 
they  were  holy  men,  and  must  have  despised  riches  and 
ornaments.” 

[In  1546,  San  Gallo,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  building 
operations  at  St.  Peter’s  in  Rome,  having  died.  Pope  Paul  III 
asked  Michael  Angelo  to  undertake  the  office.]  The  mas- 
ter at  first  replied  that  he  would  not,  architecture  not  being 
his  vocation  ; but  when  entreaties  were  found  useless,  the 
pope  commanded  him  to  accept  the  trust,  and  to  his  infinite 
regret  he.  was  compelled  to  obey.  He  did  not  approve  of 
San  Gallo’s  plan.  He  would  often  publicly  declare  that 
San  Gallo  had  left  the  building  without  lights,  and  had 
heaped  too  many  ranges  of  columns  one  above  the  other 
on  the  outside ; adding  that,  with  its  innumerable  projec- 
tions, pinnacles,  and  divisions  of  members,  it  was  more  like 
a work  of  the  Teutons  than  of  the  good  antique  manner, 
or  of  the  cheerful  and  beautiful  modern  style. ^ He  further- 
more affirmed  that  fifty  years  of  time,  with  more  than  three 

1 That  is,  after  the  damp  plaster  upon  which  the  paint  had  been 
originally  laid  al  fresco  had  dried. 

2 That  is,  that  it  resembled  the  Gothic  rather  than  the  Classical  or 
Renaissance  style. 


Michael 
Angelo 
required  by 
the  pope  to 
carry  on  the 
work  of 
St.  Peter’s. 


Prolonged 
building  of 
St.  Peter’s 
a source  of 
corruption. 


Michael 
Angelo’s 
dissatisfac 
tion  with 
his  work. 


540  Readings  in  European  History 

hundred  thousand  crowns  in  the  cost,  might  very  well  be 
spared,  while  the  work  might  be  completed  with  increased 
majesty,  grandeur,  and  lightness,  to  say  nothing  of  better 
design,  greater  beauty,  and  superior  convenience. 

He  made  a model  also,  to  prove  the  truth  of  his  words, 
and  this  was  of  the  form  wherein  we  now  see  the  work  to 
have  been  carried  on  \ it  cost  twenty-five  crowns  and  was 
finished  in  a fortnight,  that  of  San  Gallo  having  exceeded 
four  thousand  and  having  occupied  several  years  in  making. 
From  this  and  other  circumstances,  it  was  indeed  easy  to 
see  that  the  church  had  become  an  object  of  traffic  and 
a means  of  gain  rather  than  a building  to  be  completed, 
being  considered  by  those  who  undertook  the  work  as  a 
kind  of  bargain  to  be  turned  to  the  best  account. 

Such  a state  of  things  could  not  fail  to  displease  so  upright 
a man  as  Michael  Angelo,  and  as  the  pope  had  made  him 
superintendent  against  his  will,  he  determined  to  be  rid  of 
them  all.  He  therefore  one  day  told  them  openly  that  he 
knew  well  that  they  had  done  and  were  doing  all  they  could 
by  means  of  their  friends  to  prevent  him  from  entering  on 
this  office,  but  that  if  he  were  to  undertake  the  charge  he 
would  not  suffer  one  of  them  to  remain  about  the  building. 

Michael  Angelo  worked  for  his  amusement  almost  every 
day  at  a group  of  four  figures,  but  he  broke  up  the  block  at 
last,  either  because  it  was  found  to  have  numerous  veins,  was 
excessively  hard,  and  often  caused  the  chisel  to  strike  fire, 
or  because  the  judgment  of  the  artist  was  so  severe  that  he 
could  never  content  himself  with  anything  that  he  ever  did. 
There  is  proof  of  this  in  the  fact  that  few  of  his  works 
undertaken  in  his  manhood  were  ever  entirely  completed, 
those  entirely  finished  being  the  productions  of  his  youth. 
. . . Michael  Angelo  himself  would  often  remark  that  if 
he  were  really  permitted  to  satisfy  himself  in  the  works  to 
be  produced,  he  should  give  little  or  nothing  to  public  view. 

And  the  reason  for  this  is  obvious.  He  had  advanced  to 
such  an  extent  of  knowledge  in  art  that  the  very  slightest 
error  could  not  exist  in  any  figure  without  his  immediate 


a\ 

\ 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance 


541 


discovery  thereof ; but  having  found  such  after  the  work 
had  been  given  to  view,  he  would  never  attempt  to  correct 
it,  and  would  commence  some  other  production,  believing 
that  a like  failure  would  not  happen  again.  This  then  was, 
as  he  often  declared,  the  reason  A^hy  the  number  of  pictures 
and  statues  finished  by  his  hand  was  so  small.  . . . 

His  powers  of  imagination  were  such  that  he  was  fre- 
quently compelled  to  abandon  his  purpose  because  he  could 
not  express  by  the  hand  those  grand  and  sublime  ideas 
which  he  had  conceived  in  his  mind,  — nay,  he  has  spoiled 
and  destroyed  many  works  for  this  cause.  I know,  for 
example,  that  a short  time  before  his  death  he  burned  a large 
number  of  his  designs,  sketches,  and  cartoons,  that  none 
might  see  the  labors  he  had  gone  through  and  the  trials  to 
which  he  had  subjected  his  spirit  in  his  resolve  not  to  fall 
short  of  perfection.  I have  myself  secured  some  drawings 
by  his  hand  which  were  found  in  Florence  and  which  are 
now  in  my  book  of  designs;  and  these,  although  they  give 
evidence  of  his  great  genius,  yet  prove  also  that  the  ham- 
.mer  of  Vulcan  was  necessary  to  bring  Minerva  from  the 
head  of  Jupiter. 


Vignero,  another  friend  of  Michael  Angelo's,  thus 
describes  the  impetuous  way  in  which  he  worked,  even 
in  his  later  years. 

I may  add  that  I have  seen  Michael  Angelo,  although 
then  sixty  years  old  and  not  in  robust  health,  strike  more 
chips  from  the  hardest  marble  in  a quarter  of  an  hour  than 
would  be  carried  off  by  three  young  stonecutters  in  three 
or  four  times  as  long,  — a thing  incredible  to  him  who  has 
not  seen  it.  He  would  approach  the  marble  with  such 
impetuosity,  not  to  say  fury,  that  I have  often  thought  the 
whole  work  must  be  dashed  to  pieces.  At  one  blow  he 
would  strike  off  pieces  of  three  or  four  inches  ; yet  with  such 
exactitude  was  each  stroke  given  that  a mere  atom  more 
would  sometimes  have  spoiled  the  whole  work. 


230.  Michael 
Angelovs 
fiery  im- 
petuosity. 


542 


Readings  in  European  History 


A.  Refer- 
ences. 


B.  Addi- 
tional 
reading  in 
English 


BIBLIOGRAPHY 

General  Review  of  the  Period : Adams,  Civilization,  Chapter  XV ; 
Lodge,  Close  of  the  Middle  Ages,  Chapter  XXII. 

Political  History : Lodge,  Chapter  VIII,  “Italy  in  the  Fourteenth 
Century”;  Chapter  XII,  “Milan  and  Venice  in  the  Fifteenth  Cen- 
tury”; Chapter  XIV,  “ Florence  under  the  Medici.” 

Florence : Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  V,  “ Savona- 
rola,” and  Chapter  VI,  “ Machiavelli.” 

Venice:  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  VIII. 

The  Papacy : Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  VII. 

Humanism:  Cambridge  Modern  History,  Vol.  I,  Chapter  XVI. 

Extracts  from  the  Writers  of  the  Time:  Whitcomb,  Literary 
Source-Book  of  the  Italian  Renaissance. 


Symonds,  J.  A.,  Renaissance  in  Italy,  7 vols.  This  is  by  far  the  most 
extensive  treatment  in  English  of  the  culture  of  the  Renaissance.  It  is 
often  brilliant  but  diffuse.  Vol.  I,  “The  Age  of  the  Despots,”  is  the 
best  introduction  to  the  general  political  and  social  situation ; Vol.  II 
is  on  “The  Revival  of  Learning”;  Vol.  Ill,  “The  Fine  Arts”;  Vols. 
IV  and  V,  “ Italian  Literature”;  Vols.  VI  and  VII,  “The  Catholic 
Reaction,”  relate  to  the  sixteenth  century. 

Burckhardt,  The  Civilization  of  the  Italian  Renaissance.  All  serious 
students  of  the  period  should  be  acquainted  with  this  remarkable  volume, 
where  the  various  phases  of  the  Renaissance  are  treated  in  a more  pro- 
found and  scholarly  spirit  than  in  “ The  Age  of  the  Despots.” 

Armstrong,  Lorenzo  de'  Medici  and  Florence  in  the  Fifteenth  Century 
(Heroes  of  the  Nations). 

Brown,  Horatio,  Venice:  An  Historical  Sketch  of  the  Republic, 
By  one  well  versed  in  the  subject. 

Mrs.  Oliphant,  Makers  of  Florence.  Popular  essays  on  Dante, 
Giotto,  and  Savonarola.  Also  Makers  of  Venice  by  the  same  writer. 

Of  the  writers  of  the  time,  there  are  available  in  English  the 
following : 

Dante,  Divine  Comedy,  translated  into  English  prose  by  Professor 
C.  E.  Norton;  and  his  Banquet,  a very  interesting  but  uncompleted 
treatise  on  a variety  of  matters,  written  in  Italian  for  those  who  did  not 
know  Latin.  It  is  well  translated  by  Miss  Katharine  Hillard.  Pro- 
fessor Norton  has  also  translated  Dante’s  charming  account  of  his  early 
experiences,  — The  New  Life. 


The  Italian  Cities  and  the  Renaissance  543 


Dante’s  treatise  on  government  — De  Monarchia  — is  translated  in 
Church,  Dante^  pp.  175-308,  and  portions,  in  the  Old  South  Leaflets, 
General  Series,  No.  123.  His  work  on  the  mother  tongue  — De  Vulgari 
Eloquio  — is  translated  with  notes  by  Howell,  1890. 

Of  the  vast  literature  relating  to  Dante,  the  historical  student  will 
find  especially  useful : Moore,  Edw.,  Studies  in  Dante,  first  series,  on 
his  knowledge  of  books,  and  W itte,  Karl,  Essays  on  Dante. 

Petrarch,  the  First  Modern  Scholar  and  Man  of  Letters,  a selection 
from  his  letters  to  Boccaccio  and  his  other  friends,  translated,  with  an 
introduction,  by  Robinson  and  Rolfe.  This  book  was  prepared  with 
a view  to  giving  the  historical  student  an  idea  of  Petrarch  and  his  great 
role  in  the  history  of  culture. 

ViLLANi,  Giovanni,  Florentine  Chronicle,  coming  down  to  1348  and 
relating  especially  to  Dante’s  and  Petrarch’s  time.  It  was  continued  by 
Giovanni’s  brother  Matteo  to  1363.  Portions  of  the  earlier  part  are 
translated, — Selections  from  the  first  nine  books  of  the  Croniche  Fioren- 
tine,  edited  by  Wicksteed,  and  coming  down  to  Dante’s  death,  1321. 

Baldassare  Castiglione,  The  Book  of  the  Courtier,  completed  in 
1516  by  a gentleman  at  the  court  of  Urbino.  This  proved  a very  popular 
book  and  was  translated  into  English  in  1561.  It  deals  in  a charming 
way  with  those  qualities  which  a true  gentleman  should  possess.  In 
“Tudor  Translations”  ($7.50)  and  in  a new  translation  by  Opdycke 
(Scribner’s,  1903;  ^10.00),  both  unfortunately  expensive. 

Machiavelli,  The  Prince.  This  famous  .little  work  which  casts  so 
much  light  on  the  political  spirit  of  the  time  has  been  several  times 
translated  into  English.  There  is  a good  edition  by  N.  H.  Hill  (Claren- 
don Press),  another  together  with  Machiavelli’s  History  of  Florence  in 
the  Bohn  Library.  The  latter  becomes  detailed  with  the  beginnings  of 
the  power  of  the  Medici  about  1434  and  closes  about  1525. 

Vasari,  Lives  of  Seventy  of  the  Most  Eminent  Painters,  Sculptors, 
and  Architects  (see  above,  pp.  534  sqql).  Translated,  complete,  by 
Mrs.  Foster  in  the  Bohn  Library,  5 vols.  Also  in  the  Temple  Classics,  a 
new  edition  of  selected  Lives  by  Blashfield  and  Hopkins,  with  useful 
notes. 

For  Rome  and  the  popes,  see  Creighton,  History  of  the  Papacy; 
Pastor,  History  of  the  Popes ; and  Gregorovius,  History  of  the  City  of 
Rome,  Vol.  VII. 

For  the  art:  “College  Histories  of  Art,”  edited  by  John  C.  van 
Dyke,  including  Van  Dyke,  The  History  of  Painting;  Hamlin,  The 
History  of  Architecture ; Marquand  and  Frothingham,  The  History 
of  Sculpture,  — useful  manuals.  Larger  works  : Furgusson,  History  of 


544 


Readings  in  European  History 


C.  Materials 
for  advanced 
study. 


Modern  Architecture ; Fletcher,  A History  of  Architecture ; Lubke, 
History  of  Sculpture  ; Woltmann  and  Woermann,  History  of  Painting. 

De  Vinne,  The  Pivention  of  Printings  by  a well-known  expert  in 
that  art;  Blades,  Pe^itateuch  of  Printing.,  — very  good  ; and  Putnam, 
Books  and  their  Makers^  Vol.  I (referred  to  above,  p.  462). 


ScHAFF,  Philip,  The  Renaissance.  This  little  book  is  scarcely  more 
than  a syllabus  of  the  subject,  but  it  contains  very  complete  and  useful 
bibliographies. 

Geiger,  Humanismus  und  Renaissance  in  Italien  und  Deutschland 
(Oncken  Series).  An  excellent  work,  with  good  bibliographies. 

Voigt,  Die  Wiederbelebung  des  classischen  AlterthumSy  2 vols.,  3d 
ed.  The  best  account  of  the  humanists,  with  good  bibliography.  A 
very  remarkable  work. 

'NounKCy  Petrarque  et  V Humanism ey  1892.  A very  interesting  study 
of  the  range  of  Petrarch’s  reading. 

Gaspary,  Geschichte  der  italienischen  Liter atur,  2 vols.,  1885.  Excel- 
lent and  readable. 

Capponi,  Storia  della  repubblica  di  Firenze^  3 vols.,  1888.  Perhaps 
the  best  detailed  account ; it  may  be  supplemented  by  the  well-known 
monographs  of  Villari,  Life  and  Times  of  Niccolo  Machiavelliy  2 vols., 
2d  ed.,  1892,  and  Life  and  Times  of  Savonarola^  2 vols.,  1888. 

Vespasiano  da  Bisticci,  Vite  di  uomini  illustri  del  secolo  XVy 
Florence,  1849;  edition  in  3 vols.,  Bologna,  1892  (see  above, 

pp.  529  sqq.). 

Guicciardini,  Storia  dMtaliay  4 vols.,  Milan,  1884.  Guicciardini 
(d.  1 540)  ranks  with  Machiavelli  as  a political  thinker  and  is  his  superior 
as  an  historian.  His  history  covers  the  period  1492-1530  and  is  by  far 
the  best  among  several  produced  by  Florentine  writers  of  the  period. 


INDEX 


This  Index  should  be  supplemented  by  the  analytical  Table  of  Contents  at 
the  opening  of  this  volume. 


Abelard,  446  sqq. 

Acta  Sa7ictorum^  113. 

Adamnus,  Life  of  Columba^  112. 
Adrianople,  battle  of,  39. 

Aids,  feudal,  235  sq. 

Aistulf,  king  of  the  Lombards, 
122  sqq. 

Alaric,  41  sqq. 

Alberic,  ruler  of  Rome,  252. 
Albertus  Magnus,  370,  457. 
Albigenses,  26,  381  sqq. 

Alcuin,  128. 

Alfred  the  Great,  222  sqq. 
Allegory,  78  sq. 

Allod,  176. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  35  sqq.., 

57- 

Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle,  22()sqq., 
244,  431. 

Anglo-Saxon  language,  431  sq. 
Anna  Comnena,  320  sq. 

Annals,  origin  of,  147  sq. 

Annals,  Royal,  148. 

Annals  of  Fulda,  155  sqq.,  169. 
Annals  of  Liege,  2ggsqq. 

Annals  of  St.  Bertin,  157  sqq.,  169. 
Annals  of  St.  Vaast,  16^  sqq.,  169. 
Annals  of  Xanten,  sqq.,  169. 
Antapodosis  of  Liutprand,  255  sqq. 
Ante-Nicene  Fathers,  85. 

Antioch,  siege  of,  321  sqq. 
Apollinaris  Sidonius,  58  sqq., 

150  sq. 

Aquinas,  370,  457  sqq. 

Aristotle,  355  sqq. 

Arnold  of  Liibeck,  31 1. 

Arrian,  15. 

Artists  of  the  Renaissance^  531  sqq. 
Asser,  244. 

Astronomy,  mediaeval,  441  sq. 


Atavulf,  43. 

Attila,  46  sqq.",  interview  of,  with 
Leo  the  Great,  49  sqq. 

Augustine,  City  of  God,  58. 

Augustine  of  Canterbury,  97  sqq. 

Averroes,  456. 

Avignon,  popes  at,  502  sqq. 

Babylon,  327. 

Bacon,  Roger,  460  sqq.,  465. 

Baptism,  sacrament  of,  349  sqq. 

Barbarian  invasions,  sources  for, 

57 

Barbarians  compared  with  the 
Romans,  28  sqq. 

Bartholomew  Anglicus,  443  sq. 

Bede,  61,  cyj  sqq.,  112,  441,  note; 
description  of,  of  purgatory,  hell, 
and  heaven,  93  sqq. 

Benedict  of  St.  Andrea,  Chronicle 
of,  2^0  sqq. 

Beneficium,  iq^sqq. 

Benefit  of  clergy,  358  sqq. 

Berengar  II  of  Italy,  256  sqq. 

Bernard  of  Gui,  381  jyy. 

Bernard,  St.,  letter  of,  329  sqq. ; 
miracles  of,  334  sq. 

Bernheim,  Lehrbuch,  12. 

Bestiaries,  442  sq. 

Bishop  of  Rome,  see  Papacy. 

Black  Prince,  467  sqq. 

Bollandists,  113. 

Bonaventura,  397. 

Boniface,  St.,  105  sqq.,  108,  no; 
commission  of,  105  ; appoint- 
ment of,  as  bishop,  105  ; oath 
of,  106;  crowns  Pippin,  121. 

Boniface  VII,  346  sqq. 

Boniface  VIII,  488  sqq. 

Books,  copying  of,  527  sq. 


545 


546 


Readhigs  in  European  History 


Bouquet,  219. 

Bruno,  archbishop  of  Cologne, 

259  S(]. 

Burghers,  see  Towns. 

Burnt  Nj at ^ Story  of,  \^2sqq. 

C^SAR  of  Heisterbach,  355, 365  sq.^ 
370- 

Canon  law,  369. 

Canons,  definition  of,  68. 

Canossa,  282  sq. 

Canterbury,  99. 

Capitularies,  extracts  from,  1 35  sqq,^ 
148. 

Cardinals,  375  sq. 

Carmina  Burana.,  463. 

Cartulaires,  193. 

Cassiodorus,  56,  59. 

Cathari,  384,  note. 

Catholic  Church,  early  conception 
of,  igsqq. 

Cellini,  531  sqq. 

Charlemagne,  126  sqq. 

Charles  of  Lorraine,  194  sq. 

Charles  the  Bald,  156^-^^. 

Charles  the  Bold,  477  sqq. 

Charles  the  Fat,  167  sq. 

Chartularium  universitatis  Pari- 
siensis^  465. 

Childeric  III,  120. 

Christianity  and  paganism,  i^sqq. 

Chro7iicles  and  Memorials  of  Great 
Britain.,  243. 

Chronicon  Urspergense.,  31 1. 

Church,  igsqq.\  power  of,  346  j-yy. ; 
revenues  of,  361  sqq.;  abuses  in, 
508  sqq. 

Church  and  State,  21  sqq.,  2S4  sqq., 
346  S^f.,  492  Sff. 

Church  and  the  Roman  emperors, 
2 1 sqq. 

Church  histories,  82,  note. 

Cities,  German,  296  sqq. ; Italian, 
30^  sqq.,  Sl6sqq. 

Civil  power,  relations  of,  to  the 
papacy,  21  sqq.,  284  sqq. 

Clement  of  Rome,  63,  note,  64. 

Clement  VII,  antipope,  507. 

Clergy,  24,  25,  358  sqq.,  370  sqq., 
488  sqq.,  492  sqq.,  497  sqq. 

Clericis  Laicos,  bull,  488  sqq. 

Clermont,  Council  of,  312  sqq. 


Clovis,  51  sqq.;  conversion  of, 


Codex  Carolinus,  149. 

Collection  de  textcs  pour  servir  d 
V etude  de  Vhistoire,  220. 
Collection  des  documents  inedits, 
220. 

Cologne,  Annals  of,  ig6sqq. 
Columba,  St.,  104. 

Columban,  St.,  life  of,  iii. 
Commendation,  175 
Commines,  477  sqq.,  487. 
Condottiere,  316  sq. 

Confession,  sacrament  of,  353, 
356  s^.,  499. 

Confirmation,  sacrament  of,  350  sq. 
Conrad  I,  246. 

Constance,  Council  of,  51 1 sqq. 
Constantine,  22,  note,  23. 

Convito  of  Dante,  522  sqq.,  542. 
Copying  of  books,  527  sq. 

Corpus  Juris  Canonici,  369. 
Corpus  scriptorttm  ecclesiasticorum 
Latinorum,  85. 

Cosimo  de’  Medici,  library  of, 

530  sq. 

Council  of  Constance,  511  J'y. 
Councils,  488  sqq. 

Crecy,  battle  of,  466^'^^. 
Crusaders,  317  sqq.,  331,  337  sqq. 
Crusades,  214  sqq.,  312  sqq. 
Culture  of  the  Middle  Ages,  43 1 sqq. 
Customs,  406  sqq. 

Cyprian,  19^^^.;  on  appeals  to 
the  bishop  of  Rome,  66. 

Dahlmann- W AITZ,  Quellenkunde, 
10,  note. 

Dante,  320  sqq. 

Decretals,  papal,  68  and  note, 
265, 369. 

Defensor  Pads,  491  sqq. 

Denifie,  465,  473  sqq.,  487. 
Denzinger,  Enchiridion,  370. 
Despots,  Italian,  3\(ysqq. 

Devil  and  his  wicked  angels, 
89  sqq. 

Dialogues  of  Gregory  the  Great, 
76  sq. 

Dictatus  of  Gregory  VII,  274 
Dietrich  Vrie,  510. 


Index 


547 


Dill  on  the  sack  of  Rome,  45  sq. 

Divine  Comedy^  the,  520  sqq. 

Dominic,  St.,  398. 

Doomsday  Book,  22gsq. 

Du  Cange,  Glossariii77i^  12,  192. 

Easter,  controversy  concerning, 
in  England,  103  sqq. 

Eastern  empire,  320  340 

Ebert,  Geschichte  de7'  Literatu7'^ 
34- 

Einhard,  A777ta/sj  122,  131  sqq., 
148;  dii/^  of  Char Ie77iag7ie,  120, 
126  sqq.,  148. 

Ekkehard  of  Aurach,  Chro7iicle  of, 
266  sqq.,  ^16  sqq. 

Electoral  college,  German,  307. 

England  in  the  Middle  Ages, 
222  sqq. 

England,  conversion  of,  97  sq. 

English  language,  development  of, 
43^  sqq. 

Epictetus,  15. 

Eucharist,  351  sq.,  355  sq. 

Eudes  Rigaud,  370,  377  sqq. 

Eugenius  III,  337  sq. 

Extreme  unction,  353. 

Fartiier  Helmbrecht,  418  sqq. 

Fealty,  oath  of,  ij^sqq. 

Feudalism,  ijisqq. 

Fiefs,  granting  of,  ij6sqq. 

Flodoard,  220. 

Fodrum,  305. 

Fontenay,  battle  of,  1^6  sq. 

France,  devastation  of,  during  the 
Hundred  Years’  War,  472  sqq. 

France,  development  of,  194 

Francis  of  Assisi,  St.,  387  sqq. ; 
sermon  of,  to  the  birds,  391  sq.; 
will  of,  392  sqq.;  lives  of,  397. 

Franks,  51  sqq. 

Fredegarius,  61. 

Frederick  Barbarossa,  299  sq. ; 
letter  of,  302  sq. ; in  Italy, 
303  sqq. 

Frederick  II  of  Hohenstaufen, 
laws  of,  against  heresy,  384  sqq. 

French  language,  development  of, 

432. 

Frequens,  decree,  512 

Friars,  371  sqq. 


Friedlander,  Darstellu7ige7t  aus 
der  Sitte7tges  chic  hie,  33,  note. 

Froissart,  466  487,  504 

Fulbert  of  Chartres,  1S4  sq. 

Fulcher  of  Chartres,  314,  note. 

Fulda,  A7t7tals  of,  155  sqq  , 169. 

Fulda,  founding  of,  loj  sqq. 

Fustel  de  Coulanges,  57. 

Gaillard,  Castle,  21 1. 

Galerius,  edict  of,  21  sq. 

Gelasius,  letter  of,  ’]2sq. 

Geoffrey  of  Clairvaux,  334  sq. 

Gerbert  (Sylvester  II),  220,  375. 

German  invasions,  35 

German  language,  development 
of,  437  sq. 

Germany  in  the  tenth  and  eleventh 
centuries,  245  sqq. 

Geschichtschrefber  der  deutschen 
Vorzeit,  263. 

Gildas,  244. 

Giry,  Manuel  de  diplo7natique,\2  sq. 

Godfrey  of  Bouillon,  letter  of,  325 
sqq. 

Goths,  35  sqq. ; conversion  of,  39 
sq.;  in  Italy,  42 

Grandes  Chroniques  de  la  France, 
221. 

Granson,  battle  of,  478  sqq. 

Gratian,  DecretuTn  of,  369. 

Great  Charter,  231  sqq. 

Gregory  of  Tours,  51  sqq.  60  sqq. 

Gregory  the  Great,  "13  sqq.;  Dia- 
logues of,  92  ; missionaries  of,  in 
England,  97  sqq. ; instructions  of, 
to  English  missionaries,  100  sq. 

Gregory  VII,  26^^  sqq.;  letter  of, 
to  Henry  IV,  276  sqq. ; letter  of, 
to  Hermann  of  Metz,  284  sqq. 

Grober,  Gf'tmdriss,  464. 

Gross,  Charles,  Sources  of  English 
History,  1 1 . 

Guilds,  409  sqq. 

Guizot,  220. 

Hanseatic  League,  412 

Hardt,  Von  der,  515. 

Harnack,  84,  1 1 1 . 

Harold,  224  sqq. 

Hastings,  battle  of,  224  sqq. 

Hauck,  1 1 2. 


548 


Readings  in  European  History 


Heaven,  Bede’s  description  of, 
83  sqq. ; description  of,  in  Koran, 
1 1 8 

Hefele,  84. 

Hell,  Bede’s  description  of,  93  sqq.\ 
in  Koran,  118 

Henry  I of  England,  205. 

Henry  I of  Germany,  246  sq. 

Henry  IV,  266  sqq.  ; letter  of,  to 
Gregory  VII,  279  sqq.  ; excom- 
munication of,  2S1  sq.;  penance 
of,  at  Canossa,  282  sq. 

Henry  V of  Germany,  296  sq. 

Heresy,  Cyprian  on,  21  ; attitude 
of  Roman  government  toward, 
26;  364  y]\  sqq.;  laws 

against,  384  sqq. 

Heriot,  402  sq. 

Hermann  of  Reichenau,  264. 

Hildebrand,  see  Gregory  VII. 

Hincmar  of  Rheims,  170. 

Histoh'e  litteraire  de  la  Fraiice^  220. 

Historical  atlases,  13. 

Historical  knowledge  in  the  Mid- 
dle Ages,  444  sqq. 

Hodgkin,  56. 

Homage,  ijgsqq. 

Honorius,  Emperor,  42  sq. 

Hrosvita,  264. 

Hugh  Capet,  ig^sqq. 

Humanism,  520  sqq. 

Hundred  Years’  War,  ^66  sqq. 

Hungarians,  245  sqq.,  251. 

Huns,  31,  35  t^6sqq. 

Immunity,  171  sqq. 

Indelible  characters,  349. 

Indulgences  339  sq.,  477. 

Innocent  III,  338  sqq. 

Inquisition,  397. 

Investiture,  272  sqq. ; decrees  for- 
bidding lay,  275  sq.;  settlement 
of  question  of,  290  sqq. 

Irenaeus,  63  sq. 

Irish  missionaries  in  England, 
103  sqq. 

Italian  cities,  303  sqq. 

Italian  language,  522  sqq. 

Jacques  Ide  Vitry,  345,  356  sq., 
370. 

Jaffe,  Regesta  pontijicum,  85. 


Jahrbucher  der  deutschen  c7a 
schichte,  147,  261  sq.,  294,  310. 
James,  William,  on  monasticism, 
88  sq. 

Jerome,  on  barbarian  invasions, 
44  sq. ; on  monastic  life,  86  sq. ; 
on  the  equality  of  the  bishops,  66. 
Jerusalem,  capture  of,  327  sqq. 
Jews,  333,  339,  ^,2i,sqq. 

John  of  England,  209  sqq.,  231  sqq. 
John  of  France,  t^josqq. 

John  XII,  253  sq. 

Joinville,  212  sqq. 

Jordanes,  59. 

Kent,  missionaries’  arrival  in, 
97 

Kirchenlexikon,  84. 

Koran,  the,  1145'^.;  extracts  from, 
1 16  sqq.,  124. 

Lambert  of  Hersfeld,  264. 
Langlois,  Manuel  de  bibliographie, 
10,  note. 

Langlois  and  Seignobos,  Introduce 
lion  to  the  Study  of  History,  12. 
Laws  of  the  barbarians,  57. 
Layettes  du  Tresor  des  Chartres, 
193- 

Lea,  H.  C.,  370,  396. 

Lecky,  European  Morals,  17. 
Leonardo  da  Vinci,  535  sqq. 

Leo  the  Great,  49  sqq.,  69  sqq. 

Leo  III,  131  sq. 

Libelli  de  lite,  295. 

Liber pontificalis,  85. 

Liege,  Annals  of,  2g()sqq. 

Little  Flowers  of  St.  Francis,  396. 
Liutprand,  255  264,  340 

Lives  of  the  Saints,  113. 

Lollards,  500  sqq. 

Lombard  towns,  303  sqq. 
Lombards  besiege  Rome,  122  sqq. 
Lothaire,  155 
Louis  the  Child,  246. 

Louis  the  Fat,  198  sqq. 

Louis  the  German,  \^6sqq. 

Louis  the  Pious,  155 
Louis,.  St.,  212  sqq. 

Louis  XI  of  France,  481  sqq. 
Luchaire,  Manuel  of,  192. 

Luke  of  Tuy,  365  sqq. 


Index 


549 


McCabe,  Augtcstine^  56  ; Abelard^ 

453 

Machiavelli,  Prince  of,  ^\6  sqq. 
Magna  Charta,  231  sqq. 

Magnetic  needle,  440. 

Malmesbury,  William  of,  224  sqq. 
Manichaeans,  26  and  note,  27. 

M anor,  399  sqq. 

Manor  house,  404  sq. 

A/ansus,  135,  note. 

Mapes,  Walter,  371  sqq. 
Marcellinus,  Ammianus,  35  sq.,  57. 
Marcus  Aurelius,  17,  22. 

Marozia,  251  sq. 

Marsiglio  of  Padua,  491  sqq. 

Mass,  351  sq.,  355*5-^. 

Masses  for  the  dead,  77,  note. 
Matrimony,  sacrament  of,  354. 
Matthew  of  Paris,  244. 

Matthew  of  Westminster,  24. 
Mayors  of  the  palace,  120. 
Merovingian  kings,  120  sq. 

Michael  Angelo,  537  sqq. 

Migne,  Patrologia,  84  sq. 

Milan,  305  sq. ; edict  of,  22,  note. 
Military  service,  135  sqq.,  185  sqq. 
Milman  on  Gregory  the  Great, 

Minnesingers,  437  sq. 

Mirror  of  Perfection,  396 
Mis  si,  139  sqq. 

Mithras,  18. 

Model  Parliament,  238  sqq. 
Mohammed,  WA^sqq.',  Lane-Poole 
on,  1 15 

Molinier,  Les  sources  de  Vhistoire 
de  France,  1 1 . 

Monasteries,  support  of  the, 
360  sqq. 

Monasticism,  86  sqq. 

Monk  of  St.  Gall,  149,  151  sq. 
Monks,  373  sq.,  377. 
Montalembert,  iii. 

Monumenta  Germaniae  Historica, 
8 sq.,  262  sq. 

Moralia  of  Gregory  the  Great, 
77 

Natural  science,  mediaeval, 
438  sqq. 

Neckam,  439 

Neighborhood  war,  187  sqq.,  314. 


Nicaea,  Council  of,  66  sq. 

Nicene  creed,  23. 

Nicholas  of  Clemanges,  508  sqq^ 
Nicholas  V,  library  of,  sq. 
Nithard,  169. 

Norman  Conquest,  224  sqq. 
Normandy  conquered  by  Philip 
Augustus,  21 1. 

Normans,  228  sq. 

Norse  sagas,  152  sqq. 

Northmen,  150^^^. 

Northumbria,  conversion  of, 
1 01  sqq. 

Nuns,  379. 

OCTAVIAN  (John  XII),  253  sq. 
Octavo  edition  of  the  Monumenta^ 
263. 

Odo,  count  of  Paris,  166 
Ordericus  Vitalis,  221. 

Ordination,  sacrament  of,  353  sq. 
Orosius,  58. 

Ortlieb,  363  sqq. 

Otto  of  Freising,  302  sqq.,  31 1. 
Otto  the  Great,  sqq.,  253 
Otto  II,  privilege  of,  granted  to 
towns,  412.  j 
Otto  IV  of  Germany,  307  sqq. 

Pagan  gods  regarded  as  demons, 
90  sqq. 

Paganism  and  Christianity,  14  sqq. 
Papacy,  62  sqq.,  66  sq.,  250  sqq., 
2Z\sqq.,  372,  488  sqq.,  492  sqq. 
Paris,  siege  of,  by  Northmen, 
163  sqq. 

Parliament,  English,  238  sqq. 
Paschal  II,  2^2  sqq.,  zgo  sqq. 
Pastoral  Charge  of  Gregory  the 
Great,  80  sqq.,  222  sqq. 

Paulus  Diaconus,  61. 

Peasants,  399  sqq.,  418  sqq. 
Penance,  sacrament  of,  352  sq. 
Peter  at  Rome,  62  sqq.,  495  sqq. 
Peter  Lombard,  370. 

Peter  the  Hermit,  333. 

Petrarch,  502  sqq.,  524  sqq. 

Philip  Augustus,  206  sqq. 

Philip  of  Germany,  307  sqq. 

Philip  the  Fair,  488  sqq. 
Philobiblon,  358. 

Piers  Plowman,  Vision  of  sqq. 


550 


Readings  in  European  History 


Pilgrims,  335  sq. 

Pilichdorfer,  383  sqq. 

Pippin,  120  sqq. 

Popes,  see  Papacy. 

Post-Nicene  Father s^  85. 

Potthast,  Wegweiser  of,  10  ; Regesta 
pontificum^  31 1. 

Precaria,  \q\sq. 

Prisons  Panites,  visit  to  Attila, 
30  sqq.,  46  sqq. 

Privileges  of  crusaders,  337  sqq. 
Procopius,  60. 

Prosper,  49. 

Proven9al,  434  sqq. 
Pseudo-Isidorian  decretals,  265. 
Purgatory,  Bede’s  description  of, 
83  sqq. 

Pythagoreans,  18. 

Raoul  Glaber,  196  sqq.,  220. 
Raphael,  536  sq. 

Rashdall,  458,  462. 
Realencyklopddie  fiir  protestan- 
tische  Theologie,  84. 

Reciieil  des  historiens  des  croisades, 

345- 

Reciieil  des  htsto^'ieiis  des  Gaules, 

219. 

Regino,  continuation  of,  245  sqq. 
Regino  of  Priim,  169. 

Reiner,  300  sqq. 

Renaissance,  531  sqq.,  566 
Revelation  of  Golias,  371  sqq. 
Richard  of  Bury,  358  sqq. 

Richer,  194  sqq.,  220. 

Richter,  Amtalen,  262. 

Rigord,  206  sqq.,  221,  445  sq. 
Robert,  king  of  France,  196  sqq. 
Robert  of  Sorbonne,  216  sq. 
Robert  the  Monk,  312  sqq.,  345. 
Roger  Bacon,  460  sqq. 

Roger  of  Hoveden,  244. 

Roger  of  Wendover,  231  sqq. 

Rolls  Series,  243. 

Roman  Church,  see  Papacy. 
Roman  Empire,  break-up  of, 
35 

Roman  government  and  the 

Church,  21  sqq. 

Romans  compared  with  the  bar- 
barians, 28  sqq. 

Rome,  sack  of,  by  Alaric,  43  sqq. 


Rome,  siege  of,  by  the  Lombards, 
122  sqq. 

Rouen,  surrender  of,  212. 

Ruotger,  259 
Rutilius  Namatianus,  46. 

Sabatier,  396  sq. 

Sacraments,  348  sqq.,  383  sqq. 
Sacrosancta,  decree,  51 1 
Sagas,  1^2  sqq. 

St.  Albans,  historians  of,  244. 

St.  Bertin,  Annals  of,  157  sq.^ 
169. 

St.  Denis,  historians  of,  221. 

St.  Vaast,  Annals  of,  163  sqq., 
169. 

Saints,  Lives  of,  59. 

Salvian,  28  sqq.,  58. 

Sardika,  Council  of,  67. 

Saxons,  129^’^.,  150^“^^. 

Schism,  Great,  origin  of,  506  sqq. 
Scholasticism,  455  sqq. 

Schools  established  by  Charle- 
magne, 144  sqq. 

Science,  mediaeval,  460  sqq. 
Seneca,  14. 

Serfs,  399  sqq.,  405  sq. 

Severinus,  59. 

Sforza,  517. 

Sidonius  Apollinaris,  58 
Siricius,  decretal  of,  68. 

Societe  de  I’histoire  de  France, 
publications  of,  220. 

Soissons,  vase  of,  51  sq. 

Sources,  historical,  i sqq. 
Spurriers,  articles  of,  4og  sqq. 
Stephen  of  Blois,  321  sqq. 

Stephen  of  Bourbon,  355  sq.,  370. 
Stephen  III,  Pope,  letter  of,  to 
Pippin,  122. 

Stoics,  16. 

Strasburg  oath,  432  sq. 

Stubbs,  on  feudalism,  187. 
Students,  privileges  granted  to, 
452  sq. 

Sturmi,  107  sqq. 

Suger,  igS  sqq.,  221,  2^2  sqq. 
Swiss,  478  sqq. 

Sylvester  II,  375  and  note. 

Tacitus,  Germania,  28,  note. 
Tertullian,  64  sq. 


Index 


551 


Theodoricus  de  Nyem,  515. 
Theodosian  Code,  23  sqq. 
Theodosius  the  Great,  41. 
Thietmar,  264. 

Thomas  of  Celano,  387  sqq.^  396  sq. 
Thor,  oak  of,  106. 

Three  Companions,  The,  396  jy. 
Towns,  German,  2g6sqq.;  mediae- 
val, 406  sqq. 

Traill,  242. 

Trajan,  22. 

Transubstantiation,  352,  355  sq.^ 

499 

Trojans,  Franks  descended  from, 

445 

Troubadours,  434  sqq. 

Truce  of  God,  187  sqq. 

Udalrich^  336. 

Unam  Sanctam^  bull,  346  sqq. 
Universities,  446  448,  453^^. 

Urban  II,  address  of,  at  Clermont, 
Z^2sqq. 

Urban  VI,  506. 

Valens^  38  sq..,  40. 

Valentinian  II,  edict  of,  72. 

Vasari,  532,  534^$'^^. 

Vassalage,  ijgsqq.,  184 
Vatican  archives,  31 1. 

Vatican  Library,  S2g  sq. 

Verden,  massacre  of,  137. 
Vespasiano,  '^2gsqq. 

Villari,  56. 

Virgin,  the  holy,  357  sq. 

Vision  of  Piers  Plowman,  47  S sqq. 


Waldensians,  380  sq. 

Walsingham,  487. 

Walther  von  der  Vogelweide,  375 
sq.,  437  sq. 

Wattenbach,  Deiitschlands  Ge- 
schichtsqnellen,  ii. 

Watterich,  265. 

Welf  receives  duchy  of  Bavaria, 
269. 

Wernher  the  Gardener,  418  sqq. 
West  Goths  in  Italy,  41  sq. 
White-tawyers,  rules  of,  41 1 sqq. 
Widukind,  rebellion  of,  129. 
Widukind  of  Corvei,  chronicler, 
248  sqq.,  264. 

Wilfrid,  104. 

William  of  Malmesbury,  224  sqq., 
244. 

William  of  Tyre,  345. 

William  the  Conqueror,  224  sqq., 
229  sqq. 

Willibald,  Zife  of  Boniface,  106 
Wolfram  von  Eschenbach,  41^  sqq. 
Worms,  Concordat  of,  292  sq. 
Wycliffe,  4g7  sqq. 

Xanten,  Annals  of  69,  158  sqq. 

Yea  and  Nay,  Abelard’s,  449  sqq. 
Year  1000,  legend  of,  3. 

Zacharius,  Pope,  decrees  that 
Pippin  be  crowned  king,  120. 
Zoology,  mediaeval,  442. 

Zosimus,  42,  note. 

Zwifalt,  monastery  of,  363 


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